In Black Feminist Thought, Patricia Hill Collins explores the words and ideas of Black feminist intellectuals as well as those African-American women outside academe. She not only provides an interpretive framework for the work of such prominent Black feminist thinkers as Angela Davis, Alice Walker, and Audre Lorde, but she shows the importance of self-defined knowledge for group empowerment. In the tenth anniversary edition of this award-winning work, Patricia Hill Collins expands the basic arguments of the first edition by adding (...) several important new themes. A new discussion of heterosexism as a system of power, an expanded treatment of images of Black womanhood, U.S. Black feminism's connections to Black Diasporic feminisms, and more attention to the importance of social class and nationalism all appear in the new edition. In addition, the new edition includes recent developments in black cultural studies, especially black popular culture, as well as recent events and trends such as the Anita Hill hearings and the backlash against affirmative action. (shrink)

"A stellar cast of authors discuss and describe feminist research, reflecting the state of feminist discourse in sociology.... its high quality makes it a must in sociology and women's studies collections." —Choice "... empowering... thought-provoking... " —Gender & Society "... a valuable addition to the literature on feminism and method that reveals important discrepancies and shared themes in its chapters." —Contemporary Sociology In this interdisciplinary collection of articles by internationally recognized feminist scholars, the authors examine efforts to apply feminist principles (...) to the research act. Each stage of the research process is examined, from sampling techniques to mass media packaging and marketing of feminist research. The essays address both abstract philosophical questions and the more practical ways theories are translated into feminist inquiry. (shrink)

Research has shown that a majority of employed women experience sexual harassment and suffer negative repercussions because of it; yet only a minority of these women label their experiences “sexual harassment.” To investigate how people identify sexual harassment, in-depth interviews were conducted with 18 waitpeople in restaurants in Austin, Texas. Most respondents worked in highly sexualized work environments. Respondents labeled sexual advances as sexual harassment only in four specific contexts: when perpetrated by someone who exploited their powerful position for personal (...) sexual gain; when the perpetrator was of a different race/ethnicity than the victim—typically a minority man harassing a white woman; when the perpetrator was of a different sexual orientation than the victim—typically a gay man harassing a straight man; or when violence or the threat of violence was used. The authors argue that the hegemonic norms of acceptable sexual activity privilege heterosexual relationships, legitimize institutionalized forms of sexual exploitation in the workplace, and may protect assailants of the same race and sexual orientation as their victims from charges of sexual harassment. (shrink)

A survey of 525 undergraduates found that 40 percent of the women and 28.7 percent of the men had been sexually harassed by a college professor or instructor. Most incidents were gender harassment. While women reported significantly more gender harassment than did men, there were no gender differences in the frequency of unwanted sexual attention or sexual coercion. At least one incident of sexual harassment by a professor was experienced by 30 percent of the Blacks, 30 percent of the Hispanics, (...) 33 percent of the Asians, 30 percent of the students of other minority groups, and 39 percent of the whites. Again, most of the experiences were gender harassment. Among those respondents who had experienced at least one incident of sexual harassment, almost all answered “never” to the question “Have you ever been sexually harassed by a college professor or instructor?” We conclude with some suggestions, particularly the need to improve measurement of the harassment experiences of men and of nonwhite women. (shrink)

Contrapower sexual harassment occurs when the target of harassment possesses greater formal organizational power than the perpetrator. Traditional conceptualizations of power underlying sexual harassment have either focused on location within organizational hierarchies or sociocultural status differences between men and women. We suggest the utility of simultaneously considering the influence of gender, race, and class on power dynamics at organizational, sociocultural, and interpersonal or individual levels. Using qualitative data obtained from 8 focus groups, 20 interviews, and 1 in-depth case study, we (...) examine how gender, race, and class influence varied sources of power available to perpetrators and targets in workplace contrapower situations. We argue that the exploration of the dynamics involved in contrapower sexual harassment can illuminate broader processes of doing gender and power in the workplace. (shrink)