Results for 'radical democracy'

954 found
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  1. Why Radical Democracy is Inconsistent with "Mob Rule".Walter Horn - 2021 - The Romanian Journal of Society and Politics 15 (1):7-22.
    The word “populism” commonly elicits images of hordes of angry townspeople with pitchforks and torches. That is the classic picture of “the mob,” bolstered by countless movie and television productions, and it is clearly based on such historical events as the English civil wars, the sans-culottes’ terror, the Bolshevik revolution, and the recent genocides in Rwanda and Burundi. Many of the leaders involved in fostering such horrors are seen as radical democrats whose successors today should also be feared. In (...)
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  2. The nonhuman condition: Radical democracy through new materialist lenses.Hans Asenbaum, Amanda Machin, Jean-Paul Gagnon, Diana Leong, Melissa Orlie & James Louis Smith - 2023 - Contemporary Political Theory (Online first):584-615.
    Radical democratic thinking is becoming intrigued by the material situatedness of its political agents and by the role of nonhuman participants in political interaction. At stake here is the displacement of narrow anthropocentrism that currently guides democratic theory and practice, and its repositioning into what we call ‘the nonhuman condition’. This Critical Exchange explores the nonhuman condition. It asks: What are the implications of decentering the human subject via a new materialist reading of radical democracy? Does this (...)
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  3. RADİKAL DEMOKRASİ VE POPÜLİST SİYASETİN ÖZNESİ OLARAK HALK’IN İNŞASI* RADICAL DEMOCRACY AND PEOPLE'S CONSTRUCTION AS THE SUBJECT OF POPULIST POLITICS.Aykut Aykutalp - 2020 - FLSF (Felsefe Ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi) 1 (29):53-78.
    This study focuses on the concept of people developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in the context of radical theories of democracy and populism. People is defined as a subjectivity established as a contingency in the conflictual environment of politics. The construction of the people is a condition of the existence of populist politics as a form of subject that enables the division of politics and social into two camps in the form of friend/enemy and the formation (...)
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  4. Education and articulation: Laclau and Mouffe’s radical democracy in school.Itay Snir - 2017 - Ethics and Education 12 (3):1-13.
    This paper outlines a theory of radical democratic education by addressing a key concept in Laclau and Mouffe’s Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: articulation. Through their concept of articulation, Laclau and Mouffe attempt to liberate Gramsci’s theory of hegemony from Marxist economism, and adapt it to a political sphere inhabited by a plurality of struggles and agents none of which is predominant. However, while for Gramsci the political process of hegemony formation has an explicit educational dimension, Laclau and Mouffe ignore (...)
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  5. Deleuze, Haraway, and the Radical Democracy of Desire.Robert Leston - 2015 - Configurations: A Journal of Literature, Society, and Technology 23 (3):355-376.
    In response to suggestions that Deleuze and Guattari are the “enemy” of companion species, this essay explores the tension between Donna Haraway’s attacks against Deleuze and Guattari and their philosophy of becoming animal. The essay goes on to contextualize Deleuze and Guattari’s statements against pet-owners through a discussion of the psychoanalytical refiguration of desire and shows how their ostensible attack against pet owners fits into their larger critique against capitalism. The essay illustrates why Deleuze and Guattari and Haraway are more (...)
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  6. Radical Islamic Democracy.Karim Sadek - 2020 - International Journal of Political Theory 4 (1):32-53.
    Can democracy be at once radical and Islamic? In this paper I argue that it can. My argument is based on a comparison and contrast of certain aspects in the social-political thought of two contemporary authors: Axel Honneth who defends a particular conception of radical democracy, and Rached al-Ghannouchi who defends a particular conception of the Islamic state. I begin with Honneth’s early articulation of his model of radical democracy as reflexive cooperation, which he (...)
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  7. Democracy and Education: Defending the Humboldtian University and the Democratic Nation-State as Institutions of the Radical Enligtenment.Arran Gare - 2005 - Concrescence: The Australiasian Journal of Process Thought 6:3 - 27.
    Endorsing Bill Readings’ argument that there is an intimate relationship between the dissolution of the nation-State, the undermining of the Humboldtian ideal of the university and economic globalization, this paper defends both the nation-State and the Humboldtian university as core institutions of democracy. However, such an argument only has force, it is suggested, if we can revive an appreciation of the real meaning of democracy. Endorsing Cornelius Castoriadis’ argument that democracy has been betrayed in the modern world (...)
