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  1. (1 other version)Arrogance, Anger and Debate.Alessandra Tanesini - 2018 - Symposion. Theoretical and Applied Inquiries in Philosophy and Social Sciences 5 (2):213-227.
    Alessandra Tanesini ABSTRACT: Arrogance has widespread negative consequences for epistemic practices. Arrogant people tend to intimidate and humiliate other agents, and to ignore or dismiss their views. They have a propensity to mansplain. They are also angry. In this paper I explain why anger is a common manifestation of arrogance in order to understand the...
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  • (1 other version)Arrogance, anger and debate.Alessandra Tanesini - 2018 - Symposion: Theoretical and Applied Inquiries in Philosophy and Social Sciences 5 (2):213-227.
    Arrogance has widespread negative consequences for epistemic practices. Arrogant people tend to intimidate and humiliate other agents, and to ignore or dismiss their views. They have a propensity to mansplain. They are also angry. In this paper I explain why anger is a common manifestation of arrogance in order to understand the effects of arrogance on debate. I argue that superbia (which is the kind of arrogance that is my concern here) is a vice of superiority characterised by an overwhelming (...)
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  • A Duty to Resist: When Disobedience Should Be Uncivil.Candice Delmas - 2018 - New York, USA: Oxford University Press.
    What are our responsibilities in the face of injustice? How far should we go to fight it? Many would argue that as long as a state is nearly just, citizens have a moral duty to obey the law. Proponents of civil disobedience generally hold that, given this moral duty, a person needs a solid justification to break the law. But activists from Henry David Thoreau and Mohandas Gandhi to the Movement for Black Lives have long recognized that there are times (...)
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  • Intellectual virtues: An essay in regulative epistemology * by R. C. Roberts and W. J. wood.R. Roberts & W. Wood - 2009 - Analysis 69 (1):181-182.
    Since the publication of Edmund Gettier's challenge to the traditional epistemological doctrine of knowledge as justified true belief, Roberts and Wood claim that epistemologists lapsed into despondency and are currently open to novel approaches. One such approach is virtue epistemology, which can be divided into virtues as proper functions or epistemic character traits. The authors propose a notion of regulative epistemology, as opposed to a strict analytic epistemology, based on intellectual virtues that function not as rules or even as skills (...)
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  • (1 other version)Taking Rights Seriously.Ronald Dworkin - 1979 - Mind 88 (350):305-309.
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  • (2 other versions)A Theory of Justice.John Rawls - unknown
    Since it appeared in 1971, John Rawls's A Theory of Justice has become a classic. The author has now revised the original edition to clear up a number of difficulties he and others have found in the original book. Rawls aims to express an essential part of the common core of the democratic tradition--justice as fairness--and to provide an alternative to utilitarianism, which had dominated the Anglo-Saxon tradition of political thought since the nineteenth century. Rawls substitutes the ideal of the (...)
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  • A Theory of Justice: Original Edition.John Rawls - 2005 - Belknap Press.
    Though the revised edition of A Theory of Justice, published in 1999, is the definitive statement of Rawls's view, so much of the extensive literature on Rawls's theory refers to the first edition. This reissue makes the first edition once again available for scholars and serious students of Rawls's work.
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  • Rethinking Civil Disobedience as a Practice of Contestation—Beyond the Liberal Paradigm.Robin Celikates - 2016 - Constellations 23 (1):37-45.
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  • The Ethics of Government Whistleblowing.Candice Delmas - 2015 - Social Theory and Practice 41 (1):77-105.
    What is wrong with government whistleblowing and when can it be justified? In my view, ‘government whistleblowing’, i.e., the unauthorized acquisition and disclosure of classified information about the state or government, is a form of ‘political vigilantism’, which involves transgressing the boundaries around state secrets, for the purpose of challenging the allocation or use of power. It may nonetheless be justified when it is suitably constrained and exposes some information that the public ought to know and deliberate about. Government whistleblowing (...)
