The primary goal of this research was to determine the influence of social media marketing (SMM) on the customer purchasing behavior (CPB) of senior high school (SHS) students. Utilizing the non-experimental quantitative method of research and validated questionnaires in data analysis with Mean, Person Product-Moment Correlation Coefficient (Pearson-r), and Multiple Linear Regression Analysis as statistical tools, the outcome displayed that the levels of social media marketing and customer purchasing behavior through the lens of SHS students are high, which means that (...) these two variables are oftentimes manifested. There is a strong positive relationship between social media marketing and customer purchasing behavior. It was also found out that quality content, as a domain of social media marketing, best influences customer purchasing behavior. (shrink)

Can deconstruction be accomplished not through the close reading of just one discourse, but through its combination with another? This paper aims at exploring this second way of performing deconstruction through a particular case study: Marxism and psychoanalysis. In the body of the essay, the history of Freudo-Marxism is divided into two parts, depending on which psychoanalyst stands as point of reference: Freud or Lacan. We proceed by studying the four main strategies by virtue of which a genuine combination between (...) Marxism and psychoanalysis has been historically attempted: separation (Reich), domination (Marcuse), contradiction (Althusser) and, finally, deconstruction (Laclau). (shrink)

El presente artículo pretende mirar a Latinoamérica desde la perspectiva de la ontología. Y como hay algo que no acaba de encajar, busca en el inexplorado terreno de la meontología y el no-ser a partir de dos pensadores políticos latinoamericanos recientes, Dussel y Laclau. Por un lado, la Filosofía de la Liberación asocia el centro con la ontología y el ser, así como la periferia con lo Otro y el no-ser. De esto se desprende que, aun y asumiendo el heideggeriano (...) “olvido del ser”, la ontología helenocéntrica se basa en la negación aún más originaria y fundamental de la nada. A continuación, se intenta demostrar cómo esta renegación ha ido de la mano de la exclusión de lo bárbaro, lo popular y lo femenino, principalmente. Tras un breve ex cursus sobre Schmitt en tanto que la forma más acabada de horror vacui dentro de la ontología política europea, el artículo concluye con un análisis pormenorizado de la reconceptualización del vacío en la obra de Laclau, que puede permitir una mejor comprensión del populismo en general, y de su vertiente latinoamericana en particular. (shrink)

This study investigates the relationship between personality traits and coping styles among college students in private higher educational institution. Hence, employing correlational design to assess the relationship between coping styles and personality of 150 college students. The statistical analysis reveals that the r coefficient of 0.54 indicates a moderate positive correlation between the variables. The p-value of 0.00, which is less than 0.05, leads to the decision to reject the null hypothesis. Hence, a significant relationship exists between coping style and (...) personality traits among fourth-year college students in a private state university. (shrink)

There was a lot of fuss a few years ago about the landing of left-wing populism in the global North at the hands of Syriza, Podemos, La France Insoumise, Corbyn and Sanders, but there has not been as much critical evaluation on their breakthroughs and limitations after their electoral defeats. Jorge Tamames’ book "For the People" attempts to do so by focusing on two particular case studies: Spain and the United States.

Seguramente lo más interesante de la suspensión de la cuenta de Twitter del ya expresidente Trump después del asalto al Capitolio no sea el debate tan manido sobre los límites de la libertad de expresión, sino el hecho mucho más significativo de que hoy es Twitter quien decide sobre el estado de excepción. Para desentrañar esta particular relación entre técnica y estado de excepción tan característica de nuestro predicamento contemporáneo, hay que leer a Giorgio Agamben. En este sentido, el libro (...) de Juan Evaristo Valls Boix, Política sin obra, ofrece una introducción tan divulgativa como profunda al trabajo del filósofo político italiano. Este ejemplar se enmarca dentro de la colección Pensamiento político posfundacional de la Editorial Gedisa, que lleva desempeñando, en los últimos años, una labor pedagógica admirable a la hora de dar a conocer al público, en lengua castellana y catalana, los principales filósofos y filósofas de lo político que han problematizado cualquier tipo de fundacionalismo –Lyotard, Foucault, Arendt, Derrida, Lefort, Laclau, Mouffe, Badiou, Rancière, Butler, Nancy, Abensour y Anzaldúa, entre otros y otras–. Cuando llega el turno de introducir a Agamben, la directora de la colección, Laura Llevadot, ya avisa que se trata de una auténtica “introducción a la vida no fascista”, haciendo un guiño al prólogo de Foucault sobre el Anti-Edipo de Deleuze y Guattari. (shrink)