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  8. (1 other version)What is a black radical Kantianism without Du Bois? On method, principle, and abolition democracy.Elvira Basevich - 2023 - Journal of Social Philosophy 55 (1):6-24.
    This essay argues that a black radical Kantianism proposes a Kantian theory of justice in the circumstances of injustice. First, I describe BRK’s method of political critique and explain how it builds on Kant’s republicanism. Second, I argue that Kant’s original account of public right is incomplete because it neglects that a situated citizenry’s adoption of an ideal contributes to its refinement. Lastly, with the aid of W.E.B. Du Bois’s analysis of American Reconstruction and his proposal of an “abolition (...)
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  9. Chantal Mouffe on the Radical Politics of Rodrigo Duterte.Regletto Aldrich Imbong - 2022 - Phavisminda Journal 21:88-117.
    This paper argues that the current scholarship of radical politics primarily bannered by Christopher Ryan Maboloc is a misappropriation of the postMarxist political project of Mouffe and Laclau. Drawing primarily both on Mouffe’s and Laclau’s work Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: Towards a Radical Democratic Politics and an interview with Chantal Mouffe herself, the paper argues how the post-Marxist radical political project of Mouffe and Laclau fails to theoretically fit to the style of governance and regime of Duterte. (...)
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  10. Reviving the Radical Enlightenment: Process Philosophy and the Struggle for Democracy.Arran Gare - 2008 - In Franz Riffert & Hans-Joachim Sander (eds.), Researching with Whitehead: System and Adventure : Essays in Honor of John B. Cobb. Freiburg [im Breisgau] ; München: Alber. pp. 25-57.
    The central thesis defended here is that modernity can best be understood as a struggle between two main traditions of thought: the Radical or “True” Enlightenment celebrating the world and life as creative and promoting the freedom of people to control their own destinies, and the Moderate or “Fake” Enlightenment which developed to oppose the democratic republicanism and nature enthusiasm of the Radical Enlightenment. While the Radical Enlightenment has promoted democracy, the central concern of the Moderate (...)
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  11. The Liberal Arts, the Radical Enlightenment and the War Against Democracy.Arran Gare - 2012 - In Luciano Boschiero (ed.), On the Purpose of a University Education. Australian Scholarly Publishing Ltd. pp. 67-102.
    Using Australia to illustrate the case, in this paper it is argued that the transformation of universities into businesses and the undermining of the liberal arts is motivated by either contempt for or outright hostility to democracy. This is associated with a global managerial revolution that is enslaving nations and people to the global market and the corporations that dominate it. The struggle within universities is the site of a struggle to reverse the gains of the Radical Enlightenment, (...)
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  12. Radical Leadership in Post-Parojinog Ozamis Politics.Gerry Arambala - 2019 - European Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 11 (2018):75-89.
    The history of Philippine democracy is marked with the persistent existence of oppressive forces that subjugate the people. Oppression and corruption are the two historically rooted characteristics of Philippine politics. One of the many reasons for the proliferation of corruption and oppression is the existence of local warlords who impose their power over the masses. These political warlords immure the people by violence in order for them to remain in power. The oppressive structure of governance designed and imposed by (...)
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  13. From politics to democracy? Bernard Williams’ basic legitimation demand in a radical realist lens.Janosch Prinz & Andy Scerri - 2024 - Constellations 31 (3):338-353.
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  14. Identity politics and the democratization of democracy: Oscillations between power and reason in radical democratic and standpoint theory.Karsten Schubert - 2023 - Constellations 1.
    Identity politics is commonly criticized as endangering democracy by undermining community, rational communication, and solidarity. Drawing on both radical democratic theory and standpoint theory, this article posits the opposite thesis: identity politics is pivotal for the democratization of democracy. Democratization through identity politics is achieved by disrupting hegemonic discourse and is, therefore, a matter of power, while such forms of power politics are reasonable when following minority standpoints generated through identity politics. The article develops this approach by (...)
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  15. Democracy and the Multitude: Spinoza against Negri.Sandra Field - 2012 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and (...)