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  • Opinion leaders, independence, and Condorcet's Jury Theorem.David M. Estlund - 1994 - Theory and Decision 36 (2):131-162.
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  • Deliberation, cognitive diversity, and democratic inclusiveness: an epistemic argument for the random selection of representatives.Hélène Landemore - 2013 - Synthese 190 (7):1209-1231.
    This paper argues in favor of the epistemic properties of inclusiveness in the context of democratic deliberative assemblies and derives the implications of this argument in terms of the epistemically superior mode of selection of representatives. The paper makes the general case that, all other things being equal and under some reasonable assumptions, more is smarter. When applied to deliberative assemblies of representatives, where there is an upper limit to the number of people that can be included in the group, (...)
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  • (1 other version)Defining civil disobedience.Brian Smart - 1978 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy 21 (1-4):249 – 269.
    Though all of the principal features of Rawls's definition of civil disobedience are in varying degrees unacceptable, one of these consists of the fertile but unargued suggestion that civil disobedience is a mode of address. The first half of the paper tests this by construing civil disobedience as a vehicle of non?natural meaning (but not necessarily of linguistic non?natural meaning) and so as operating the Gricean mechanism of a hierarchy of intentions and beliefs. This feature is absent from other definitions (...)
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  • Epistemic democracy: Generalizing the Condorcet jury theorem.Christian List & Robert E. Goodin - 2001 - Journal of Political Philosophy 9 (3):277–306.
    This paper generalises the classical Condorcet jury theorem from majority voting over two options to plurality voting over multiple options. The paper further discusses the debate between epistemic and procedural democracy and situates its formal results in that debate. The paper finally compares a number of different social choice procedures for many-option choices in terms of their epistemic merits. An appendix explores the implications of some of the present mathematical results for the question of how probable majority cycles (as in (...)
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  • The division of cognitive labor.Philip Kitcher - 1990 - Journal of Philosophy 87 (1):5-22.
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  • Beyond Fairness and Deliberation: The Epistemic Dimension of Democratic Authority.David Estlund - 1997 - In James Bohman & William Rehg (eds.), Deliberative Democracy: Essays on Reason and Politics. MIT Press. pp. 173-204.
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  • Deliberation Down and Dirty: Must Political Expression Be Civil?David Estlund - 2001 - In Thomas R. Hensley (ed.), The Boundaries of Freedom of Expression and Order in American Democracy. Kent State University Press. pp. 49-67.
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  • Arrogance, Truth and Public Discourse.Michael Patrick Lynch - 2018 - Episteme 15 (3):283-296.
    Democracies, Dewey and others have argued, are ideally spaces of reasons – they allow for an exchange of reasons both practical and epistemic by those willing to engage in that discourse. That requires that citizens have convictions they believe in, but it also requires that they be willing to listen to each other. This paper examines how a particular psychological attitude, “epistemic arrogance,” can undermine the achievement of these goals. The paper presents an analysis of this attitude and then examines (...)
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  • A Critique of Pure Tolerance. [REVIEW]J. H. R., Robert Paul Wolff, Barrington Moore & Herbert Marcuse - 1966 - Journal of Philosophy 63 (16):457.
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  • Conscience and Conviction: The Case for Civil Disobedience.Kimberley Brownlee - 2012 - Oxford University Press UK.
    Oxford Legal Philosophy publishes the best new work in philosophically-oriented legal theory. It commissions and solicits monographs in all branches of the subject, including works on philosophical issues in all areas of public and private law, and in the national, transnational, and international realms; studies of the nature of law, legal institutions, and legal reasoning; treatments of problems in political morality as they bear on law; and explorations in the nature and development of legal philosophy itself. The series represents diverse (...)
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  • Whistleblowing as civil disobedience.William E. Scheuerman - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (7):609-628.
