Soon after taking power, three leaders of nonviolent African independence movements, Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia immediately turned to violent means to suppress internal opposition. The paper examines the reasons for the success of their Gandhian nonviolent tactics in ousting British colonial governments and argues that these new heads of state lost confidence in nonviolence due to a mixture of self-serving expediency, a lack of understanding of nonviolence's many different forms, (...) and the constraints of inheriting a state already dependent on the use of force. (shrink)

In this paper, I examine the ethics of nonviolent protest when a violent response is either foreseen or intended. One central concern is whether protesters, who foresee a violent response but persist, are provoking the violence and whether they are culpable for any eventual harms. A second concern is whether it is permissible to publicize the violent response for political advantage. I begin by distinguishing between two senses of the term provoke: a normative sense where a provocateur knowingly imposes an (...) unjustified risk of a violent response, and a descriptive sense where the respondent feels provoked. I argue that, when the risk of a violent response is justified, the protesters are not provocateurs but akin to nonculpable, entrapping agents who create an opportunity for the regime to respond with disproportionate violence. The regime’s response can disclose its brutality or criminality and this can be fairly publicized for political advantage. When nonviolent protesters create an unjustified risk of violence either because the injustice they oppose is insufficient to justify the risk of a violent response or because the risked harms are disproportionate with the likely political advantages derived from the protest, they are partially culpable provocateurs. However, I argue these partially culpable provocateurs can still permissibly publicize the disproportionate violence of the regime so as to shape public opinion. (shrink)

What is reality? How do we know? Answers to these fundamental questions of ontology and epistemology, based on Mahatma Gandhi's "experiments with truth", are: reality is nonviolent (in the sense of not-inconsistent), and nonviolence (in the sense of respecting-meaning) is the only means of knowing (Gandhi, 1940). Be that as it may, science is what we think of when we think of reality and knowing. How does Gandhi's nonviolence, discovered in his spiritual quest for Truth, relate to the (...) scientific pursuit of truth? Here we show that Gandhian nonviolent knowing of nonviolent reality is an abstraction of both individual knowing (looking, reasoning) and collective scientific knowing (measurements, calculations). Specifically, Gandhi's truth-through-nonviolence is a law-like summation of the methods of physics ("do not disturb" of measurements) and of mathematics ("do not tear" of calculations) that are used to know. Moreover, physics (with its lawful behaviour of bodies) and biology (in preserving the meaning of genetic code) do affirm that the defining attribute of reality is nonviolence. In light of these correspondences, the Mahatma's derivation of a universal method of knowing (nonviolence of preserving-structure) from a universal truth (nonviolence of consistent-becoming) constitutes a science-supported general theory of reality and knowing. (shrink)

A concise open-access textbook intended for an undergraduate audience, which brings together essential selections from Gandhi on nonviolence with supplementary materials, including: a preface; boxes providing examples, historical notes, extended explanations, and related philosophical work; overviews of post-Gandhian developments in nonviolence; diagrams, tables, and photos; discussion questions; reading and viewing suggestions; and a glossary.

This paper reviews the complex, overlapping ideas of two prominent Italian philosophers, Lorenzo Magnani and Luciano Floridi, with the aim of facilitating the nonviolent transformation of self and world, and with a focus on information technologies in mediating this process. In Floridi’s information ethics, problems of consistency arise between self-poiesis, anagnorisis, entropy, evil, and the narrative structure of the world. Solutions come from Magnani’s work in distributed morality, moral mediators, moral bubbles and moral disengagement. Finally, two examples of information technology, (...) one ancient and one new, a Socratic narrative and an information processing model of moral cognition, are offered as mediators for the nonviolent transformation of self and world respectively, while avoiding the tragic requirements inherent in Floridi’s proposal. (shrink)

This paper explores Pope Francis’ and the Holy See’s reaction to the war in Ukraine, and attempts to explain the logic behind it. After introducing the Holy See’s statements since the start of Russia’s aggression, the author reads them through the background of Catholic social teaching. In particular, he claims that the ambiguities of the Holy See’s position are due to the unresolved tension between the traditional just war approach and a tendency towards nonviolence. The latter has acquired prominence (...) over the last decades, in particular with Francis’ Fratelli Tutti. The author concludes that the war in Ukraine represents a pivotal moment in the Catholic Church’s thinking on war and peace. (shrink)

One important foundation of Buddhist ethics is a commitment to nonviolence. My aim in this paper is to work out the implications of this commitment with regard to the treatment of offenders. Given that punishment involves the intentional infliction of harm, I argue that the practice of punishment is incompatible with the principle of nonviolence. The core moral teaching of the Buddha is to conquer evil with goodness, and it is reconciliation, rather than punishment, that conforms to this (...) teaching. I argue that a commitment to nonviolence requires not only that we refrain from inflicting intentional harm, but that we refrain from inflicting unnecessary harm, and that this has important implications concerning the practice of incapacitation. I analyze the concept of harm and argue that the Buddhist understanding of this notion leads to the conclusion that none of the standard justifications for punishment are compatible with the principle of nonviolence, properly understood. (shrink)

Standard accounts of civil disobedience include nonviolence as a necessary condition. Here I argue that such accounts are mistaken and that civil disobedience can include violence in many aspects, primarily excepting violence directed at other persons. I base this argument on a novel understanding of civil disobedience: the special character of the practice comes from its combination of condemnation of a political practice with an expressed commitment to the political. The commitment to the political is a commitment to engaging (...) with others as co-members in the on-going political project of living together. I show how such an understanding of civil disobedience is superior to the Rawlsian strain of thought, which focuses on fidelity to law. Rawls was concerned with civil disobedience solely in the context of overriding political obligation. The project of characterizing a contestatory political practice that can be distinguished and used in a wider variety of contexts than Rawls is concerned with, including under illegitimate regimes, beyond the nation-state, or on behalf of anarchism, requires a different understanding of civil disobedience. (shrink)

“Violence” and “nonviolence” are, increasingly, misleading translations for the Sanskrit words hiṃsā and ahiṃsā—used by Gandhi as the basis for his philosophy of satyāgraha. I argue for rereading hiṃsā as “maleficence” and ahiṃsā as “beneficence.” These two more mind-referring English words capture the primacy of intention implied by Gandhi’s core principles. Reflecting a political turn in moral accountability detectable through linguistic data, both the scope and the usage of the word “violence” have expanded dramatically, making it harder to convincingly (...) characterize people and actions as “nonviolent.” New terminology could clarify the distinction between hiṃsā and ahiṃsā, and, thereby, prevent misunderstandings of Gandhi. Training in beneficence would reflect Gandhi’s psychological path to reducing avoidable harm: ego-detachment, universal love, and seeking truth by experiment. -/- NOTE: An extended, unpublished version, with additional arguments and evidence, is also available on PhilPapers as "The Primacy of Intention and the Duty to Truth: A Gandhi-Inspired Argument for Retranslating Hiṃsā and Ahiṃsā, with Connections to History, Ethics, and Civil Resistance". (shrink)