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  16. (1 other version)Review of A Revolution of the Mind: Radical Enlightenment and the Intellectual Origins of Modern Democracy, by Jonathan Israel.Ericka Tucker - 2012 - Studies in Social and Political Thought:138-140.
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  17. Rethinking Democracy in Kurdistan.Daniel J. Smith - 2022 - Philosophy World Democracy 12.
    The Kurdish movement has revitalised the idea of democracy. Under the most difficult of circumstances – squeezed between ISIS on one side and the Turkish armed forces on the other – a radical form of democracy has been implemented that has inspired many both inside and outside the region. Introducing the special issue “Rethinking Democracy in Kurdistan”, this article explores the ingenious challenge to the nation-state system posed by this new democratic theory and practice, focusing on (...)
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  18. The politics of becoming: Disidentification as radical democratic practice.Hans Asenbaum - 2021 - European Journal of Social Theory 24 (1):86-104.
    Current radical democratic politics is characterized by new participatory spaces for citizens’ engagement, which aim at facilitating the democratic ideals of freedom and equality. These spaces are, however, situated in the context of deep societal inequalities. Modes of discrimination are carried over into participatory interaction. The democratic subject is judged by its physically embodied appearance, which replicates external hierarchies and impedes the freedom of self-expression. To tackle this problem, this article seeks to identify ways to increase the freedom of (...)
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  19.  74
    The Priority of Democracy to Social Theory.Jason A. Springs - 2007 - Contemporary Pragmatism 4 (1):47-71.
    This article examines the role of social theory in Cornel West's account of radical democracy. I explicate and extend the critical implications of Richard Rorty's views for the revolutionary impulses in West's project, and then I examine West's use of Sheldon Wolin's notion of "fugitive democracy" as a potential instance of the "theoretical resentment" against which Rorty cautions. Drawing from John Howard Yoder and Karl Barth, I conclude by demonstrating how West's account of the Black Church contains (...)
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  20. If You’re Not Scared, You Haven’t Been Paying Attention: Trump, the Radicalization of the GOP, and the Future of US Democracy.Frank A. Stengel - forthcoming - Austrian Journal of Political Science.
    The article discusses the future of US democracy after the end of Donald J. Trump’s scandal-ridden presidency, which culminated in a violent attempted self-coup. In contrast to many observers outside the United States who appear to assume that Joe Biden’s inauguration marks the failure of the coup attempt, I argue that this view is overly optimistic. First, Trump by no means acted alone but was supported by leading figures in the Republican Party (GOP). Second, the attack on democratic norms (...)
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  21. Democracy and the Vernacular Imagination in Vico’s Plebian Philology.Rebecca Gould - forthcoming - History of Humanities.
    This essay examines Giambattista Vico’s philology as a contribution to democratic legitimacy. I outline three steps in Vico’s account of the historical and political development of philological knowledge. First, his merger of philosophy and philology, and the effects of that merge on the relative claims of reason and authority. Second, his use of antiquarian knowledge to supersede historicist accounts of change in time and to position the plebian social class as the true arbiters of language. Third, his understanding of philological (...)
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  22. Philosophizing and Democracy: The North, Central, and the South.Givheart Dano - 2024 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 1 (Special Issue):299-244.
    In recent years, democracy in the Philippines has become a contentious subject, particularly considering Rodrigo Duterte's presidency, marking the first leader hailing from Mindanao. Scholars representing the South (Mindanao), Central (Visayas), and North (Luzon) have contributed their perspectives on democracy, employing philosophical inquiry to reframe the discourse. This approach is rooted in their scholarly endeavors, aimed at uncovering the multifaceted issues surrounding Philippine democracy. These scholarly endeavors have both broadened the perspectives of many Filipinos and engendered divisions (...)
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  23. Radical Republicanism and the Future of Work.Tom O'Shea - 2021 - Theory and Event 24 (4):1050-1067.
    I develop a socialist republican conception of economic liberty and show how it can be used to understand the domination of workers. It holds that both paid and unpaid workers can be deprived of economic freedom when they are exposed to an arbitrary power to undermine their access to the economic capabilities needed for civic equality. Measures intended to reduce domination are recommended, including public ownership of productive property, workplace democracy, and robust unconditional basic income and services. Finally, I (...)
