Results for 'politics of difference'

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  1. Politics of Difference and Nationalism: On Iris Young's Global Vision.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2008 - Hypatia 23 (3):pp. 39-59.
    Iris Marion Young’s politics of difference promotes equality among socially and culturally different groups within multicultural states and advocates group autonomy to empower such groups to develop their own voice. Extending the politics of difference to the international sphere, Young advocates “decentered diverse democratic federalism” that combines local self-determination and cosmopolitanism, while adamantly rejecting nationalism. Herr argues that nationalism, charitably interpreted, is not only consistent with Young’s politics of difference but also necessary for realizing (...)
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  2. Toward an Inclusive Populism? On the Role of Race and Difference in Laclau’s Politics.B. L. McKean & Benjamin McKean - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (6):797-820.
    Does the recent success of Podemos and Syriza herald a new era of inclusive, egalitarian left populism? Because leaders of both parties are former students of Ernesto Laclau and cite his account of populism as guiding their political practice, this essay considers whether his theory supports hope for a new kind of populism. For Laclau, the essence of populism is an “empty signifier” that provides a means by which anyone can identify with the people as a whole. However, the concept (...)
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  3. The Problem of Exclusion in Feminist Theory and Politics: A Metaphysical Investigation Into Constructing a Category of 'Woman'.Maya J. Goldenberg - 2007 - Journal of Gender Studies 16 (2):139-153.
    The precondition of any feminist politics – a usable category of ‘woman’ – has proved to be difficult to construct, even proposed to be impossible, given the ‘problem of exclusion’. This is the inevitable exclusion of at least some women, as their lives or experiences do not fit into the necessary and sufficient condition(s) that denotes group membership. In this paper, I propose that the problem of exclusion arises not because of inappropriate category membership criteria, but because of the (...)
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  4.  19
    The Politics of Being Part of Nature.Sandra Leonie Field - forthcoming - Australasian Philosophical Review 2021.
    Genevieve Lloyd argues that when we follow Spinoza in understanding reason as a part of nature, we gain new insights into the human condition. Specifically, we gain a new political insight: we should respond to cultural difference with a pluralist ethos. This is because there is no pure universal reason; human minds find their reason shaped differently by their various embodied social contexts. Furthermore, we can use the resources of the imagination to bring this ethos about. In my response, (...)
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  5. Gilles Deleuze and the Philosophy of Difference: Toward a Transcendental Empiricism.Daniel W. Smith - 1997 - Dissertation, The University of Chicago
    The dissertation presents a systematic analysis of the work of the French philosopher Gilles Deleuze , using two interrelated themes as its guiding threads. The first is the concept of "difference," which is normally conceived as an empirical relation between two terms each of which have a prior identity of their own . In Deleuze, this primacy is inverted: identity persists, but it is now a secondary principle produced by a prior relation between differential elements. Difference here becomes (...)
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  6. Is Human Virtue a Civic Virtue? A Reading of Aristotle's Politics 3.4.Lok-Chun K. Gustin Law - 2017 - In Aristotle's Practical Philosophy: On the Relationship between His Ethics and Politics. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. pp. 93-118.
    Is the virtue of the good citizen the same as the virtue of the good man? Aristotle addresses this in Politics 3.4. His answer is twofold. On the one hand, (the account for Difference) they are not the same both because what the citizen’s virtue is depends on the constitution, on what preserves it, and on the role the citizen plays in it, and because the good citizens in the best constitution cannot all be good men, whereas the (...)
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  7. The Politics of Aristotle’s Criticism of Plato’s Republic.Jozef Müller - 2016 - In Sharon Weisser & Naly Thaler (eds.), Strategies of Polemics in Greek and Roman Philosophy. Brill. pp. 93-112.
    In this paper, I concentrate on some of the more peculiar, perhaps even polemical, features of Aristotle’s discussions of Plato’s Republic in the second book of the Politics. These features include Aristotle’s several rather sharp or ironic remarks about Socrates and his project in the Republic, his use of rhetorical questions, or his tendency to bring out the most extreme consequences of Socrates’s theory (such as that it will destroy the polis and that it will lead to incestuous relationships). (...)
