Results for 'democracy, equality, representation, authorisation, accountability, lotteries, elections'

988 found
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  1. Egalité démocratique et tirage au sort.Annabelle Lever & Chiara Destri - forthcoming - Raison Publique.
    La théorie démocratique contemporaine entretient une relation ambivalente avec les élections. Alors que les points de vue agrégatifs et minimalistes les considèrent comme une institution centrale de la démocratie représentative , les conceptions plus riches de la démocratie n’ont pas nécessairement de penchant pour elles. Les théories délibératives ont tendance à négliger les élections pour se concentrer sur la délibération publique, c’est-à-dire sur le processus continu de formation de l’opinion et d’échange de raisons qui se produit entre les élections . (...)
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  2. Representative Democracy and Social Equality.Sean Ingham - 2021 - American Political Science Review:1-13.
    When are inequalities in political power undemocratic, and why? While some writers condemn any inequalities in political power as a deviation from the ideal of democracy, this view is vulnerable to the simple objection that representative democracies concentrate political power in the hands of elected officials rather than distributing it equally among citizens, but they are no less democratic for it. Building on recent literature that interprets democracy as part of a broader vision of social equality, I argue that concentrations (...)
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  3. La démocratie et la sélection: tirage au sort, élections et l'égalité.Annabelle Lever - 2023 - In La démocratie; une idée force. Paris: Mare et Martin.
    Devrions-nous remplacer les élections par des loteries ? Le célèbre livre de Bernard Manin sur le gouvernement représentatif a appris à beaucoup que les Grecs considéraient les élections comme un moyen aristocratique, et non démocratique, de sélectionner des personnes pour le pouvoir et l'autorité politique, en comparaison avec le tirage au sort, où chacun a une chance égale d'être sélectionné. (Manin 1997) Jusqu'à récemment, cependant, l'idée qu'un engagement envers la démocratie nécessite de remplacer les élections par le tirage au sort (...)
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  4. Democracy within, justice without: The duties of informal political representatives.Wendy Salkin - 2022 - Noûs 56 (4):940-971.
    Informal political representation can be a political lifeline, particularly for oppressed and marginalized groups. Such representation can give these groups some say, however mediate, partial, and imperfect, in how things go for them. Coeval with the political goods such representation offers these groups are its particular dangers to them. Mindful of these dangers, skeptics challenge the practice for being, inter alia, unaccountable, unauthorized, inegalitarian, and oppressive. These challenges provide strong pro tanto reasons to think the practice morally impermissible. This paper (...)
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  5. Does Modern Democracy Represent the People?Gintas Karalius - 2018 - Politologija 3 (91):139-165.
    The purpose of this article is to suggest a theoretical approach to modern democracy and its implicit contradiction between the idea of public sovereignty and the model of political representation. The apparent practical problem arising from this contradiction is the lack of legitimacy in democratically elected officials and parliament in general. The article argues that the issue with democratic representation cannot be explained sociologically, but must include a theoretical analysis of the normative contradiction between the egalitarian principle of sovereignty of (...)
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  6. Democracy and Lay Participation: The Case of NICE.Annabelle Lever - 2013 - In Henry Kipppin Gerry Stoker, The Future of Public Service Reform. bloomsbury academic press.
    What is the role of lay deliberation – if any – in health-care rationing, and administration more generally? Two potential answers are suggested by recent debates on the subject. The one, which I will call the technocratic answer, suggests that there is no distinctive role for lay participation once ordinary democratic politics have set the goals and priorities which reform should implement. Determining how best to achieve those ends, and then actually achieving them, this view suggests, is a matter for (...)
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  7. Democracy Beyond Disclosure: Secrecy, Transparency, and the Logic of Self-Government.Jonathan Richard Bruno - 2017 - Dissertation, Harvard University
    "Transparency" is the constant refrain of democratic politics, a promised aid to accountability and integrity in public life. Secrecy is stigmatized as a work of corruption, tolerable by a compromise of democratic principles. My dissertation challenges both ideas. It argues that secrecy and transparency are best understood as complementary, not contradictory, practices. And it develops a normative account of liberal democratic politics in which duties of transparency coexist with permissions to act behind closed doors. The project begins with some history. (...)