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  24. The Politics of Becoming: Anonymity and Democracy in the Digital Age.Hans Asenbaum - 2023 - Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    When we participate in political debate or protests, we are judged by how we look, which clothes we wear, by our skin colour, gender and body language. This results in exclusions and limits our freedom of expression. The Politics of Becoming explores radical democratic acts of disidentification to counter this problem. Anonymity in masked protest, graffiti, and online de-bate interrupts our everyday identities. This allows us to live our multiple selves. In the digital age, anonymity becomes an inherent part (...)
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  25. Beyond Social Democracy? Takis Fotopoulos' Vision of an Inclusive Democracy as a New Liberatory Project.Arran Gare - 2003 - Democracy and Nature 9 (3):345-358.
    Towards an Inclusive Democracy, it is argued, offers a powerful new interpretation of the history and destructive dynamics of the market and provides an inspiring new vision of the future in place of both neo-liberalism and existing forms of socialism. It is shown how this work synthesizes and develops Karl Polanyi’s characterization of the relationship between society and the market and Cornelius Castoriadis’ philosophy of autonomy. A central component of Fotopoulos’ argument is that social democracy can provide no (...)
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  26. Radicalizing Radical Negativity: On Oliver Marchart’s Thinking Antagonism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics 3 (22):581-605.
    Oliver Marchart constructs an elaborate ontologization of the political that builds on theories developed by the Essex School while relying on Heideggerianism and Hegelianism. This original thought is a powerful and convincing attempt to think the ontology of the political without lapsing into a celebration of essentialist grounding or complete groundlessness, which are equally metaphysical and mutually supporting positions. Tensions arise within Marchart’s own thought when the notion of instrumentality appears to be inscribed solely on the side of politics or (...)
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  27. The Aesthetico-Political: The Question of Democracy in Merleau-Ponty, Arendt, and Rancière.Martín Plot - 2014 - New York, NY, USA: Bloomsbury Academic. Edited by Martín Plot.
    This study uses new arguments to reinvestigate the relation between aesthetics and politics in the contemporary debates on democratic theory and radical democracy. -/- First, Carl Schmitt and Claude Lefort help delineate the contours of an aesthetico-political understanding of democracy, which is developed further by studying Merleau-Ponty, Rancière, and Arendt. -/- The ideas of Merleau-Ponty serve to establish a general "ontological" framework that aims to contest the dominant currents in contemporary democratic theory. It is argued that Merleau-Ponty, (...)
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  28. A Case for Global Democracy? Arms Exports and Conflicting Goals in Democracy Promotion.Pavel Dufek & Michal Mochťak - 2019 - Journal of International Relations and Development 22 (3):610–639.
    Employing the framework of conflicting goals in democracy promotion as departure point, the paper addresses the issue of arms exports to non-democratic countries as an important research topic which points to a reconsideration of certain fundamental conceptual and normative commitments underpinning democracy promotion. Empirically, we remind of the lingering hypocrisy of Western arms exporters, knowing that exports to non-democratic countries often hinder or block democratisation. This is not easily circumvented, because of the many conflicting objectives both internal and (...)
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  29. Cultural claims and the limits of liberal democracy.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2008 - Social Theory and Practice 34 (1):25-48.
    Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson’s theory of deliberative democracy has been widely influential and favorably viewed by many as a successful attempt to combine procedural and substantive aspects of democracy, while remaining quintessentially liberal. Although I admit that their conception is one of the strongest renditions of liberal democracy, I argue that it is inadequate in radically multicultural societies that house non-liberal cultural minorities. By focusing on Gutmann’s position on minority claims of culture in the liberal West, (...)
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  30. Hayek versus Trump: The Radical Right’s Road to Serfdom.Aris Trantidis & Nick Cowen - 2020 - Polity 52 (2):159-188.
    Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom has been interpreted as a general warning against state intervention in the economy.1 We review this argument in conjunction with Hayek’s later work and discern an institutional thesis about which forms of state intervention and economic institutions could threaten personal and political freedom. Economic institutions pose a threat if they allow for coercive interventions, as described by Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty: by giving someone the power to force others to serve one’s will by (...)