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  8.  46
    Review of Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion. [REVIEW]Jason Springs - Spring 2017 - The Review of Politics 79 (2):316-319.
    Book Review of Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion.
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  9.  66
    Trump is Gross: Taking the Politics of Taste (and Distaste) Seriously.Shelley M. Park - 2017 - Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 27 (2):23-42.
    This paper advances the somewhat unphilosophical thesis that “Trump is gross” to draw attention to the need to take matters of taste seriously in politics. I begin by exploring the slipperiness of distinctions between aesthetics, epistemology, and ethics, subsequently suggesting that we may need to pivot toward the aesthetic to understand and respond to the historical moment we inhabit. More specically, I suggest that, in order to understand how Donald Trump was elected President of the United States and in (...)
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  10.  37
    Tolerance, Respect and Earnestness: An Examination of Material Difference and Formal Identity.Björn Freter - 2017 - Ewanlen. A Journal of Philosophical Inquiry 1:10-16.
    In the so-called modern age, a transition can be observed in Western thought regarding this issue of tolerance. A perceptible shift can be seen in the understanding of tolerance as mere endurance to attempts to conceive of tolerance as a kind of well-grounded acceptance. It is regrettable, however, that this change in thinking has often remained hypothetical rather than heuristic. This certainly has to do with the fact that most of the time only large-scale theological, philosophical, or political projects were (...)
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  11. Radical History and the Politics of Art.Gabriel Rockhill - 2014 - Columbia University Press.
    The primary objective of this book is to open space for rethinking the relationship between art and politics. It seeks to combat one of the fundamental assumptions that has plagued many of the previous debates on this issue: that art and politics are distinct entities definable in terms of common properties, and that they have privileged points of intersection, which can be determined once and for all in terms of an established formula. This common sense assumption is rooted (...)
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  12. Trump, Propaganda, and the Politics of Ressentiment.Cory Wimberly - 2018 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 32 (1):179.
    This article frames Trump's politics through a genealogy of propaganda, going back to P.T. Barnum in the 19th century and moving through the crowd psychologist Gustave Le Bon and the public relations counsel Edward Bernays in the 20th. This genealogy shows how propaganda was developed as a tool by eager professionals who would hire themselves to the elite to control the masses. Trump’s propaganda presents a break in that he has not only removed professionals from control over his propaganda, (...)
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  13. The Politics of Human Nature.Maria Kronfeldner - 2016 - In Tibayrenc M. & Ayala F. J. (eds.), On human nature: Evolution, diversity, psychology, ethics, politics and religion. Academic Press. pp. 625-632.
    Human nature is a concept that transgresses the boundary between science and society and between fact and value. It is as much a political concept as it is a scientific one. This chapter will cover the politics of human nature by using evidence from history, anthropology and social psychology. The aim is to show that an important political function of the vernacular concept of human nature is social demarcation (inclusion/exclusion): it is involved in regulating who is ‘us’ and who (...)
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  14. Natural and Divine Orders: The Politics of Sophocles' Philoctetes.Ryan Drake - 2007 - Polis 24 (2):179-192.
    A closer look at the character of Odysseus in the opening passages of the Philoctetes reveals a more nuanced psychology of guilt and justification than commentators have thus far appreciated in the cunning hero's role. This paper examines the relations of sympathy between Odysseus, Neoptolemus, and Philoctetes as a way of entering into the complicated political drama of the work. Conceiving politics in the Philoctetes as a hybrid construction of the demands of nature and the demands of the gods, (...)
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  15. The Aesthetic Politics of Unfinished Media: New Media Activism in Brazil.Meg Stalcup - 2016 - Visual Anthropology Review 32 (2):144-156.
    This article analyzes the role of key visual technologies in contemporary media activism in Brazil. Drawing on a range of media formats and sources, it examines how the aesthetic politics of activists in protests that took place in 2013 opened the way for wider sociopolitical change. The forms and practices of the media activists, it is argued, aimed explicitly at producing transformative politics. New media technologies were remediated as a kind of equipment that could generate new relationships and (...)