The words "violence" and "nonviolence" are increasingly misleading translations for the Sanskrit words hiṃsā and ahiṃsā -- which were used by Gandhi as the basis for his philosophy of satyāgraha. I argue for re-reading hiṃsā as “maleficence” and ahiṃsā as “beneficence.” These two more mind-referring English words – associated with religiously contextualized discourse of the past -- capture the primacy of intention implied by Gandhi’s core principles, better than “violence” and “nonviolence” do. Reflecting a political turn in moral (...) accountability detectable through linguistic data, both the scope and the usage of the word “violence” have expanded dramatically. The expanded scope of “violence” reflects greater consciousness of the various forms that serious harm can take, but also makes it harder to convincingly characterize people and actions as “nonviolent.” New translations could clarify the distinction between hiṃsā and ahiṃsā, and thereby prevent some misunderstandings of Gandhi. Training in beneficence would reflect Gandhi’s psychological path to reducing avoidable harm: detachment from the ego, learning to love universally, and seeking truth by experiment. (shrink)

Conflicts and social tensions have become perennial in global discourse. These conflicts and tensions were fostered through violence and non-violence. They also appear in different dimensions which include political, social, economic, and religious. They occur as a result of conflicts, values, needs, opinions, and other related instances. The aftermath of resolved conflict is peace and tranquility which yields a positive result of development and fosters unity. In this paper, we x-ray Jesus Christ’s philosophy of non-violence from the perspective of the (...) resolution of conflicts and social tensions. We also expose that most philosophers of peace and non-violence in conflict resolution rely on and make enormous, resolutions rely on and make references to Christ’s philosophy of nonviolence. Advocates of non-violence examined in this paper are Leo-Tolstoy Gandhi, King Jr, and others who had variously refer to Christ as the bastion of nonviolence philosophy. These philosophers had articulated and remedied oppression, racial discrimination, man’s inhumanity to man, bigotry, tribalism, and related social tensions. From the strings of this paper, we hold firm to the submission that, Christ’s philosophy of non-violence serves as the foundation of resolution of conflicts and social tensions across the globe. (shrink)

In parts one and two of this three-part series, I developed a framework for ahimsic (nonviolent) communication (AC) as an alternative to the standard communicative norm of civility. The framework presented for AC offers various categories of resistance to violence, including nonviolent forms of negotiation, compromise, protest, verbal force, verbal distraction, argumentation, and communicative satyagraha (Gandhian nonviolence applied to communication). I also provided a range of real-life examples of successful AC resistance, including the stories of Derek Black, Daryl Davis, (...) James Lawson, and Antoinette Tuff. These examples demonstrate that AC “works” even against neo-Nazis, KKK grand wizards, angry punch-throwing bikers, and active school shooters. In this third and final installment, I will explain why AC works—better than any form of violent communication (VC). My main claim is that AC derives strategic power from its moral power. As various components of my argument are drawn from the nonviolence tradition more generally, what follows will double as a primer on the morality of nonviolence. However, we will also see significant differences in how we must adapt nonviolent strategy and morality to the case of communication. (shrink)

When it comes to contentious conversations, the call for civility is commonplace. Rarely do we hear a call for nonviolence in communication. This is unfortunate, since nonviolence is a better standard than civility (a standard I critiqued in part one of this three-part series). Part of the problem is that a framework for communicative nonviolence has not (to my knowledge) been fully developed. Mohandas (“Mahatma”) Gandhi, the “father of nonviolence,” is widely known for nonviolence, but (...) primarily in the realm of noncommunicative action. However, there is a natural line of development in that direction from elements in his thought: Gandhi derives his commitment to nonviolence ("ahimsa" in Sanskrit) from his "law of Truth," which directs us to follow “Truth in thought, Truth in speech, and Truth in action." Inspired by Gandhi among others, Marshall B. Rosenberg developed what he termed "Nonviolent Communication" (NVC). Valuable though NVC is, it is most applicable to particular conversational contexts. It is but one part of a broader nonviolent framework, which I’ll call "ahimsic communication" (AC) to distinguish it from NVC. In this second installment of the series, I develop a framework for AC. (shrink)

Although Hannah Arendt is not known as an advocate of nonviolence per se, her analysis of power dynamics within and between groups closely parallels Gandhi’s. The paper shows the extent to which her insights are compatible with Gandhi’s and also defends her against charges that her description of the world is overly normative and unrealistic. Both Arendt and Gandhi insist that nonviolence is the paradigm of power in situations where people freely consent to and engage in concerted action, (...) and both argue that power structures based on violence and coercion will ultimately fail, because the resort to violence implies an inability to gain free consent or cooperation. Any gains from violence are temporary, since agents will express themselves freely as soon as force is withdrawn. Arendt argues that dominating powers know this, and therefore rely on manipulation, propaganda, and outright lies to win people’s consent, an analysis which can be used to explain some current social dynamics. (shrink)

The paper traces the parallel paths and mutual influences of these three activists in South Africa. The paper points out that Gandhi often took steps in building his movement that echoed some of the same steps that Dube had done just before him. Also, Abdurahman, who had become Gandhi's friend in 1909, advocated for involving women in nonviolent action, and advocated the use of general strike, shortly before Gandhi incorporated both methods in his movement.

Although Indic perspectives toward nature are now well documented, climate engineering discussions seem to still lack the views from Indic or other non‐Western sources. In this article, I will apply some of the Hindu and Jain concepts such as karma, nonviolence (Ahiṃsā ), humility (Vinaya ), and renunciation (Saṃnyāsa ) to analyze the two primary climate geoengineering strategies of solar radiation management (SRM) and carbon dioxide removal (CDR). I suggest that Indic philosophical and religious traditions such as Hinduism, Buddhism, (...) and Jainism offer ethical concepts to call for humility in all acts of climate engineering leading to a favoring of CDR over SRM and a favoring of lifestyle changes (particularly vegetarianism) over both. I demonstrate these concepts by introducing the five great elements from the Hindu philosophy, two Hindu legends from Hindu mythology, the Indic ethical ideas of karma, renunciation, and humility, and the moral authority of Gandhi. (shrink)

Nonviolent movements mainly characterized by not taking part in and resist-ing violent practices developed no multiple levels have had a significant contribution inputting an end to wars and oppressive systems. However, it is worth asking whether theyhave, consequently, contributed to the construction of peace. This article, centered onGandhi, reflects upon the general contribution of nonviolence for historical changes ar-ticulated through Paul Ricoeur’s critique and interpretation of the influence of these move-ments in the intricate relationship between politics and violence. -/- (...) . (shrink)