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  8.  53
    Beyond Capitalism: Designing a New Economic System for Humanity.Angelito Malicse - manuscript
    Beyond Capitalism: Designing a New Economic System for Humanity -/- Introduction -/- For centuries, capitalism has been the dominant economic system, driving technological innovation, wealth creation, and global trade. However, its flaws—extreme inequality, environmental destruction, and economic instability—have made many question whether it is still the best model for humanity. Instead of reforming capitalism, perhaps the time has come to replace it entirely with a new system that better aligns with modern challenges, human well-being, and sustainability. -/- This essay explores (...)
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  9. The Conscription of Informal Political Representatives.Wendy Salkin - 2021 - Journal of Political Philosophy 29 (4):429-455.
    Informal political representation—the phenomenon of speaking or acting on behalf of others although one has not been elected or selected to do so by means of a systematized election or selection procedure—plays a crucial role in advancing the interests of groups. Sometimes, those who emerge as informal political representatives (IPRs) do so willingly (voluntary representatives). But, often, people end up being IPRs, either in their private lives or in more public political forums, over their own protests (unwilling representatives) or even (...)
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  10. Representation in Multilateral Democracy: How to Represent Individuals in the EU While Guaranteeing the Mutual Recognition of Peoples.Antoinette Scherz - 2017 - European Law Journal 23 (6):495-508.
    The democratic criteria for representation in the European Union are complex since its representation involves several delegation mechanisms and institutions. This paper develops institutional design principles for the representation of peoples and individuals and suggests reform options of the European Union on the basis of the theory of multilateral democracy. In particular, it addresses how the equality of individuals can be realised in EU representation while guaranteeing the mutual recognition of peoples. Unlike strict intergovernmental institutions, the EU requires an additional (...)
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  11. democratic equality and freedom of religion.Annabelle Lever - 2016 - Philosophy and Public Issues - Filosofia E Questioni Pubbliche 6 (1):55-65.
    According to Corey Brettschneider, we can protect freedom of religion and promote equality, by distinguishing religious groups’ claims to freedom of expression and association from their claims to financial and verbal support from the state. I am very sympathetic to this position, which fits well with my own views of democratic rights and duties, and with the importance of recognizing the scope for political choice which democratic politics offers to governments and to citizens. This room for political choice, I believe, (...)
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  12. Digital Democracy in the Age of Artificial Intelligence.Claudio Novelli & Giulia Sandri - manuscript
    This chapter explores the influence of Artificial Intelligence (AI) on digital democracy, focusing on four main areas: citizenship, participation, representation, and the public sphere. It traces the evolution from electronic to virtual and network democracy, underscoring how each stage has broadened democratic engagement through technology. Focusing on digital citizenship, the chapter examines how AI can improve online engagement while posing privacy risks and fostering identity stereotyping. Regarding political participation, it highlights AI's dual role in mobilising civic actions and spreading misinformation. (...)
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  13. Artifice and Authenticity: Gender Technology and Agency in Two Jenny Saville Portraits.Diana Tietjens Meyers - 2009 - In Laurie Shrage, You’Ve Changed: Sex Reassignment and Personal Identity. Oup Usa.
    This paper addresses two related topics: 1. The disanalogies between elective cosmetic practices and sex reassignment surgery. Why does it seem necessary for me – an aging professional woman – to ignore the blandishments of hairdressers wielding dyes and dermatologists wielding acids and scalpels? Why does it not seem equally necessary for a transgendered person to repudiate sex reassignment procedures? 2. The role of the body in identity and agency. How do phenomenological insights regarding the constitution of selfhood in relation (...)
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  14. 'Democracy and Voting: A Response to Lisa Hill'.Annabelle Lever - 2010 - British Journal of Political Science 40:925-929.
    Lisa Hill’s response to my critique of compulsory voting, like similar responses in print or in discussion, remind me how much a child of the ‘70s I am, and how far my beliefs and intuitions about politics have been shaped by the electoral conflicts, social movements and violence of that period. -/- But my perceptions of politics have also been profoundly shaped by my teachers, and fellow graduate students, at MIT. Theda Skocpol famously urged political scientists to ‘bring the state (...)