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  16. Ontologies and Politics of Biogenomic 'Race'.Rasmus Grønfeldt Winther & Jonathan Michael Kaplan - 2013 - Theoria. A Journal of Social and Political Theory (South Africa) 60 (3):54-80.
    All eyes are turned towards genomic data and models as the source of knowledge about whether human races exist or not. Will genomic science make the final decision about whether racial realism (e.g., racial population naturalism) or anti-realism (e.g., racial skepticism) is correct? We think not. We believe that the results of even our best and most impressive genomic technologies underdetermine whether bio-genomic races exist, or not. First, different sub-disciplines of biology interested in population structure employ distinct concepts, aims, measures, (...)
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  17.  86
    Commentary on Nancy Nicol’s Politics of the Heart: Recogniiton of Homoparental Families.Shelley M. Park - 2008 - Florida Philosophical Review 8 (1):157-163.
    This paper comments on the strategies and goals of a politics of recognition as celebrated by Nancy Nicol’s important documentary coverage of the gay and lesbian movement for family rights in Quebec. While agreeing that ending legal discrimination against lgbt families is important, I suggest that political recognition of same-sex families and their children is a too limited goal for queer families and their allies. Moreover, it is a goal, I argue, that often trades on trades on troublesome assumptions (...)
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  18. Elective Modernism and the Politics of (Bio) Ethical Expertise.Nathan Emmerich - 2018 - In Hauke Riesch, Nathan Emmerich & Steven Wainwright (eds.), Philosophies and Sociologies of Bioethics. Dordrecht, Netherlands: pp. 23-40.
    In this essay I consider whether the political perspective of third wave science studies – ‘elective modernism’ – offers a suitable framework for understanding the policy-making contributions that (bio)ethical experts might make. The question arises as a consequence of the fact that I have taken inspiration from the third wave in order to develop an account of (bio)ethical expertise. I offer a précis of this work and a brief summary of elective modernism before considering their relation. The view I set (...)
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  19. The Time of the Change: Menopause's Medicalization and the Gender Politics of Aging. van de Wiel - 2014 - International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 7 (1):74.
    As a nexus of fertility’s finitude and female midlife, menopause is a physical and cultural phenomenon through which the relation between the medicalization of the female reproductive cycle and normative attitudes toward aging become expressed. Age, like other systems of separation, can function as an “instrument of regulatory regimes” and shows similarities to gender in its body-bound, surface-focused, and morally coded position in the sociomedical sphere. However, although age is an influential social category, its reliance on historical and epistemic constructions (...)
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  20. False Idles: The Politics of the "Quiet Life".Eric Brown - 2008 - In Ryan Balot (ed.), A Companion to Greek and Roman Political Thought. Oxford, UK: pp. 485-500.
    The dominant Greek and Roman ideology held that the best human life required engaging in politics, on the grounds that the human good is shared, not private, and that the activities central to this shared good are those of traditional politics. This chapter surveys three ways in which philosophers challenged this ideology, defended a withdrawal from or transformation of traditional politics, and thus rethought what politics could be. Plato and Aristotle accept the ideology's two central commitments (...)
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  21.  48
    How to Analyze Islamist Politics: Is It Possible to Make a Political Study Without Sociology of Islam?Ozgur Olgun Erden - 2018 - International Journal of Political Theory 3 (1).
    This article embarks on making a political analysis of Islamist politics by criticizing the hegemonic approach in the field and considering a number of the institutions or structures, composing of either state and its ideological-repressive apparatuses, political parties and actors, intellectual leadership and ideology, and political relations, events, or facts in political sphere. The aforesaid approach declares that the social and economic factors, namely class position, capital accumulation, market, education, and culture, have been far better significative for a political (...)
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  22.  23
    Emerging Metropolis: Politics of Planning in Tehran During Cold War.Asma Mehan - 2017 - In COLD WAR AT THE CROSSROADS: 194X-198X. Architecture and planning between politics and ideology. Milan, Metropolitan City of Milan, Italy:
    The Second World War and its associated political events of a national and global scale brought new circumstances, which was considerably influenced the development processes of Tehran. During World War II, Iran hoped that Washington would keep Britain and the Soviet Union from seizing control of the country’s oil fields. In 1951 and 1952 Truman worked with Iranian Prime Minister, though unsuccessfully, to regain some of those lost oil rights for Iran. By the late 1950s and President Kennedy’s presidency, he (...)