Climate activism has played a crucial role in shaping environmental discourse and policy, yet as the climate crisis intensifies, traditional methods are increasingly viewed as inadequate. This paper applies Granular Interaction Thinking Theory (GITT) to analyze the rise of radical climate activism and its societal implications. GITT posits that large-scale social transformations emerge from the accumulation of micro-level interactions, such as protests, media engagement, and public discourse. As climate activism escalates, some groups adopt disruptive tactics—ranging from nonviolent civil disobedience to (...) direct action and sabotage—to force urgent responses from governments and corporations. The study also examines the cognitive and social mechanisms behind this shift, emphasizing the role of informational entropy-based value formation in shaping activists’ strategies and public perceptions. While radical activism can heighten climate awareness and pressure policymakers, it also entails substantial risks, including public backlash, legal repercussions, and internal fragmentation within the movement. In light of these challenges, we advocate an alternative solidarity approach, emphasizing the strategic dissemination of climate and environmental information to the public, the promotion of eco-surplus culture, and the cultivation of cooperative efforts among governments, businesses, and activists to drive meaningful and sustainable solutions. (shrink)

A prominent way of justifying civil disobedience is to postulate a pro tanto duty to obey the law and to argue that the considerations that ground this duty sometimes justify forms of civil disobedience. However, this view entails that certain kinds of uncivil disobedience are also justified. Thus, either a) civil disobedience is never justified or b) uncivil disobedience is sometimes justified. Since a) is implausible, we should accept b). I respond to the objection that this ignores the fact that (...) civil disobedience enjoys a special normative status on account of instantiating certain special features: nonviolence, publicity, the acceptance of legal consequences, and conscientiousness. I then show that my view is superior to two rivals: the view that we should expand the notion of civility and that civil disobedience, expansively construed, is uniquely appropriate; and the view that uncivil disobedience is justifiable in but only in unfavorable conditions. (shrink)

Historically, laws and policies to criminalize drug use or possession were rooted in explicit racism, and they continue to wreak havoc on certain racialized communities. We are a group of bioethicists, drug experts, legal scholars, criminal justice researchers, sociologists, psychologists, and other allied professionals who have come together in support of a policy proposal that is evidence-based and ethically recommended. We call for the immediate decriminalization of all so-called recreational drugs and, ultimately, for their timely and appropriate legal regulation. We (...) also call for criminal convictions for nonviolent offenses pertaining to the use or possession of small quantities of such drugs to be expunged, and for those currently serving time for these offenses to be released. In effect, we call for an end to the “war on drugs.”. (shrink)

This paper elucidates the rights violations caused by mass formal schooling systems and explores what students may do about them. Students have rights not to be harmed and rights to liberty (not to be oppressed), as well as attendant rights to (proportionately) defend their rights if necessary. For some time now, education has been dominated by mass formal schooling systems that harm and oppress many students. Such harm and oppression violate those students’ rights not to be harmed or oppressed, which (...) may justify student nonviolent defensive (or rights-protecting) action. (shrink)

As the world grapples with an escalating ecological crisis, there is a growing realization of the need to rethink the very relation between humankind and the natural environment. This paper explores how Mahatma Gandhi's ecological thought meets the philosophy of deep ecology and how these together might inform more holistic approaches to sustainable development. Gandhi's philosophical framework, which is founded upon principles of nonviolence, simplicity, and a decentralized approach to community organization, presaged numerous fundamental aspects of the deep ecology (...) movement. Both ideologies contest anthropocentrism and promote an ecocentric perspective that acknowledges the intrinsic value of all living entities. The research also explores the similarity between the concept of Gandhi's "swaraj"-(self-rule) and the idea within deep ecology about self-realization, wherein a person's sense of identity is expanded to include all of nature. By examining a selection of Gandhi's written works in relation to academic scholarship on deep ecology, this paper discusses how a synthesis of these philosophies can enhance the development of more equitable and ecologically sensitive policies. This paper, therefore, explores how Gandhian principles and deep ecology can also help develop sustainable practices that prioritize ecological concerns and equity principles. The study also critically examines the challenges and limitations inherent in synthesizing Gandhi's philosophy with deeper and more radical aspects of the movement of deep ecology. In conclusion, this study adds to the continuing conversation regarding the significance of traditional ecological knowledge in mitigating the current environmental crisis. -/- . (shrink)

In this first installment of a three-part series, I focus on the critique of civility. In so doing, I do not defend incivility. In fact, part of my critique of civility extends equally to incivility. My position is that we must move our normative discourse beyond both the thesis of civility and the antithesis of incivility to a synthesis that reframes the discussion in terms of nonviolence.