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  15. Must Egalitarians Condemn Representative Democracy?Adam Lovett - 2021 - Social Theory and Practice 1 (1):171-198.
    Many contemporary democratic theorists are democratic egalitarians. They think that the distinctive value of democracy lies in equality. Yet this position faces a serious problem. All contemporary democracies are representative democracies. Such democracies are highly unequal: representatives have much more power than do ordinary citizens. So, it seems that democratic egalitarians must condemn representative democracies. In this paper, I present a solution to this problem. My solution invokes popular control. If representatives are under popular control, then their extra power is (...)
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  16. Political Equality and Epistemic Constraints on Voting.Michele Giavazzi - 2024 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 52 (2):147-176.
    As part of recent epistemic challenges to democracy, some have endorsed the implementation of epistemic constraints on voting, institutional mechanisms that bar incompetent voters from participating in public decision-making procedures. This proposal is often considered incompatible with a commitment to political equality. In this paper, I aim to dispute the strength of this latter claim by offering a theoretical justification for epistemic constraints on voting that does not rest on antiegalitarian commitments. Call this the civic accountability justification for epistemic constraints (...)
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  17. Editorial, Cosmopolis. Spirituality, religion and politics.Paul Ghils - 2015 - Cosmopolis. A Journal of Cosmopolitics 7 (3-4).
    Cosmopolis A Review of Cosmopolitics -/- 2015/3-4 -/- Editorial Dominique de Courcelles & Paul Ghils -/- This issue addresses the general concept of “spirituality” as it appears in various cultural contexts and timeframes, through contrasting ideological views. Without necessarily going back to artistic and religious remains of primitive men, which unquestionably show pursuits beyond the biophysical dimension and illustrate practices seeking to unveil the hidden significance of life and death, the following papers deal with a number of interpretations covering a (...)
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  18. From Choice to Chance? Saving People, Fairness, and Lotteries.Tim Henning - 2015 - Philosophical Review 124 (2):169-206.
    Many authors in ethics, economics, and political science endorse the Lottery Requirement, that is, the following thesis: where different parties have equal moral claims to one indivisible good, it is morally obligatory to let a fair lottery decide which party is to receive the good. This article defends skepticism about the Lottery Requirement. It distinguishes three broad strategies of defending such a requirement: the surrogate satisfaction account, the procedural account, and the ideal consent account, and argues that none of these (...)
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  19. Confucian Meritocratic Democracy over Democracy for Minority Interests and Rights.John J. Park - 2024 - Dao: A Journal of Comparative Philosophy 23 (1):25-38.
    In Western political philosophy, democracy is generally the dominant view regarding what the best form of government is, and this holds even in respect to promoting minority rights. However, I argue that there is a better theory for satisfying minority interests and rights. I amass numerous studies from the social sciences demonstrating how democracy does poorly in accounting for minority interests. I then contend that a particular hybrid view that fuses a meritocracy with democracy can do a better job than (...)
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  20. Equality and Constitutionality.Annabelle Lever - 2024 - In Richard Bellamy & Jeff King, The Cambridge handbook of constitutional theory. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
    What does it mean to treat people as equals when the legacies of feudalism, religious persecution, authoritarian and oligarchic government have shaped the landscape within which we must construct something better? This question has come to dominate much constitutional practice as well as philosophical inquiry in the past 50 years. The combination of Second Wave Feminism with the continuing struggle for racial equality in the 1970s brought into sharp relief the variety of ways in which people can be treated unequally, (...)
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  21. In Defense of Political Equality: On Bai Tongdong’s Against Political Equality.Yarran Hominh - 2022 - Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 37:59-90.
    Bai Tongdong’s Against Political Equality argues for Confucian meritocracy over a pure democracy of equals. His arguments draw on a multiple modernities comparison between the Spring and Autumn Warring States period in China and early modernity in the West, and rest on a Mencian conception of human nature according to which humans are equal in moral potential but not in moral actuality. I argue that there is a crucial disanalogy between this Chinese early modernity and Western early modernity: the role (...)