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  23. Review of Henry Somers-Hall. Hegel, Deleuze, and the Critique of Representation: Dialectics of Negation and Difference[REVIEW]Martijn Boven - 2012 - Review of Metaphysics 66 (2):384-386.
    In this rich and impressive new book, Henry Somers- Hall gives a nuanced analysis of the philosophical relationship between G. W. F. Hegel and Gilles Deleuze. He convincingly shows that a serious study of Hegel provides an improved insight into Deleuze’s conception of pure difference as the transcendental condition of identity. Somers- Hall develops his argument in three steps. First, both Hegel and Deleuze formulate a critique of representation. Second, Hegel’s proposed alternative is as logically consistent as Deleuze’s. Third, (...)
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  24. Narratives and the Ethics and Politics of Environmentalism: The Transformative Power of Stories.Arran Gare - 2001 - Theory and Science 2 (1):1-10.
    By revealing the centrality of stories to action, to social life and to inquiry together with the implicit assumptions in polyphonic stories about the nature of humans, of life and of physical reality, this paper examines the potential of stories to transform civilization. Focussing on the failure of environmentalists so far in the face of the global ecological crisis, it is shown how ethics and political philosophy could be reconceived and radical ecology reformulated and reinvigorated by appreciating and exploiting the (...)
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  25.  28
    A Climate of Disorder: What to Do About the Obstacles to Effective Climate Politics.Aaron Maltais - 2016 - In Clare Hayward & Dominic Roser (eds.), Climate Justice in a Non-Ideal World. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press. pp. 43-63.
    The emphasis on general distributive principles in the climate justice literature has left significant gaps regarding the problem of weak climate governance. The main contribution of this chapter is to show how normative theory can contribute to addressing the apparent political incapacity to respond to the threat of climate disruption. The chapter argues that a set of six underlying obstacles to effective climate change politics can serve as a framework around which ‘non-ideal’ normative theorizing about climate politics can (...)
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  26. Politics of Immigration. [REVIEW]Alex Sager - 2014 - Nationalism and Ethnic Politics 20 (4):476-8.
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  27.  86
    The Eternal Recurrence of the Same as the Gift of Difference: Naming the Enigma, the Enigma of Names.John Krummel - 1996 - PoMo Magazine 2 (1):31-46.
    Published in PoMo Magazine vol. 2, nr. 1 (Spring/Summer 1996) during my years as a grad student at the New School. I examine Nietzsche's presentation of the eternal recurrence, and discuss its interpretations by Heidegger, Bataille, Derrida, Klossowski, Stambaugh, and Vattimo. I will be returning to Nietzsche in the future.
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  28. Criticizing a Difference of Contexts: On Reichenbach’s Distincition Between “Context of Discovery” and “Context of Justification”.Gregor Schiemann - 2002 - In Schickore J. & Steinle F. (eds.), Vienna Circle Institute Yearbook. Max-Planck-Institut. pp. 237-251.
    With his distinction between the "context of discovery" and the "context of justification", Hans Reichenbach gave the traditional difference between genesis and validity a modern standard formulation. Reichenbach's distinction is one of the well-known ways in which the expression "context" is used in the theory of science. My argument is that Reichenbach's concept is unsuitable and leads to contradictions in the semantic fields of genesis and validity. I would like to demonstrate this by examining the different meanings of Reichenbach's (...)
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  29. “All Politics Must Bend Its Knee Before Right”: Kant on the Relation of Morals to Politics.Paul Formosa - 2008 - Social Theory and Practice 34 (2):157-181.
    Kant argues that morals should not only constrain politics, but that morals and politics properly understood cannot conflict. Such an uncompromising stance on the relation of morals to politics has been branded unrealistic and even politically irresponsible. While justice can afford to be blind, politics must keep its eyes wide open. In response to this charge I argue that Kant’s position on the relation of morals to politics is both morally uncompromising and yet politically flexible, (...)