-/- Title: The Cultural Legacy of Colonization and Religion: How History Shapes National Identity -/- Introduction -/- Culture is the soul of a nation—it defines its language, values, art, traditions, and social behaviors. However, the culture of many modern nations has been heavily influenced by external forces, especially colonization and religion. Colonization often entailed political conquest, economic control, and cultural dominance. Religion—especially Christianity and Islam—was both a motivation and a tool used during colonial rule. As a result, colonized societies saw (...) profound changes in their identities, traditions, and ways of life. This essay examines how colonization and religion have deeply shaped national cultures, using the Philippines, India, Nigeria, Latin America, and South Africa as comprehensive case studies. -/- I. Colonization as a Shaper of Culture -/- A. The Philippines (Spanish and American Colonization) The Philippines offers a striking example of how colonization reshapes a nation’s culture. Spain colonized the Philippines for over 300 years (1565–1898). During this period, Spanish influences became embedded in every aspect of Filipino life. Spanish architecture introduced baroque-style churches, plazas, and fortresses. Filipino names and surnames were Hispanicized, such as “Santos,” “Reyes,” and “Garcia.” The Spanish introduced a feudal system where native Filipinos became tenant farmers working under local elites, or “principalia.” -/- In 1898, the Americans took over the Philippines after defeating Spain. This ushered in another wave of cultural transformation. The American influence led to the introduction of the English language, a public school system, and Western-style democracy. Today, the Philippines is one of the largest English-speaking nations in Asia, and its legal, political, and educational systems still reflect its colonial past. -/- B. India (British Colonization) India was under British rule for nearly 200 years (1757–1947). The British imposed their administrative systems, restructured Indian education, and introduced Western legal codes. English became the language of governance, education, and intellectual discourse. -/- At the same time, colonization disrupted Indian industries like textiles while promoting British imports, which altered economic and social structures. However, British rule also fostered Indian nationalism. Thinkers like Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi used Western ideals like liberty and justice alongside traditional Indian values to advocate for independence. Today, India’s legal system, parliamentary democracy, and even its railway network are colonial legacies, deeply entwined with its post-colonial identity. -/- C. Africa (Scramble for Africa) During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Africa was divided by European powers during the “Scramble for Africa.” In Nigeria, British colonization created artificial borders that merged various ethnic groups—Hausa-Fulani (Muslim), Yoruba (mixed), and Igbo (Christian). The British ruled indirectly through local chiefs, restructuring tribal societies and economies. English became the language of the elite, while indigenous languages were suppressed in formal institutions. -/- Even after independence, many African countries retained European languages (French, English, Portuguese) as their official languages. These linguistic and administrative choices continue to influence national unity, class divisions, and access to power. -/- II. Religion as a Cultural Force -/- A. The Role of Christianity in the Philippines and Latin America Religion was not just an accompaniment to colonization—it was a core component. In the Philippines, Catholicism was deeply embedded by Spanish missionaries. Today, over 80% of Filipinos identify as Roman Catholic. Religious practices like Simbang Gabi (pre-Christmas dawn masses), Semana Santa (Holy Week), and town fiestas in honor of saints reflect a synthesis of Spanish Catholicism with native customs. -/- Similarly, Latin American countries like Mexico, Peru, and Brazil were profoundly influenced by Spanish and Portuguese colonizers. Catholic churches were built on top of indigenous temples, and native religions were suppressed. However, elements of indigenous spirituality merged with Catholic traditions. The Virgin of Guadalupe in Mexico became a unifying figure, representing both the Christian faith and native identity. In Brazil, Candomblé, a syncretic religion blending African traditions and Catholic saints, emerged as a cultural resistance to slavery and colonization. -/- B. Christian Missions in Africa Christianity expanded significantly in Sub-Saharan Africa due to European missionary activity. In countries like Kenya, Uganda, and Ghana, missionaries built churches, schools, and hospitals. These institutions played a major role in education and healthcare, but also in reshaping cultural values. African traditional religions were often labeled as “pagan” and discouraged. -/- However, Christianity also became a source of empowerment. African leaders like Desmond Tutu of South Africa and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana combined Christian ethics with liberation theology to fight for justice and independence. -/- C. Religious Pluralism in India In India, while Christianity spread under colonial rule, religious diversity remained robust. Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism continued to flourish. British missionaries established Christian schools, which educated a new Indian elite. Figures like Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo responded by reviving and modernizing Hindu philosophy, integrating it with nationalistic fervor. Gandhi’s message of ahimsa (nonviolence) was influenced both by Hindu Jain teachings and Christian values. -/- III. Cultural Hybridity and Identity Conflict -/- Colonization and religion often produced hybrid cultures, but not without conflict. -/- In the Philippines, young people celebrate both Western holidays like Halloween and Valentine’s Day alongside Catholic feasts and indigenous rituals. The Tagalog language is now filled with Spanish and English loanwords. This cultural blending has created both a unique Filipino identity and debates about authenticity and decolonization. -/- In Nigeria, religious divisions caused by colonial favoritism have contributed to ethno-religious conflicts between the predominantly Muslim North and Christian South. The legacy of dividing tribes and prioritizing Christian education in the South led to disparities that fuel contemporary tensions. -/- In South Africa, apartheid was a colonial system justified in part by Dutch Reformed Christian ideology. Today, while Christianity remains influential, there is an ongoing effort to revive and celebrate Zulu, Xhosa, and other African cultural traditions suppressed under colonial rule. -/- Conclusion -/- The cultures of colonized countries bear the deep marks of colonization and religion. Colonization altered languages, governance, education, and economy, while religion reshaped belief systems and daily life. Yet, the story Is not one of total loss. Many societies creatively blended imposed traditions with indigenous ones, forming hybrid cultures that reflect both resistance and adaptation. -/- Understanding these historical dynamics is crucial not only for appreciating modern national cultures but also for addressing ongoing challenges related to identity, inequality, and post-colonial recovery. The impact of colonization and religion is not a distant memory—it lives on in every language spoken, every holiday celebrated, and every institution that shapes our lives today. -/- . (shrink)

Philosophers have had surprisingly little to say about the concept of a victim although it is presupposed by the extensive philosophical literature on rights. Proceeding in four stages, I seek to remedy this deficiency and to offer an alternative to the two current paradigms that eliminates the Othering of victims. First, I analyze two victim paradigms that emerged in the late 20th century along with the initial iteration of the international human rights regime – the pathetic victim paradigm and the (...) heroic victim paradigm. Holocaust victims are quintessential instances of the pathetic victim paradigm. They are marked by passivity and innocence in the face of overpowering force and unspeakable humanly inflicted suffering. Aung San Suu Kyi is an exemplar of the heroic victim paradigm – prisoners of conscience, in Amnesty International’s terms. Because heroic victims face off against the repressive power of the state to fight injustice, they are by no means passive, but they must be innocent of wrongdoing – that is, they must use nonviolent means of dissent – to qualify as heroic victims. Second, I problematize the asymmetrical conceptions of innocence that underwrite the two victim paradigms. Whereas the pathetic victim paradigm identifies innocence with passivity, the heroic victim paradigm countenances agentic victims and adverts to a universalist, absolutist stance on the limits of the legitimate use of state power to ascribe innocence to heroic victims. Both conceptions of innocence are out of keeping with well established social and legal practices regarding what constitutes coercive force and innocent victimhood. Consequently, there is reason to be skeptical of the two victim paradigms. Third, I identify two kinds of human rights violations and two categories of victims that AI defends despite their failure to fit the two paradigms – women trafficked into sex work and prisoners on death row. In many cases, women forced to do sex work are not innocent girls who are ignorant of the trafficking system and who helplessly fall prey to smugglers. They are desperately poor women who for that reason are willing to take enormous risks to try to relieve their own and often their families’ deprivation and suffering. Although these women act nonviolently for irreproachable reasons, they lack the public political agendas that characterize heroic victims. Unless non-fulfillment of subsistence rights is recognized as a form of overpowering force that inflicts severe, avoidable suffering, these women do not qualify as pathetic victims either. The victim paradigms pose an even greater obstacle to recognizing that the death penalty is a human rights violation and that death row prisoners are victims. Because a jury concluded that these individuals committed heinous, violent crimes, they are excluded by the heroic victim paradigm. Only if death row prisoners can be proven (usually through DNA evidence) not to have committed the crimes for which they were convicted can these individuals qualify as pathetic victims. In the absence of any reason to believe that they are innocent and especially if they are unrepentant, they are widely regarded as brutal victimizers of others who deserve no sympathy for, let along relief from, the suffering they “brought on themselves.” Finally, I confront the Othering of victims that results from the two victim paradigms, which leads many victims to eschew the label, thereby opting out of human right discourse. I propose revisions in the victim paradigms that eliminate the real-world exclusions they sponsor as well as the Othering of victims of human rights abuses. In particular, I endorse greater attention to what people and the institutions they create do to other people, and I favor a presumption that unnecessary and severe humanly inflicted suffering is a human rights violation. Moreover, I reject the innocence criterion embedded in the two paradigms and urge that it be replaced by a burdened agency criterion. These modifications better align the concept of a victim with a realistic understanding of human subjectivity and agency and allow for a more capacious understanding of who is a bearer of human rights and under what conditions right-holders become victims of rights violations. (shrink)