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  22. ‘Liberal Democracy’ in the ‘Post-Corona World’.Shirzad Peik - 2020 - Journal of Philosophical Investigations at University of Tabriz 14 (31):1-29.
    ABSTRACT A new ‘political philosophy’ is indispensable to the ‘post-Corona world,’ and this paper tries to analyze the future of ‘liberal democracy’ in it. It shows that ‘liberal democracy’ faces a ‘global crisis’ that has begun before, but the ‘novel Coronavirus pandemic,’ as a setback for it, strongly encourages that crisis. ‘Liberalism’ and ‘democracy,’ which had long been assumed by ‘political philosophers’ to go together, are now becoming decoupled, and the ‘liberal values’ of ‘democracy’ are eroding. To find why and (...)
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  23. Democracy is not a truth machine.Thomas Wells - 2013 - Think 12 (33):75-88.
    ExtractIn a democracy people are free to express their opinions and question those of others. This is an important personal freedom, and also essential to the very idea of government by discussion. But it has also been held to be instrumentally important because in open public debate true ideas will conquer false ones by their merit, and the people will see the truth for themselves. In other words, democracy has an epistemic function as a kind of truth machine. From this (...)
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  24. Can Relational Egalitarians Supply Both an Account of Justice and an Account of the Value of Democracy or Must They Choose Which?Andreas Bengtson & Kasper Lippert-Rasmussen - 2025 - Ergo: An Open Access Journal of Philosophy 12.
    Construed as a theory of justice, relational egalitarianism says that justice requires that people relate as equals. Construed as a theory of what makes democracy valuable, it says that democracy is a necessary, or constituent, part of the value of relating as equals. Typically, relational egalitarians want their theory to provide both an account of what justice requires and an account of what makes democracy valuable. We argue that relational egalitarians with this dual ambition face the justice-democracy dilemma: Understanding social (...)
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  25. Study | Measuring Intra-Party Democracy in Political Parties in Albania.Anjeza Xhaferaj - 2022 - Tirana, Albania: Institute for Democracy and Mediation.
    SUMMARY The research focuses on the three main political parties in Albania, namely Socialist Party, Democratic Party and Socialist Movement for Integration. Its objectives are to measure the Intra-Party Democracy(IPD) in the Albanian political parties and to explore the meaning that party members attach to it. The IPD is understood and broken down into categories and sub-categories so that parties in particular and all interested actors in the field of political parties and democracy could understand, which component of IPD parties (...)
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  26. Robust Deliberative Democracy.Daniel Layman - 2016 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 28 (3-4):494-516.
    Deliberative democracy aspires to secure political liberty by making citizens the authors of their laws. But how can it do this in the face of deep disagreement, not to mention imperfect knowledge and limited altruism? Deliberative democracy can secure political liberty by affording each citizen an equal position as a co-author of public laws and norms. Moreover, fundamental deliberative democracy—in which institutional design is ultimately accountable to public deliberation but not necessarily subject to its direct control—does not strain knowledge or (...)
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  27. More Democracy Is Not Better Democracy: Cain's Case for Reform Pluralism.Piers Norris Turner - 2014 - Election Law Journal 13 (4):520-525.
    This article is part of a symposium on Bruce Cain's "Democracy More or Less: America’s Political Reform Quandary." It identifies the basic normative framework of Cain's skeptical "reform pluralism" as a form of democratic instrumentalism rather than political realism, and then argues that a more optimistic instrumentalist alternative is available. The instrumentalist can accept that more democracy need not entail better democracy. But the instrumentalist account of better democracy also gives us reason to believe that significant reform efforts remain worth (...)
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  28. Deepfakes and Democracy: A Catch-22?Dan Cavedon-Taylor - forthcoming - Journal of the American Philosophical Association.
    Deepfakes are AI-generated media. When produced competently, they are near-indistinguishable from genuine recordings and may mislead viewers about the actions of the individuals they depict. For this reason, it is thought to be only a matter of time before deepfakes have deleterious consequences for democratic procedures, elections in particular. But this pessimistic view about deepfakes and their relation to democracy is flawed whether it means to pick out current deepfakes or future ones. Rather than advocating for an optimistic view (...)