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  30. Downward Mobility and Rawlsian Justice.Govind Persad - 2017 - Philosophical Studies 175 (2):277-300.
    Technological and societal changes have made downward social and economic mobility a pressing issue in real-world politics. This article argues that a Rawlsian society would not provide any special protection against downward mobility, and would act rightly in declining to provide such protection. Special treatment for the downwardly mobile can be grounded neither in Rawls’s core principles—the basic liberties, fair equality of opportunity, and the difference principle—nor in other aspects of Rawls’s theory. Instead, a Rawlsian society is willing (...)
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  31. Negative Freedom or Objective Good: A Recurring Dilemma in the Foundations of Politics.Marek Piechowiak - 2007 - In Taborska Halina & Wojciechowski Jan S. (eds.), Dokąd zmierza Europa – przywództwo – idee – wartości. Where Europe Is Going – Leadership – Ideas – Values. pp. 537-544.
    Two competing models of metaaxiological justification of politics are analyzed. Politics is understood broadly, as actions which aim at organizing social life. I will be, first of all, interested in law making activities. When I talk about metaaxiological justification I think not so much about determinations of what is good, but about determinations refering to the way the good is founded, in short: determinations which answer the question why something is good. In the first model, which is described (...)
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  32.  76
    A Note on the Epistemology of Disagreement and Politics.Thomas Mulligan - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (5):657-663.
    Martin Ebeling argues that a popular theory in the epistemology of disagreement--conciliationism--supports an egalitarian approach to politics. This view is mistaken for two reasons. First, even if political parties have the epistemic value that Ebeling claims, voters should not regard each other as epistemic peers--which conciliationism requires that they do. The American electorate is strikingly heterogeneous in both its knowledgeability and its rationality, and so the necessary epistemic parity relation does not hold. Second, for technical reasons, the beliefs that (...)
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  33.  98
    Resolving the Dilemma of Democratic Informal Politics.Seth Mayer - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (4):691–716.
    The way citizens regard and treat one another in everyday life, even when they are not engaged in straightforwardly “political” activities, matters for achieving democratic ideals. This claim provokes an underexamined unease in many. Here I articulate these concerns, which I argue are prompted by the approaches most often associated with these issues. Such theories, like democratic communitarianism, require problematic sorts of unity in everyday social life. To avoid these difficulties, I offer an alternative, called procedural democratic informal politics, (...)
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  34.  79
    An Ancient Paradox Applied to the Difference Principle (with the Help of Cryptocurrencies).Terence Rajivan Edward - manuscript
    John Rawls’s difference principle says that we should change our economy if doing so is better for the worst-off group, on the condition that certain basic rights are secured. This paper presents a kind of case that challenges the principle. If we modify the principle to cope with the challenge, we open the way to a Sorites paradox.
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  35. Ἁμαρτiα, Verfall, Pain. Plato's and Heidegger's Philosophies of Politics and Beyond.Panos Theodorou - 2013 - New Yearbook for Phenomenology and Phenomenological Philosophy:189-205.
    Two seemingly opposing philosophies, Plato’s and Heidegger’s, are brought together by reading the philosophy of politics in the Republic through the existential-analytic lenses of Being and Time and also by using the former in order to explore the philosophico-political potential of the latter. Plato’s thematic of errancy (αμαρτία) is shown to interlock harmoniously with Ηeidegger’s thematic of the fall (Verfall). This provides a single, penetrating interpretation of how philosophy thinks humans are supposed to respond to the predicament of their (...)
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  36. Feminist Aesthetics, Popular Music, and the Politics of the 'Mainstream'.Robin James - 2011 - In L. Ryan Musgrave (ed.), Feminist Aesthetics and Philosophy of Art. Springer.
    While feminist aestheticians have long interrogated gendered, raced, and classed hierarchies in the arts, feminist philosophers still don’t talk much about popular music. Even though Angela Davis and bell hooks have seriously engaged popular music, they are often situated on the margins of philosophy. It is my contention that feminist aesthetics has a lot to offer to the study of popular music, and the case of popular music points feminist aesthetics to some of its own limitations and unasked questions. This (...)