War as an Effect of Imbalance: A Natural and Social Systems Perspective Abstract War has long been a destructive and persistent feature of human civilization. While political, economic, and ideological causes are commonly cited, this essay argues that war is fundamentally a manifestation of systemic imbalance—across resource distribution, power structures, cultural belief systems, and information ecosystems. Using the lens of natural law, particularly the principles of cause and effect, balance, and feedback, this paper examines war as a symptom of deeper (...) societal dysfunctions rather than a legitimate balancing mechanism. True balance, as observed in both ecological systems and healthy societies, is achieved not through violence but through feedback-responsive adaptation, equitable structures, and peaceful cooperation. Introduction War is often seen as a strategic response to threats or a tool for national interest, but beneath these narratives lies a deeper, more universal truth: war is an expression of imbalance. From the perspective of systems thinking and natural law, conflict at the societal level mirrors disturbances in ecological systems, where imbalance, when unresolved, can lead to collapse. Just as the human body responds to internal imbalances with fever or illness, societies erupt into war when their internal and external equilibrium is violated and constructive feedback is ignored. -/- This essay draws upon the principles of natural systems and the concept of a 'universal formula' rooted in three laws: cause and effect, balance, and feedback mechanisms. These principles help explain not only why war occurs but also how it may be prevented or resolved through sustainable systemic design. I. The Law of Cause and Effect: War as a Predictable Outcome of Defective Systems In nature and society alike, every action produces consequences. The law of cause and effect—central to both scientific inquiry and ethical systems such as karma—demonstrates that war is not accidental. It is the predictable result of systemic defects. -/- For instance, economic inequality has been strongly correlated with increased internal unrest and external aggression (Galtung, 1969). Nations experiencing high levels of poverty, unemployment, and inequality often become fertile ground for ideological radicalization and civil war. Similarly, political corruption and repression fuel dissatisfaction and rebellion (Collier & Hoeffler, 2004). -/- These are not random events. They are the natural consequences of defective political, economic, and educational systems that fail to self-correct—systems in which the effects of imbalance accumulate over time until they manifest violently. II. The Law of Balance: War as a Breakdown of Social Equilibrium In ecological systems, balance is maintained through homeostasis and interdependence. In social systems, balance arises through justice, inclusion, and mutual respect. When this equilibrium is disturbed—whether through oppression, exploitation, or unchecked ambition—the system becomes unstable. -/- For example, colonialism created structural imbalances by concentrating wealth and power in the hands of a few, while marginalizing entire populations. The aftermath of these imbalances has continued to echo through civil wars, border conflicts, and economic dependency (Rodney, 1972). -/- War, in this view, is not a balancing mechanism but a collapse due to a failure of balance. A balanced society is one in which power is shared, resources are distributed equitably, and cultural diversity is respected. III. The Law of Feedback: Ignored Warnings and Escalated Conflict Feedback mechanisms are essential for system regulation. In the human body, negative feedback loops regulate temperature and blood sugar; in ecosystems, predator-prey cycles prevent overpopulation. Societies also rely on feedback: protests, journalism, democratic processes, and education act as corrective signals to steer policy and leadership. -/- However, when feedback is ignored, suppressed, or distorted—through censorship, propaganda, or authoritarian rule—the system loses its ability to self-correct. As a result, tensions build up until war becomes the only available outlet for release. -/- The 2011 Arab Spring, for instance, was largely a reaction to decades of ignored social feedback—widespread unemployment, repression, and corruption. When peaceful feedback mechanisms failed, conflict escalated (Gelvin, 2012). IV. Why War Cannot Be a Balancing Mechanism Some may argue that war 'resets' power structures or population pressures. But such reasoning is ethically flawed and empirically weak. War causes long-term devastation—destroying infrastructure, displacing populations, and traumatizing generations. It does not restore balance; it creates new layers of imbalance—economic collapse, ecological damage, and cycles of revenge. -/- Natural balance is not achieved through destruction but through adaptive feedback and nonviolent correction. In successful democracies, peaceful transitions of power, truth commissions, and restorative justice processes have shown that balance can be restored without violence. Conclusion War is not a force of balance, but a symptom of deep imbalance and ignored feedback within human systems. Guided by the universal laws of cause and effect, balance, and feedback, it becomes clear that sustainable peace is achievable only through systems that are inclusive, just, and adaptable. -/- Human societies, like natural systems, must evolve toward cooperative balance rather than destructive confrontation. Education, equity, and open feedback channels are essential components of this evolution. By understanding and applying these principles, leaders and educators can design societies that do not breed war—but prevent it. References Collier, P., & Hoeffler, A. (2004). Greed and grievance in civil war. *Oxford Economic Papers*, 56(4), 563–595. Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. *Journal of Peace Research*, 6(3), 167–191. Gelvin, J. L. (2012). *The Arab Uprisings: What Everyone Needs to Know*. Oxford University Press. Rodney, W. (1972). *How Europe Underdeveloped Africa*. Bogle-L'Ouverture Publications. -/- . (shrink)