“There is a long tradition in Latin American debates that is not well known in Europe and the United States…” (p. 89). This sentence, almost read in passing in the middle of the book in relation to two different conceptions of the nation, can be said to summarize the main spirit behind Biglieri and Cadahia’s populist actualization of Mariátegui’s classic, Seven Interpretative Essays on Peruvian Reality (1928). In this case, the book we have in our hands is difficult to define (...) or classify. Clearly, it is not a purely “academic” enterprise –as the very authors disclaim in the first lines of their Introduction (p. xxii). It has no full presumption of “objectivity” or “neutrality” because it takes a self-reflected partisan point of view. Conversely, it is not a “manifesto” either, since it engages deeply in theoretical debates after rigorously reviewing the existing literature. Perhaps the best way to define these Essays on Populism is finding rescue in Althusser’s notion of “theoretical intervention”, and Biglieri and Cadahia develop a total of seven placing “populism” in relation to different conjunctures: its own methodology (empirical or ontological), the Left/Right imaginary, neoliberal fascism, (plebeian) Republicanism, (inter)nationalism and feminism. However, the result is not a concatenation of isolated “papers”, but a constellation illuminated by a similar light, which I take it to be no other than the laudable attempt to bring to the fore a series of militant experiences, philosophical theses and heated debates with Latin American autonomists and Spanish republicans which are not always well known in the English-speaking literature, despite they have the power to dislocate the question around populism. (shrink)

Thomas Hobbes's 'Historia Ecclesiastica' presents his views on religion and aims to divert the attention of the public from charges against his being a heretic to placing heresy in pagan history, claiming that Greek philosophers were responsible for introducing heresy in the Christian Church. His book reveals his interest in religious history and the growth of hermeticism and Cabalism in England in his age.

What is the value of intellectual playfulness? Traditional characterizations of the ideal thinker often leave out playfulness; the ideal inquirer is supposed to be sober, careful, and conscientiousness. But elsewhere we find another ideal: the laughing sage, the playful thinker. These are models of intellectual playfulness. Intellectual playfulness, I suggest, is the disposition to try out alternate belief systems for fun – to try on radically different perspectives for the sheer pleasure of it. But what would the cog-nitive value be (...) of such playfulness? I suggest that intellectual playfulness function as, at the very least, a kind of intellectual insurance policy against epistemic traps. An epistemic trap is a belief system that re-directs good-faith inquiry to bad results. Am epistemic trap manipulates background beliefs to fend off contrary evidence. For example, a conspiracy theory might include a set of beliefs about how the mainstream media has been taken over by some vicious cabal. Normal epistemic attempts will be captured by a well-wrought epistemic trap, because normal attempts at inquiry are guided by these background beliefs -- which set what counts as a plausible path to explore, and what is implausible or beyond the pale. And a clever epistemic trap will manipulate those background beliefs for ill effect. Intellectual playfulness, on the other hand, isn’t motivated by an epistemic interest in the truth, but in the sheer pleasure of intellectual exploration. Since intellectual playfulness isn’t oriented towards the truth, it won’t be constrained by an agent’s background beliefs – it won’t, for example, prefer to investigate apparently more plausible pathways. Intellectual playfulness offers an opportunity to escape from epistemic traps. But intellectual playfulness has its own limitations. It will only drive us to explore belief systems when that exploration is fun. What we need is an array of differently-motivated exploratory tendencies – empathy, curiosity, playfulness – each of which will each cover for the others’ limitations. (shrink)

Las actuales circunstancias políticas y culturales nos sumergen en una realidad paradojal, por un lado se exaltan la subjetividad, la autonomía, la independencia y al mismo tiempo se constriñen las libertades pretendiendo reducir todas las voluntades a una masa informe pero obediente al mandato de una conciencia colectiva omnipresente. Para una cabal comprensión de la realidad y alcances de la libertad humana se hace imprescindible entonces remitirnos a los horizontes de comprensión que nos brinda la Antropología, particularmente la Antropología Trascendental, (...) pues emerge como una respuesta clara, profunda y a grandes interrogantes de nuestro tiempo. (shrink)

Las últimas décadas del siglo XX hasta nuestros días parecen estar mostrando un continuo abandono de la filosofía para explicar los temas del mundo y del hombre, más específicamente, el abandono de la metafísica. ¿Se está olvidando la metafísica?, ¿se trata de un saber perimido, reservado sólo para especialistas de estudios clásicos? En esta comunicación pretendo señalar, en primer lugar la actualidad e importancia de la reflexión en torno a la antropología filosófica, y en segundo, la insoslayable necesidad de contar (...) con una metafísica como saber de supuestos. Toda antropología se basa en una idea de hombre, en una filosofía que intenta explicar quién es el ser humano. La ciencia no puede dar una respuesta cabal a dichos supuestos, porque su estatuto epistemológico asume como hechos de experiencia la constitución psico-física humana y su comportamiento. La filosofía, en cambio, indaga acerca del por qué del ser humano, no solo de sus aspectos fenomenológicos, sino el sustrato que lo constituye. Mucho se ha oído hablar de la crisis de la metafísica, sin embargo, a pesar de “tantos sepultureros” que desean enterrarla, ella se sigue presentando para reclamar respuestas fundamentales, radicales. ¿Por qué tanto rechazo? Este es un tema que nos puede dar para pensar y debatir en el Congreso que celebramos. Hay propuestas de una “renovación de la metafísica” que viene de corrientes personalistas, pero también hay sugerencias estimulantes desde la Filosofía Analítica, ¿merece la pena el intento? Quisiera recordar que las preguntas que se oyen en nuestras aulas de Filosofía remiten a explicaciones de hondo calado acerca del hombre, si deseamos plantear una antropología filosófica que no se quede en medianías, tal vez haya que analizar la vuelta a esa reflexión de ultimidades. (shrink)