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  29. equality and conscience: ethics and the provision of public services.Annabelle Lever - 2016 - In Cécile Laborde & Aurélia Bardon, Religion in Liberal Political Philosophy. New York, NY: oxford university press.
    We live with the legacy of injustice, political as well as personal. Even if our governments are now democratically elected and governed, our societies are scarred by forms of power and privilege accrued from a time in which people’s race, sex, class and religion were grounds for denying them a role in government, or in the selection of those who governed them. What does that past imply for the treatment of religion in democratic states? The problem is particularly pressing once (...)
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  30. Electoral Dioramas: On the Problem of Representation in Voting Advice Applications.Thomas Fossen & Bert van den Brink - 2015 - Representation 51 (3):341-358.
    Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are online tools designed to help citizens decide how to vote. They typically offer their users a representation of what is at stake in an election by matching user preferences on issues with those of parties or candidates. While the use of VAAs has boomed in recent years in both established and new democracies, this new phenomenon in the electoral landscape has received little attention from political theorists. The current academic debate is focused on epistemic aspects (...)
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  31. The Hanford Advisory Board: participatory democracy, technology, and representation.Alex Sager & Alex Zakaras - 2014 - Journal of Environmental Studies and Sciences 4 (2):142-155.
    The Hanford Advisory Board (HAB) is a broadly representative, deliberative body that provides formal policy advice on Department of Energy (DOE) proposals and decisions at the Hanford nuclear cleanup site near Richland, Washington. Despite considerable skepticism about the effectiveness of citizen advisory boards, we contend that the HAB offers promising institutional innovations. Drawing on our analysis of the HAB’s formal advice as well as our interviews with board members and agency officials, we explore the HAB’s unique design, outline a normative (...)
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  32. Democratic Representation and Legislative Theatre.Gustavo H. Dalaqua - 2020 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 67 (164):26-47.
    This article seeks to contribute to the debate on how political representation can promote democracy by analysing the Chamber in the Square, which is a component of legislative theatre. A set of techniques devised to democratise representative governments, legislative theatre was created by Augusto Boal when he was elected a political representative in 1993. After briefly reviewing Nadia Urbinati’s understanding of democratic representation as a diarchy of will and judgement, I partially endorse Hélène Landemore’s criticism and contend that if representation (...)
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  33. The Rationality of Voting and Duties of Elected Officials.Marcus Arvan - 2016 - In Emily Crookston, David Killoren & Jonathan Trerise, Ethics in Politics: The Rights and Obligations of Individual Political Agents. New York: Routledge. pp. 239-253.
    In his recent article in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 'The Paradox of Voting and Ethics of Political Representation', Alexander A. Guerrero argues it is rational to vote because each voter should want candidates they support to have the strongest public mandate possible if elected to office, and because every vote contributes to that mandate. The present paper argues that two of Guerrero's premises require correction, and that when those premises are corrected several provocative but compelling conclusions follow about the rationality (...)
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  34. Correction to: Random Selection, Democracy and Citizen Expertise.Annabelle Lever - 2024 - Res Publica 30 (1):159-160.
    This paper looks at Alexander Guerrero’s epistemic case for ‘lottocracy’, or government by randomly selected citizen assemblies. It argues that Guerrero fails to show that citizen expertise is more likely to be elicited and brought to bear on democratic politics if we replace elections with random selection. However, randomly selected citizen assemblies can be valuable deliberative and participative additions to elected and appointed institutions even when citizens are not bearers of special knowledge or virtue individually or collectively.
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  35. Political parties and republican democracy.Alexander Bryan - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (2):262-282.
    Political parties have been the subject of a recent resurgent interest among political philosophers, with prominent contributions spanning liberal to socialist literatures arguing for a more positive appraisal of the role of parties in the operation of democratic representation and public deliberation. In this article, I argue for a similar re-evaluation of the role of political parties within contemporary republicanism. Contemporary republicanism displays a wariness of political parties. In Philip Pettit’s paradigmatic account of republican democracy, rare mentions of political parties (...)