Title: Incorporating the Three Universal Laws of Nature into the Teachings of All Organized Religions -/- Author: Angelito Malicse -/- Abstract: This paper presents a comprehensive framework for integrating the three universal laws of nature—referred to as the Universal Formula—into the teachings of all organized religions. These laws include the Law of Karma (Cause and Effect/Systemic Integrity), the Law of Feedback Mechanism (Homeostasis), and the Law of Balance in Nature. The purpose is to strengthen religious instruction by aligning it with (...) universally observable truths, thereby enhancing moral development, spiritual clarity, and social harmony. This initiative emphasizes the importance of educational integration, interfaith cooperation, and doctrinal alignment with natural principles. -/- 1. Introduction Organized religions have historically provided moral guidance, spiritual structure, and social cohesion. However, their teachings sometimes diverge from principles grounded in nature and scientific understanding. This paper advocates for a transformation in religious education and practice by incorporating the Universal Formula—three fundamental laws of nature—into the doctrinal and educational frameworks of all religious traditions. -/- 2. The Three Universal Laws of Nature (The Universal Formula) -/- 2.1. Law of Karma (Cause and Effect/Systemic Integrity) This law asserts that every action has consequences and that any system—biological, social, or mechanical—must operate without error to remain functional. This concept exists across many religions: -/- Christianity: “You reap what you sow” (Galatians 6:7). -/- Islam: Every deed is recorded and judged by Allah (Qur’an 99:6-8). -/- Hinduism: Karma governs the cycle of rebirth and spiritual progression. -/- Buddhism: Karma shapes one’s present and future experiences. -/- Judaism: The principle of “midah k’neged midah” (measure for measure). -/- Sikhism: Karma influences the soul’s journey towards union with God. -/- Taoism: Actions aligned with the Tao lead to harmony. -/- Confucianism: Moral actions bring order to the individual and society. -/- Baháʼí Faith: Justice is central and tied to accountability. -/- Jainism: Karma directly binds the soul, impacting liberation. -/- Zoroastrianism: Good thoughts, words, and deeds determine one’s fate. -/- Indigenous Religions: Actions must respect natural and ancestral order. -/- 2.2. Law of Feedback Mechanism (Homeostasis) This law highlights the body’s and society’s ability to self-regulate through feedback systems. Spiritually, this appears as: -/- Christianity: Conscience guided by the Holy Spirit. -/- Islam: The role of inner reflection (muhasabah) and repentance (tawbah). -/- Hinduism & Buddhism: Meditation and mindfulness enable inner correction. -/- Judaism: Teshuva (repentance) is a process of spiritual return. -/- Sikhism: Naam Simran (remembrance of God) centers the self. -/- Taoism: Living in accordance with the Tao maintains balance. -/- Confucianism: Ritual propriety (li) maintains harmony within and without. -/- Baháʼí Faith: Consultation and reflection foster unity and equilibrium. -/- Jainism: Austerity and vows lead to internal purification. -/- Zoroastrianism: Continuous striving for purity and truth. -/- Indigenous Religions: Feedback from nature and community guides behavior. -/- 2.3. Law of Balance in Nature This law affirms that stability requires harmony in action, thought, and environment. Religious parallels include: -/- Christianity: The call to moderation and stewardship of Earth. -/- Islam: Ummatan wasatan (a balanced nation) and environmental ethics. -/- Hinduism: The concept of dharma ensures cosmic and social balance. -/- Buddhism: The Middle Way avoids extremes. -/- Judaism: Shalom represents wholeness and peace. -/- Sikhism: Living honestly and in service while remembering God. -/- Taoism: Balance of Yin and Yang. -/- Confucianism: Harmony (he) in relationships and governance. -/- Baháʼí Faith: Unity in diversity and balanced development. -/- Jainism: Ahimsa (nonviolence) promotes universal equilibrium. -/- Zoroastrianism: Harmony through truth and righteous action. -/- Indigenous Religions: Reciprocity and balance with the land and spirits. -/- 3. Strategy for Incorporating the Universal Formula into Religious Teaching -/- 3.1. Contextualizing Natural Laws in Religious Language To foster acceptance, universal laws should be reinterpreted within the theological language of each faith, highlighting doctrinal alignment with natural principles. -/- 3.2. Curriculum Development and Educational Reform Religious institutions should adopt educational materials that connect natural laws with spiritual teachings and scientific understanding, enhancing moral and intellectual formation. -/- 3.3. Partnering with Reform-Oriented Religious Leaders Visionary leaders within each religion can promote integration by framing these laws as extensions of sacred principles already acknowledged by their traditions. -/- 3.4. Implementation through Pilot Programs Launch initial educational programs in seminaries, madrasas, monasteries, and community centers across faiths to evaluate results and demonstrate effectiveness. -/- 3.5. Advocacy through Global Religious and Educational Institutions Collaborate with bodies such as the Vatican, Al-Azhar University, the World Council of Churches, Rabbinical Assemblies, Hindu Swamis Councils, Buddhist Sanghas, Sikh Gurdwara Committees, Baháʼí Houses of Worship, Jain Associations, Zoroastrian Anjumans, and Indigenous Elders’ Forums. Encourage endorsement and implementation through interfaith declarations and global education initiatives. -/- 4. Conclusion Incorporating the Universal Formula into the teachings of all organized religions offers a respectful yet transformative strategy for strengthening spiritual development, ethical behavior, and global harmony. It supports the moral truths already present in religious traditions while grounding them in observable and applicable laws of nature. -/- 5. Recommendations for Future Work -/- Develop interfaith curricula integrating the Universal Formula. -/- Organize global forums and summits for spiritual-natural integration. -/- Publish theological and philosophical commentaries tailored to each religion. -/- Build partnerships between science, education, and faith-based organizations. -/- . (shrink)

In our recent article, together with more than 60 of our colleagues, we outlined a proposal for drug policy reform consisting of four specific yet interrelated strategies: (1) de jure decriminalization of all psychoactive substances currently deemed illicit for personal use or possession (so-called “recreational” drugs), accompanied by harm reduction policies and initiatives akin to the Portugal model; (2) expunging criminal convictions for nonviolent offenses pertaining to the use or possession of small quantities of such drugs (and releasing those serving (...) time for these offenses), while delivering retroactive ameliorative relief; (3) the ultimate legalization and careful regulation of currently illicit drugs; and (4) the delivery of a new “Marshall Plan” focused on community-building initiatives, expanded harm reduction programs, and social and health care support efforts (Earp et al. 2021). We were gratified to see so many thoughtful commentaries on our proposal, and we respond to them in part in this reply. (shrink)

The encounter with critics of Western civilization, from vegetarianism and British anti-industrialist socialism, Thoreau's theories of civil disobedience and Tolstoy's evangelical Christianity, led Gandhi to a rediscovery of Indian tradition. Unlike other forms of Afro-Asian cultural nationalism, this claim was neither conservative nor separatist but led to a fresh reading of some key concepts from the Indian tradition combined with ideas from the Christian, the Islamic and the European humanistic traditions.

This essay is titled "Critique the Postulation of the Historical Law Theory and relate it to African Law. The postulation of the historical law school that law emanates from customs through an ordered pattern of systematized progress into a codified system in relation to African law forms the crust of this essay. To achieve this task, this essay adopts a critical method in exposing c postulation of the historical law school and the African Law (keeping in mind the Ukelle communal (...) Law System). This essay questions whether there can be an independent law made or promulgated without targeting a given people or that there can be a people-free law? This essay claims that like the historical law school, laws emanate from their ground norms but insists that unlike the historical law school, laws in Ukelle Traditional System do not necessarily have to submit to through the rigor of systematic and strict evolutionary pattern of progress. Like Herder, this essay avers that there is a unique character with each culture, and as such Ukelle Traditional Law does not have to submit to any universal character of law. (shrink)