Históricamente ha sido la filosofía, y específicamente la axiología y la ética, la principal disciplina en la cual se ha llevado a cabo la reflexión en torno a los conceptos de virtud y valor. Sin embargo, en las últimas décadas, los avances en disciplinas afines a la filosofía, como la psicología, la antropología y la sociología parece indicar que, para lograr una comprensión cabal de los valores y de la virtud como fenómenos naturales, es necesario complementar los métodos característicos de (...) la reflexión filosófica con métodos empíricos de investigación, para así iluminar la reflexión normativa sobre el “deber ser” con los hallazgos sobre la naturaleza humana, sobre el “es”. (shrink)

In this essay I take up the later major anti-Semitic propaganda pieces, all of them released in 1940. They were produced under Goebbels explicit orders to each of the three Nazi-controlled studios to produce an anti-Semitic film. The three films produced were: The Rothschilds Share at Waterloo; Jud Suss; and The Eternal Jew. These films were much more powerful propaganda pieces in intensifying anti-Semitic feelings—those feelings of difference, disgust, and danger. For each film, I point to the scenes that arouse (...) the feelings even more profoundly than did the earlier films. The Rothschilds’ Shares at Waterloo put forward the conspiracy theory (widespread to this day) that Jewish bankers form a conspiratorial cabal bent upon world domination. Jew Suss (which was presented as historically true) pushes the narrative of Jews using money to take power, and of their boundless lust for young Christian women (hence the danger of “racial pollution”). Of all the anti-Semitic propaganda films the regime produced, the top regime figures considered this to be the most powerful—about 40% of German adults of the time saw this film. It is banned in Germany to this day. Finally, The Eternal Jew—perhaps the most infamous of the group—is presented as a truthful documentary. While this sham documentary was a comparative box office flop, it was widely used as a training film. (shrink)

El artículo da noticia del marco de la discusión contemporánea acerca del lenguaje en el ámbito angloamericano, con el objetivo de lograr una mejor comprensión del trabajo en torno al lenguaje que viene desarrollándose en los últimos años. Se ofrece un breve panorama histórico de la filosofía del lenguaje de la primera mitad del siglo XX que se centró particularmente en la lógica y de describe la transformación pragmatista de la filosofía del lenguaje acaecida en las últimas décadas, para finalmente (...) desvelar algunas de las claves que —a juicio del autor— resultan decisivas para una cabal comprensión del lenguaje jurídico. (shrink)

No USA president in history has received as much opposition as Donald Trump has from all three components of the Establishment, namely the financial establishment, the political establishment and the corporate media establishment. The election of Donald Trump to the office of presidency is marked with dozens of historical first events that are anything but lackluster, yet a bleak picture of Fascism has been painted to describe Trump. This is an extraordinary piece of disinformation, as no modern president has been (...) more consistent in plainly saying what he will do regarding US military and geopolitical goals, both outside and in office. This, even though his stated position is clearly opposite to the wishes of the dominant cabal, supported by both parties, and to US foreign policy since WWII. USA history is not very long, but Trump presidency and his inaugural speech marked a historic starting point for this 'democracy'. Every sentence of Donald J. Trump's inaugural speech was a departure from diplomacy. Knowing what diplomacy actually means, it's a great step toward transparency. It is the best thing that happened in US political history. It is no surprise the Media established completely flipped, the political establishment gasped, and the financial establishment started to conspire a different strategy (George Soros declaring he wants Trump presidency to fail). In the mean time, the typically apolitical science and technology establishment declared Trump completely unfit for the office that he has just been elected to. Trump’s inaugural speech that contained phrases like, "It's time to remember that old wisdom our soldiers will never forget, that whether we are black or brown or white, we all bleed the same red blood of patriots", was in sharp contrast to how Abraham Lincoln viewed America, when he said, "I, as much as any other man, stand in favor of having the superior position assigned to the white race… I have no purpose to introduce political and social equality between the white and the black races." Trump’s embrace of humanity and righteousness was reminiscent of Prophet Muhammad’s last sermon at the pilgrimage, where he said over 1400 years, "An Arab is no better than a non-Arab, and a non-Arab is no better than an Arab; a red man is no better than a black man and a black man is no better than a red man – except if it is in terms of piety." Yet, Trump took oath of office swearing on the bible used by Abraham Lincoln. In this two-part paper, the key research question answered is what Trump presidency stands for. In answering this question, the first part deconstructs some of the dominant theories of Fascism. Then, a delinearized history is constructed in order to understand how democracy, as applied in USA, has an inevitable outcome of achieving the same goals as a Fascist regime. The concept of religious extremism, including “Islamic terrorism” or “radical Islam” is also discussed with relevance to ‘war on terror’. The history of US presidency then shows that the office of presidency is used as a tool to advance a Fascist agenda, albeit being packaged as USA exceptionalism. The ground is set for part 2 that analyses the rise of Trump and the demise of DNC integrity, followed by deconstruction of various allegations against Trump. (shrink)