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  37. Rancière and Aristotle: Parapolitics, Part-y Politics and the Institution of Perpetual Politics.Adriel Trott - 2012 - Journal for Speculative Philosophy 26 (4):627-646.
    This article addresses Rancière’s critique of Aristotle’s political theory as parapolitics in order to show that Aristotle is a resource for developing an inclusionary notion of political community. Rancière argues that Aristotle attempts to cut off politics and merely police (maintain) the community by eliminating the political claim of the poor by including it. I respond to three critiques that Rancière makes of Aristotle: that he ends the political dispute by including the demos in the government; that he includes (...)
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  38.  36
    Response to John D'Arcy May's Review of Facing Up to Real Doctrinal Difference: How Some Thought-Motifs From Derrida Can Nourish the Catholic-Buddhist Encounter by Robert Magliola.Robert Magliola - 2017 - Buddhist-Christian Studies 37:291-293.
    D'Arcy May, in his review, contends Magliola argues that the Buddhist doctrines of no-self and rebirth are contradictory, whereas Magliola in fact argues just the opposite--that these two Buddhist doctrines are not contradictory (and he explains why). What Magliola does contend is that Buddhist no-self and rebirth contradict the Catholic teachings of individual identity and "one life-span only." D'Arcy May's review contends that Magliola admits "authoritative statements" are "hard to come by" in Buddhism, whereas Magliola in his book contends that (...)
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  39. Man Better Man: The Politics of Disappearance.Cheryl Lans - 2008 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C: Studies in History and Philosophy of Biological and Biomedical Sciences 39 (4):429-436.
    The discourses of Antillanité and Créolité are both based on the absence of women. This is more important in the discourse of Créolité since it silences the grandmothers, great aunts and village midwives who are the transmitters of folk tales, folk medicines and oral culture. In the struggle for recognition between Caribbean males and western males folk medicine may be too closely associated with the denigrated female role to be considered a suitable inclusion into modern development.
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  40. The Politics of the Third Person: Esposito’s Third Person and Rancière’s Disagreement.Matheson Russell - 2014 - Critical Horizons 15 (3):211-230.
    Against the enthusiasm for dialogue and deliberation in recent democratic theory, the Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito and French philosopher Jacques Rancière construct their political philosophies around the nondialogical figure of the third person. The strikingly different deployments of the figure of the third person offered by Esposito and Rancière present a crystallization of their respective approaches to political philosophy. In this essay, the divergent analyses of the third person offered by these two thinkers are considered in terms of the critical (...)
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  41. What Are We Talking About? The Semantics and Politics of Social Kinds.Sally Haslanger - 2000 - Hypatia 20 (4):10-26.
    Theorists analyzing the concepts of race and gender disagree over whether the terms refer to natural kinds, social kinds, or nothing at all. The question arises: what do we mean by the terms? It is usually assumed that ordinary intuitions of native speakers are definitive. However, I argue that contemporary semantic externalism can usefully combine with insights from Foucauldian genealogy to challenge mainstream methods of analysis and lend credibility to social constructionist projects.
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  42. Feminism, Food, and the Politics of Home Cooking.Alison Reiheld - 2008 - American Philosophical Association Newsletter on Feminism and Philosophy 8 (1):19-20.
    In this paper, I argue the cooking is a fraught issue for women, and especially women who self-identify as feminist, because it is so deeply gendered.
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  43. How Could Prayer Make a Difference? Discussion of Scott A. Davison, Petitionary Prayer: A Philosophical Investigation.Caleb Murray Cohoe - 2018 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 10 (2):171-185.
    I critically respond to Scott A. Davison, Petitionary Prayer: A Philosophical Investigation. I attack his Contrastive Reasons Account of what it takes for a request to be answered and provide an alternative account on which a request is answered as long as it has deliberative weight for the person asked. I also raise issues with Davison’s dismissive treatment of direct divine communication. I then emphasize the importance of value theory for addressing the puzzles of petitionary prayer. Whether a defense of (...)