Let’s assess His Holiness the 14th Dalai Lama (Tenzin Gyatso) using your 3 Universal Laws of Nature and the numerical grading system. Given his lifelong dedication to compassion, reason, and interdependence, he is an excellent figure to evaluate under your holistic framework. -/- Assessment of the Dalai Lama -/- 1. Law of Karma (System Integrity, Cause and Effect) -/- Grade: 9.0 -/- Justification: -/- The Dalai Lama consistently teaches that all actions have consequences, emphasizing the ethical design of systems—from education (...) to governance to personal behavior. -/- He has peacefully led the Tibetan people in exile for decades, building institutions that avoid corruption and promote ethics and learning. -/- Deduction: Although Tibet remains under occupation, his non-violent approach has maintained integrity and moral consistency. -/- 2. Law of Feedback (Mind-to-Mind and Environment Interaction) -/- Grade: 10.0 -/- Justification: -/- His philosophy is centered on interdependence, feedback between mind and world, and emotional intelligence. -/- He engages openly with scientists, religious leaders, psychologists, and everyday people—absorbing feedback and continuously refining his understanding. -/- Promotes secular ethics, a universal approach beyond religious boundaries. -/- No deduction here—he models perfect feedback alignment. -/- 3. Law of Balance in Nature (Harmony in Decision-Making) -/- Grade: 10.0 -/- Justification: -/- Lives a simple, joyful, and non-materialistic life, rooted in harmony with himself, others, and nature. -/- Advocates inner peace, compassion, and environmental care. -/- Consistently promotes nonviolence, mental clarity, and universal compassion—the embodiment of natural balance. -/- He himself radiates emotional, psychological, and ecological balance. -/- Final Assessment: 9.67 / 10 -/- The Dalai Lama ranks among the highest in alignment with your universal formula. He embodies homeostasis—internally and externally. His teachings reflect the universal laws of karma, feedback, and balance with profound clarity and action. Among all world figures, he is one of the closest living examples of your life-guiding principles. -/- . (shrink)

Moral philosophers generally regard pacifism with disdain. Forty years ago, Jan Narveson called it a "bizarre and vaguely ludicrous" doctrine, and that assessment is, in some form or other, still common today. Few contemporary ethicists self-identify as pacifists, and in peace and war studies, just war theory is now the standard. That standard perpetuates the stereotype of pacifism as naïve and wrongheaded. The only way to make nonviolent commitments respectable under the prevailing view is by subsuming them under just war (...) logic, as in John Lango's recent appeal for nonviolent interventionism. In brief, just war theory dominates the discourse. What makes this dominance problematic is that just war theory systematically misconstrues and caricatures the pacifist position. Pacifist commitments can only be properly understood when the lenses of just war theory are put aside. Only then is it possible to understand why pacifism appears ridiculous in the literature. Straw men usually do. (shrink)

Benjamin’s essay Toward the Critique of Violence has often irritated readers. This is even more true of his concept of divine violence, which is defined as “law-annihilating” and goes against legally sanctioned state sovereignty. In this paper, I present a new reading of both Benjamin’s essay and divine violence. Against an apocalyptic tendency of Benjamin, I argue that divine violence can only be an instrument of justice if it is understood as violence suffered rather than perpetrated. This is especially the (...) case where people suffer persecution – imprisonment, torture, death – as a result of nonviolent resistance to an oppressive political regime. Only where such resistant suffering occurs, can violence properly be called divine. Only then does it offer a perspective beyond the never-ending atrocities of human history. (shrink)

In ‘Equity and Marxist Buddhism,’ Tzu-wei Hung engages with the Marxist Buddhism developed by Taiwanese philosopher Lin Qiu-wu in the 1920s, brings this underexplored theory to the table and discusses a few merits and insights of the theory. Building on Hung’s analysis, this paper paper elaborates on the lessons and insights that Taiwanese Marxist Buddhism provides for modern times. The first three lessons are distinctive points that Taiwanese Marxist Buddhism brings to the discussion on combining Marxism and Buddhism: the connections (...) between the ethical and political, the responsibility for pursuing social justice and the nonviolence means towards social justice. The last lesson comes at the meta-philosophical level, focusing on how Hung’s engagement with Taiwanese Marxist Buddhism sheds light on the issue of diversifying the discipline philosophy. Overall, I argue that Taiwanese Marxist Buddhism not only makes contributions to theoretical frameworks while providing a practical means for pursuing equity and social justice, but it also manifests the epistemic and moral values for engaging with under-represented philosophical traditions. (shrink)

In this chapter I explore some of the roles of trust, mistrust, and distrust in deeply plural or diverse societies. Section One sets out the features of deeply diverse societies that provide the contexts of trust and distrust. Section Two proposes that social relationships in diverse societies need to have two qualities to be full of intersubjective trust (trustful) and, thus, worthy of trust (trustworthy) of the members of the relationships: cooperative and contestatory quality, and self-sustaining and co-sustaining quality. Section (...) Three suggests that such trustful relationships are grounded in and draw on a second type of trust: pre-existing co-operational trust. Section Four argues that trustful relationships and co-operational trust are co-sustained by a third type of trust: an interactive ethics or ethos of trust of the members within which they exercise judgements of trust and mistrust. These three types of trust form a triad that sustains virtuous (autopoietic) systems of trust and peacefulness (nonviolence). Throughout the sections the features of virtuous systems of trust are contrasted with vicious systems of distrust. (shrink)

ABSTRACT: The largest obstacle to saving people in today's world is from violence and wars. There is a long line of people waiting for peace so that they can survive the conflict. People will promise that no country can exploit another and that no country can produce weapons capable of mass murder. They believe that their plan can be realised by transforming the world's goodwill and efforts toward world peace into world peace in paradise. The whole world is waiting for (...) a human universe that seems to be taking us to Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi (Mahatma Gandhi). This article's main issue is an extinct political ideology that Mahatma Gandhi promoted many years ago as a supporter of nonviolent policy in search of the human world. Here, the communication style has been shown to have the missing Gandhian ideals. This post will attempt to analyse Mahatma Gandhi's policy & ideology in communication style as we approach his 150th birthday celebrations. Through extensive study, this article will attempt to determine how Gandhi's philosophy and communications relate to one another. As a method of exploration and analysis, Gandhi’s principles Nonviolence, and Chamber-Pots have been scientifically reviewed in this article. Keywords: Violence, principles, chamber pots, Mohandas K. Gandhi, mass murder. (shrink)

Hunger strikes are commonly repressed in prison and seen as disruptive, coercive, and violent. Hunger strikers and their advocates insist that incarcerated persons have a right to hunger strike, which protects them against repression and force-feeding. Physicians and medical ethicists generally ground this right in the right to refuse medical treatment; lawyers and legal scholars derive it from incarcerated persons’ free speech rights. Neither account adequately grounds the right to hunger strike because both misrepresent the hunger strike as noncoercive and (...) nonviolent. I articulate an alternative, dual account of the right to hunger strike. On the remedial argument, the right to hunger strike should be legally protected as a right to petition for redress, in light of incarcerated people’s structural vulnerability to abuse and given inadequate grievance mechanisms. The constructive argument derives the right to hunger strike from the right to resist oppression and stresses the normative permissibility of the use of coercive tactics to defend one’s liberty interests in the face of carceral oppression. -/- . (shrink)