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  36. In Praise of Solon: Aristotle on Greek Democracy.Thornton Lockwood - manuscript
    My chapter explores Aristotle’s account of Greek democracy in three parts. The first part examines the notion of democracy taxonomically, namely as a kind of political organization that Aristotle classifies as a deviant politeia that admits of a number of species that are differentiated by the socio-economic classifications of its people (or δῆμος). The second part provides an overview of Aristotle’s historical remarks on prominent subjects of Athenian democracy in the Politics (Pol.) and the Athenian Constitution (Ath. Pol.) and then (...)
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  37. Acting Through Others: Kant and the Exercise View of Representation.Reidar Maliks - 2009 - Public Reason 1 (1):9-26.
    Democratic theorists are usually dismissive about the idea that citizens act “through” their representatives and often hold persons to exercise true political agency only at intervals in elections. Yet, if we want to understand representative government as a proper form of democracy and not just a periodical selection of elites, continuous popular agency must be a feature of representation. This article explores the Kantian attempt to justify that people can act “through” representatives. I call this the “exercise view” of (...)
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  38. Popular Sovereignty and Constitutional Democracy.Philip Pettit - 2022 - University of Toronto Law Journal 72:251-86.
    In recent times, the idea of popular sovereignty has figured prominently in the rhetoric of neo-populist thinkers and activists who argue that legal and political authority must be concentrated in one single body or individual elected by the people to act in its name. The thesis of this article is that, while the notion of popular sovereignty may seem to offer some support to the neo-populist image of democracy, it serves more persuasively to support the idea of a polycentric, constitutional (...)
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  39. Information institutions and the political accountability in Bangladesh.Md Mahmudul Hoque - 2018 - International Journal of Scientific and Engineering Research 2 (9):1586-1596.
    Accountability of the elected leaders is one of the key factors in a representative democracy. Bangladesh restored a democratic ruling system in 1991 but has struggled to create an effective institutional mechanism to hold the political leaders before the citizens. Information has often been called the oxygen of democracy because of its power to bring accountability through transparency and public disclosure. With the boom of news media organisations and the emergence of the movement for the right to and freedom of (...)
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  40. Speaking for Others: The Ethics of Informal Political Representation.Wendy Salkin - 2024 - Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
    A political philosopher dissects the duties and dilemmas of the unelected spokesperson, from Martin Luther King, Jr., to Greta Thunberg. -/- Political representation is typically assumed to be the purview of formal institutions and elected officials. But many of the people who represent us are not senators or city councilors—think of Martin Luther King, Jr., or Malala Yousafzai or even a neighbor who speaks up at a school board meeting. Informal political representatives are in fact ubiquitous, often powerful, and some (...)
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  41. Is Modern Democracy a Political Regime?Gintas Karalius - 2017 - Politologija 1 (85):102-131.
    The purpose of this article is to introduce an innovative approach to the theoretical debate of the last two centuries on how to appropriately conceptualize modern democracy. The main argument that is being put forward by the analysis is that the common reliance on the assumption of pre-modern political philosophy, that democracy is a certain type of political regime or at least a form of rule, has become insufficient to cover the influence and scope of its modern meaning and practical (...)
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  42. The inter-est between us: Ontology, epistemology, and the failure of political representation.Aylon Cohen - 2023 - Contemporary Political Theory 22 (1):46-69.
    In recent decades, theories of representation have undergone a constructivist turn, as many theorists no longer view the represented subject as prior to but rather as an effect of representation. Whereas some critics have claimed that lacking an ontologically pre-given subject undermines the theory of representation, many democratic theorists have sought to reconceptualize representation and its democratic possibilities by turning away from ontological questions altogether. By focusing instead on how representatives come to know the public interest, many scholars now contend (...)
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  43. Globalization, Revolutions, and Democracy.Leonid Grinin & Andrey Korotayev - 2015 - In Leonid Grinin, Ilya Ilyin, Peter Herrmann & Andrey V. Korotayev, Globalistics and Globalization Studies: Big History & Global History. Uchitel Publishing House. pp. 87-109.
    This article studies the issue of democratization of countries within globalization context, it points to the unreasonably high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy as a result of revolutions or of similar large-scale events for the countries unprepared for it. The authors believe that in a number of cases the authoritarian regimes turn out to be more effective in economic and social terms in comparison with emerging democracies especially of the revolutionary type, which are often incapable (...)