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  31. Political ignorance is both rational and radical.Adam F. Gibbons - 2023 - Synthese 202 (3):1-22.
    It is commonly held that political ignorance is rational, a response to the high costs and low benefits of acquiring political information. But many recent critics of the claim that political ignorance is rational instead urge that it is a simple consequence of agents not concerning themselves with the acquisition of political information whatsoever. According to such critics, political ignorance is inadvertent radical ignorance rather than a rational response to the incentives faced by agents in democracies. And since political (...)
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  32. Capitalist Realism And The End Of Democracy.Irfan Ajvazi - 2022 - Critique and Dialectics 2:10.
    As civil liberties are shredded and powerful corporate and political force engage in a range of legal illegalities, the state itself becomes a model for corruption and violence. Violence has become not only the foundation of corporate sovereignty, it has also become the ideological scaffolding of common sense. Under casino capitalism, the state has become the enemy of justice and offers a prototype for types of misguided rebellion that mimic the lawlessness enshrined by corporate sovereignty and the repressive state apparatuses. (...)
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  33. Stasis Before the State: Nine Theses on Agonistic Democracy.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2018 - New York: Fordham University Press.
    How is political change possible when even the most radical revolutions only reproduce sovereign power? Via the analysis of the contradictory meanings of stasis, Vardoulakis argues that the opportunity for political change is located in the agonistic relation between sovereignty and democracy and thus demands a radical rethinking.
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  34. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as (...)
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  35. Another Life. Democracy, Suicide, Ipseity, Autoimmunity.R. Mendoza-de Jesus - 2021 - Enrahonar: Quaderns de Filosofía 2021 (66):15–35.
    This paper elaborates some of the conceptual implications of Derrida’s call for “another thinking of life” in Voyous: Deux essais sur la raison. The paper first argues that Derrida’s deconstruction of the opposition between metaphorical and literal uses of the discourse of life in La vie la mort is radicalized in Voyous when he argues that democracy’s “autoimmunitary suicide” should be the point of departure for rethinking life in general. To understand further these autoimmune-suicidal tendencies, the paper turns to (...)
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  36. What's in a name? How a democracy becomes an aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2016 - Democracy Futures Series, The Conversation.
    Is there something about the deep logic of democracy that destines it to succeed in the world? Democracy, the form of politics that includes everyone as equals – does it perhaps suit human nature better than the alternatives? After all, surely any person who is excluded from the decision-making in a society will be more liable to rise up against it. From ancient thinkers like Seneca to contemporary thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, we can see some version of this (...)
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  37. The Rousseauian Dilemma: Direct vs. Representative Democracy (4th edition).Bainur Yelubayev - 2023 - Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Political Science 86 (4):33-40.
    Jean-Jacques Rousseau is one of the most controversial philosophers and political theorists of the Enlightenment. He has often been accused of laying the ideological foundation for many repressive and radical movements and regimes, from the reign of terror of the French Revolution to the right-wing and left-wing totalitarian regimes of the twentieth century. Especially his idea of the general will has been criticised by scholars as an abstract Platonism that establishes the dictatorship of the state and rejects basic human (...)
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  38. The State: Spinoza's Institutional Turn.Sandra Field - 2015 - In Andre Santos Campos (ed.), Spinoza: Basic Concepts. Burlington, VT, USA: Imprint Academic. pp. 142-154.
    The concept of imperium is central to Spinoza's political philosophy. Imperium denotes authority to rule, or sovereignty. By extension, it also denotes the political order structured by that sovereignty, or in other words, the state. Spinoza argues that reason recommends that we live in a state, and indeed, humans are hardly ever outside a state. But what is the source and scope of the sovereignty under which we live? In some sense, it is linked to popular power, but how precisely, (...)
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  39. The Arts and the Radical Enlightenment.Arran Gare - 2007/2008 - The Structurist 47:20-27.
    The arts have been almost completely marginalized - at a time when, arguably, they are more important than ever. Whether we understand by “the arts” painting, sculpture and architecture, or more broadly, the whole aesthetic realm and the arts faculties of universities concerned with this realm, over the last half century these fields have lost their cognitive status. This does not mean that there are not people involved in the arts, but they do not have the standing participants in these (...)