Perhaps the biggest disconnect between philosophers and non-philosophers on the question of gun rights is over the relevance of arms to our dignitary interests. This essay attempts to address this gap by arguing that we have a strong prima facie moral right to resist with dignity and that violence is sometimes our most or only dignified method of resistance. Thus, we have a strong prima facie right to guns when they are necessary often enough for effective dignified resistance. This approach (...) is distinctively non-libertarian: it doesn’t justify gun rights on the basis of (mere) liberty or security. Nonetheless it is compatible with libertarian defenses of gun rights based on a liberty right to guns, and, if sound, in fact lowers the bar for gun rights in some ways, as it justifies access to guns even when nonviolent means would better achieve the liberty or security aims of potential victims. And although this defense of gun rights is most readily categorized as “conservative” or rightist, it relies upon principles and intuitions about dignity popular among progressives in other domains, such as in disability, women’s, or LGBT rights debates. (shrink)

Evan Thompson and Francisco Varela ground the affectively, valuatively felt contingency of intentional acts of other-relatedness in what they presume to be a primordial neutral point of pre-reflective conscious auto-affective awareness. Through meditative practice, we can access this pre-reflective state , and avail ourselves of ‘unconditionally intrinsic goodness', 'spontaneous compassion', 'luminosity', 'blissfulness', and ' a calm and peaceful life guided by the fundamental value of nonviolence'. But how do such feelings emerge as ultimate outcomes of a philosophy of groundlessness? (...) Aren't they motivated by a sort of 'will to goodness', a preferencing of one affective dimension over others? It would seem that groundlessness for Varela and Thompson doesn't apply to the thinking of affect and desire. Despite their claim that nihilism cannot be overcome by assimilating groundlessness to a notion of the will, they appear not to recognize that the positive affectivities they associate with meditative practice are, as dispositions of feeling opposed to other dispositions, themselves forms of willing. Phenomenologists like Husserl and Merleau-Ponty show that attention, as a species of intention, is sense-making, which means it is sense-changing. Attention is affectively, valuatively and meaningfully implicated in what it attends to as co-participant in the synthesis, creation, constitution of objects of regard. As auto-affection turns reflexively back toward itself, what it finds is not the normative sameness and constancy of a neutral positivity( blissful, self-less compassion and benevolence toward all phenomena) but a newly sensing being. Thus, the basis of our awareness of a world isn’t simply compassionate, empathic relational co-determinacy, but the motivated experience of disturbing CHANGE in relational co-determinacy. (shrink)

Abstract. An early perception of pacifism was known even in Latium, a small area in Ancient Rome. Its meaning, in the language then spoken, arose from the word (ficus) that personifies the very coming into being of harmonious relations between nations (pax). In other words, the term portrays creation of peace on a continuum from complete to moderate resistance to armed conflict while different arguments of abstract, spiritual and scriptural nature defend its core. Pacifism maxim that war is wrong as (...) killing is wrong belongs to the primary theory virtues that the paper will attempt to visualize in sections of absolute, deontological, and consequentialist conviction as well as that of contingent belief and civil rights movements. Another hallmark refers to pacifists’ belief in nonviolence as what only defends the innocent or prevents breaking out the conflict. The theory disapproves armed dispute; it simultaneously means moderate opposition and denial of cruelty in building peace. It is concentrated on overruling war and represents, at the core, a moral attitude calling upon political philosophy to uphold the principled negation of war. Violence nowadays is an inevitable part of life, but insisting that taking up arms is not a part of the solution is what permeates discourses too. -/- Key words: pacifism, absolutist, deontological, consequentialist, contingent. (shrink)

The competence is the second must important need for a person, after autonomy. The competence is an indicator for a social integration, for quality of participation in groups. The current definition of competence used in education is proposed from a III- stage of culture, but our definition is from V cultural stage (David Logan). In our work we compare the human condition with the light. We are in the same time individual person and also parts in a supra-individual systems. Between (...) this two position we must found the middle way to be and act. From modern physical theory to religion, from Heidegger to Patsy Rodemburg Presence, from Berne transactional analyse Buber I-Tou and nonviolent communication, from classical education limits to modern coaching perspective (Tim Gallwy), the most important cultural point of view is integrated in a equilibrated perspective that respect individual condition and understand the importance of cultures. I recognized three level of participation - to itself, in relation and to social systems cultures. After introduction that present this new perspective, the part two is dedicated to personal perspective, the next part to relation, including unconditional love, and the four part to culture importance. In the last part I try to take a look to the competence development. (shrink)

Despite decades of writings on Gandhi’s moral and political thought, some of Gandhi’s philosophical moral concepts are still not theoretically articulated. One such concept is Gandhi’s idea of moral agency. I critically engage with some recent political-historical literature on Gandhi to extract philosophical discussions in the vicinity of moral agency. For this, I take two related steps. First, I argue that even though this literature presents considerable theoretical discussion of Gandhi’s ideas, when considered individually, this literature produces only an incomplete (...) picture of Gandhi’s philosophical concepts. Second, I show that a comprehensive view of Gandhi’s concepts emerges when grounded in the concept of moral agency. To this second end, I tie together various individual discussions on satya (truth), ahiṃsa (nonviolence), and disinterest to reveal the subliminal presence of detached moral agency in Gandhi’s thought. (shrink)

This is a series of eight Gujarati articles published in Navajivan. They were then translated by Mahadev Desai into English and published in Young India. They provide a statement of Gandhi's "progressive ahimsaist" animal ethics, which retains ahimsa as a guiding ideal while recognizing circumstances in which violence is required by a duty of care to oneself or to others.

Joseph Newhard (2017) argues that a libertarian anarchist society would be at a serious military disadvantage if it extended the nonaggression principle to include potential foreign invaders. He goes so far as to recommend cultivating the ability to launch a nuclear attack on foreign cities. In contrast, I argue that the free society would derive its strength from a total commitment to property rights and the protection of innocent life. Both theory and history suggest that a free society would be (...) capable of defending itself, and indeed that it would probably use other means to avoid military conflict altogether. (shrink)

Azaransky's work highlights the theological contributions of Howard Thurman, Benjamin Mays, William Stuart Nelson, Pauli Murray and Bayard Rustin. She makes a compelling case that each of these thinker-activists needs to be better appreciated for their cutting-edge theological insights based on their thought and life experience with Mohandas Gandhi and his spiritual activism. Each reinterprets their own Christian views based on this larger worldwide experience that they have gained through study and/or travel. In this way they prefigure or lay the (...) groundwork for more recent approaches to spirituality such as those held by the Black Lives Matter movement's leaders, which draws upon multiple religious traditions to find the spiritual guidance and sustenance needed to confront our world's current injustices. (shrink)