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  44. Review of S. Duffy, Virtual Mathematics: The Logic of Difference (Clinamen, 2006). [REVIEW]Colin McLarty - 2008 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 86 (2):332-336.
    This book is important for philosophy of mathematics and for the study of French philosophy. French philosophers are more concerned than most Anglo-American with mathematical practice outside of foundations. This contradicts the fashionable claim that French intellectuals get science all wrong and we return below to a germane example from Sokal and Bricmont [1999]. The emphasis on practice goes back to mid-20th century French historians of science including those Kuhn cites as sources for his orientation in philosophy of science [Kuhn (...)
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  45.  83
    Sustainable Consumption, Consumer Culture and the Politics of a Megatrend.Pierre Mcdonagh - 2017 - In Olga Kravets, Pauline Maclaran, Steven Miles & Alladi Venkatesh (eds.), The SAGE Handbook of Consumer Culture, edited by Olga Kravets, et al., SAGE Publications, 2017. London, UK: SAGE Publications Ltd.. pp. Ch 27, pp 592-615.
    Three things must be clarified before we can proceed with the examination. These are the terms sustainability, politics and megatrend. Unfortunately, all three are ambiguous and few disciplines have arrived at a consistent definition for any of them. While we will not resolve the ambiguity to everyone's satisfaction, we will attempt to achieve an extensional bargain (Rappaport, 1953) through which we develop an understanding of how we are using the terms. First, sustainable development became a construct in 1987 through (...)
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  46. Species, Rules and Meaning: The Politics of Language and the Ends of Definitions in 19th Century Natural History.Gordon R. McOuat - 1996 - Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part A 27 (4):473-519.
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  47. Experts Of Common Sense: Philosophers, Laypeople And Democratic Politics.Itay Snir - 2015 - Humana.Mente Journal of Philosophical Studies 28:187-210.
    This paper approaches the question of the relations between laypeople and experts by examining the relations between common sense and philosophy. The analysis of the philosophical discussions of the concept of common sense reveals how it provides democratic politics with an egalitarian foundation, but also indicates how problematic this foundation can be. The egalitarian foundation is revealed by analyzing arguments for the validity of common sense in the writings of Thomas Reid. However, a look at three modern philosophers committed (...)
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  48. Toward an Ecological Civilization: The Science, Ethics, and Politics of Eco-Poiesis.Arran Gare - 2010 - Process Studies 39 (1):5-38.
    Chinese environmentalists have called for an ecological civilization. To promote this, ecology is defended as the core science embodying process metaphysics,and it is argued that as such ecology can serve as the foundation of such a civilization. Integrating hierarchy theory and Peircian semiotics into this science,it is shown how “community” and “communities of communities,” in which communities are defined by their organization to promote the common good of theircomponents, have to be recognized as central concepts not only of ecology, but (...)
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  49.  93
    How Swelling Debts Give Rise to a New Type of Politics in Vietnam.Viet-Ha T. Nguyen, H. K. To Nguyen, Thu-Trang Vuong, Manh-Tung Ho & Quan-Hoang Vuong - manuscript
    Vietnam has seen fast-rising debts, both domestic and external, in recent years. This paperreviews the literature on credit market in Vietnam, providing an up-to-date take on the domesticlending and borrowing landscape. The study highlights the strong demand for credit in both therural and urban areas, the ubiquity of informal lenders, the recent popularity of consumer financecompanies, as well as the government’s attempts to rein in its swelling public debt. Given thehigh level of borrowing, which is fueled by consumerism and geopolitics, (...)
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  50. The Joy of Difference: Foucault and Hadot on the Aesthetic and Universal in Philosophy.Cory Wimberly - 2009 - Philosophy Today 53 (2):192-203.
    The intersection of Foucault and Hadot's work in the philosophy of antiquity is a dense and fruitful meeting. Not only do each of the philosophers offer competing interpretations of antiquity, their differences also reflect on their opposing assessments of the contemporary situation and the continuing philosophical debate between the universal and the relative. Unpacking these two philosophers’ disagreements on antiquity sheds light on how Hadot’s commitment to the Universal and Foucault’s commitment to an aesthetics of existence stem from their diagnoses (...)
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