    The media hoop-la about Edward Snowden has obscured a less flashy yet more vital – and philosophically relevant – part of the story, namely the moral and political seriousness with which he acted to make the hitherto covert scope and scale of NSA surveillance public knowledge. Here I argue that we should interpret Snowden’s actions as meeting most of the demanding tests outlined in sophisticated political thinking about civil disobedience. Like Thoreau, Gandhi, King and countless other (forgotten) grass-roots activists, Snowden (...)
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  • (2 other versions)The Authority of Law.Alan R. White & J. Raz - 1980 - Philosophical Quarterly 30 (120):278.
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  • Some remarks on the probability of cycles - Appendix 3 to 'Epistemic democracy: generalizing the Condorcet jury theorem'.Christian List - 2001 - Journal of Political Philosophy 9 (3):277-306.
    This item was published as 'Appendix 3: An Implication of the k-option Condorcet jury mechanism for the probability of cycles' in List and Goodin (2001) http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/705/. Standard results suggest that the probability of cycles should increase as the number of options increases and also as the number of individuals increases. These results are, however, premised on a so-called "impartial culture" assumption: any logically possible preference ordering is assumed to be as likely to be held by an individual as any other. (...)
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  • Civil Disobedience and the Public Sphere.William Smith - 2011 - Journal of Political Philosophy 19 (2):145-166.
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  • Animal Rescue as Civil Disobedience.Tony Milligan - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (3):281-298.
    Apparently illegal cases of animal rescue can be either open or covert: ‘open rescue’ is associated with organizations such as Animal Liberation Victoria and Animal Liberation New South Wales; ‘covert rescue’ is associated with the Animal Liberation Front. While the former seems to qualify non-controversially as civil disobedience I argue that at least some instances of the latter could also qualify as civil disobedience just so long as various norms of civility are satisfied. The case for such a move is (...)
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  • Review of Ronald Dworkin: A matter of principle[REVIEW]Ronald Dworkin - 1987 - Ethics 97 (2):481-483.
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  • Making it up on Volume: Are Larger Groups Really Smarter?Paul J. Quirk - 2014 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 26 (1-2):129-150.
    ABSTRACTHélène Landemore's Democratic Reason offers a new justification for democracy and for broad-based citizen participation, appealing to the “emergent” intelligence of large, diverse groups. She argues that ordinary citizens should rule as directly as possible because they will make better informed, more intelligent decisions than, for example, appointed officials, councils of experts, or even elected representatives. The foundation of this conclusion is the premise that “diversity trumps ability” in a wide range of contexts. But the main support for that claim (...)
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  • To Shape a New World: Essays on the Political Philosophy of Martin Luther King, Jr.Brandon M. Terry & Tommie Shelby (eds.) - 2018 - Harvard University Press.
    "On the 50th anniversary of Martin Luther King, Jr.'s, assassination, his political thought remains underappreciated. Tommie Shelby and Brandon Terry, along with a cast of distinguished contributors, engage critically with King's understudied writings on a wide range of compelling, challenging topics and rethink the legacy of this towering figure."--Provided by publisher.
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  • (1 other version)Taking Rights Seriously.Ronald Dworkin - 1979 - Ethics 90 (1):121-130.
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  • Review of Ronald Dworkin: Taking rights seriously[REVIEW]Thomas D. Perry - 1977 - Ethics 88 (1):80-86.
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  • Democracy isn't that smart : On landemore's democratic reason.Aaron Ancell - 2017 - Episteme 14 (2):161-175.
    In her recent book, Democratic Reason, Hélène Landemore argues that, when evaluated epistemically, “a democratic decision procedure is likely to be a better decision procedure than any non-democratic decision procedures, such as a council of experts or a benevolent dictator” (p. 3). Landemore's argument rests heavily on studies of collective intelligence done by Lu Hong and Scott Page. These studies purport to show that cognitive diversity – differences in how people solve problems – is actually more important to overall group (...)
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  • (1 other version)Defining Civil Disobedience.Brian Smart - 1991 - In Hugo Adam Bedau (ed.), Civil Disobedience in Focus. Routledge.
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