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  44. Climate Justice and Democracy: A Normative Approach.Mahmudul Hasan - 2018 - International Journal of Political Theory 3 (1).
    This paper tackles a highly relevant issue, namely the relationship between climate justice and democracy. The driving motivation of the paper is to ask what principles of climate justice demand from democracies. The paper explores intrinsic and instrumental arguments and develops a sufficiency account: citizens are entitled to the emissions necessary not only to realize their basic needs but to participate as equals in political decision making.
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  45. Symbol Systems as Collective Representational Resources: Mary Hesse, Nelson Goodman, and the Problem of Scientific Representation.Axel Gelfert - 2015 - Social Epistemology Review and Reply Collective 4 (6):52-61.
    This short paper grew out of an observation—made in the course of a larger research project—of a surprising convergence between, on the one hand, certain themes in the work of Mary Hesse and Nelson Goodman in the 1950/60s and, on the other hand, recent work on the representational resources of science, in particular regarding model-based representation. The convergence between these more recent accounts of representation in science and the earlier proposals by Hesse and Goodman consists in the recognition that, in (...)
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  46. Equal Respect, Liberty, and Civic Friendship: Why Liberal Public Justification Needs a Dual Understanding of Reciprocity.Sylvie Bláhová & Pavel Dufek - 2021 - Czech Journal of Political Science 1 (28):3–19.
    The paper critically discusses the dualism in the interpretation of the moral basis of public reason. We argue that in order to maintain the complementarity of both liberal and democratic values within the debate on public reason, the arguments from liberty and from civic friendship cannot be considered in isolation. With regard to the argument from liberty, we contend that because the idea of natural liberty is an indispensable starting point of liberal theory, no explanation of the justification of political (...)
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  47. Preserving our humanity in the growing AI-mediated politics: Unraveling the concepts of Democracy (民主) and People as the Roots of the state (民本).Manh-Tung Ho & My-Van Luong - manuscript
    Artificial intelligence (AI) has transformed the way people engage with politics around the world: how citizens consume news, how they view the institutions and norms, how civic groups mobilize public interests, how data-driven campaigns are shaping elections, and so on (Ho & Vuong, 2024). Placing people at the center of the increasingly AI-mediated political landscape has become an urgent matter that transcends all forms of institutions. In this essay, we argue that, in this era, it is necessary to look (...)
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  48. The Semi-Future Democracy. A Liberal Theory of the Long-term View.Andre Santos Campos - 2024 - Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
    Traditional institutions are often considered inadequate to govern for the long term as their politicians promote short-term thinking which can harm the future. This book proposes a novel theory of social time perception to address the short-term thinking of traditional institutions which threaten to stifle liberal democracies. The semi-future reconfigures liberal democracies’ franchises, representative instruments, deliberative practices, accountability mechanisms, and policymaking to include in the demos all citizens, regardless of age, and holders of representable objective interests in the future. The (...)
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  49. The Democratic Imperative to Make Margins Matter.Daniel Wodak - 2023 - Maryland Law Review 86 (2):365-442.
    Many commentators lament that American democracy is in crisis. It is becoming a system of minority rule, wherein a party with a minority of the nationwide vote can control the national government. Partisan gerrymandering in the House of Representatives fuels this crisis, as does the equal representation of small and large states in the Senate. But altering these features of the legislature would not end minority rule. Indeed, it has long been held that majority rule cannot be guaranteed within any (...)
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  50. Voting Advice Applications and Political Theory: Citizenship, Participation and Representation.Joel Anderson & Thomas Fossen - 2014 - In Diego Garzia & Stefan Marschall, Matching Voters with Parties and Candidates: Voting Advice Applications in a Comparative Perspective. Ecpr Press. pp. 217-226.
    Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are interactive online tools designed to assist voters by improving the basis on which they decide how to vote. In recent years, they have been widely adopted, but their design is the subject of ongoing and often heated criticism. Most of these debates focus on whether VAAs accurately measure the standpoints of political parties and the preferences of users and on whether they report valid results while avoiding political bias. It is generally assumed that if their (...)
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