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  40. Illuminating the Radical Democratic Enlightenment. [REVIEW]Ericka Tucker - 2012 - Studies in Social and Political Thought 20:138-141.
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  41. Are There Human Rights? Review of Carol Gould's Globalizing Democracy and Human Rights[REVIEW]Kory P. Schaff - 2006 - Radical Philosophy Today 4:261-267.
    Guided by Hegel’s claim that rights are actualized only in the ethical life of the modern state, and that the “abstract spirit of Kant’s cosmopolitanism” is pervasive in Carol Gould’s Globalizing Democracy and Human Rights, Schaff raises a variety of moral, political, and ontological objections to her account of rights. He argues that if we embrace with Gould the idea that people have rights in abstraction, in political communities where they are not practically realized, we unwittingly play into the (...)
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  42. Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that (...)
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  43. El vacío de Podemos: meontología política del cambio en España.Adrià Porta Caballé - 2024 - Las Torres de Lucca. Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 13 (2):211-219.
    La mayoría de análisis sobre el Podemos original (2014-2016) han tendido a prestar más atención a lo que este era (sus líderes, militancia, votantes, programa y discurso), antes que a lo que no era (su negatividad, falta de esencia o el vacío que consiguió representar). El presupuesto ontológico de que Podemos re-presenta una suerte de ente con una determinada esencia se ha podido entrever incluso en sus crisis internas. Por el contrario, este ensayo busca primero precedentes para una me-ontología política (...)
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  44. The inter-est between us: Ontology, epistemology, and the failure of political representation.Aylon Cohen - 2023 - Contemporary Political Theory 22 (1):46-69.
    In recent decades, theories of representation have undergone a constructivist turn, as many theorists no longer view the represented subject as prior to but rather as an effect of representation. Whereas some critics have claimed that lacking an ontologically pre-given subject undermines the theory of representation, many democratic theorists have sought to reconceptualize representation and its democratic possibilities by turning away from ontological questions altogether. By focusing instead on how representatives come to know the public interest, many scholars now contend (...)
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  45. Chantal Mouffe's Agonistic Project: Passions and Participation.Matthew Jones - 2014 - Parallax 20 (2):14-30.
    It is Chantal Mouffe’s contention that the central weakness of consensus-driven forms of liberalism, such as John Rawls’ political liberalism and Jurgen Habermas’ deliberative democracy, is that they refuse to acknowledge conflict and pluralism, especially at the level of the ontological. Their defence for doing so is that conflict and pluralism are the result of attempts to incorporate unreasonable and irrational claims into the public political sphere. In this context, unreasonable and irrational claims are those that cannot be translated (...)
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  46. The Turn within the Pragmatic Turn: Recovering Bernstein's Democratic Dewey.Shane J. Ralston - 2014 - In Judith M. Green (ed.), Richard J. Bernstein and the Pragmatist Turn in Contemporary Philosophy. New York, NY: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 98-109.
    Richard Bernstein’s recent book The Pragmatic Turn is a first-rate scholarly work, an enduring contribution to the literature on the history of Pragmatism, and one that is very difficult to find fault with. Since I am a Dewey scholar and a democratic theorist, I will focus mainly on the book’s third chapter (“John Dewey’s Vision of Radical Democracy”) and its relation to Bernstein’s overall thesis: namely, that “during the past 150 years, philosophers working in different traditions have explored (...)
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  47. Preface to Forenames of God: Enumerations of Ernesto Laclau toward a Political Theology of Algorithms.Virgil W. Brower - 2021 - Internationales Jahrbuch Für Medienphilosophie 7 (1):243-251.
    Perhaps nowhere better than, "On the Names of God," can readers discern Laclau's appreciation of theology, specifically, negative theology, and the radical potencies of political theology. // It is Laclau's close attention to Eckhart and Dionysius in this essay that reveals a core theological strategy to be learned by populist reasons or social logics and applied in politics or democracies to come. // This mode of algorithmically informed negative political theology is not mathematically inert. It aspires to relate a (...)
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  48. Comparative Political Theology.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    For a research project I engaged in from 2004-2007, I gathered and analysed statements made by representatives of Islamist terrorist movements on the Internet and compared key themes of their ideology (such as "democracy", "capitalism", "globalization", "colonialism" and "underdevelopment") to the writings and ideology of authors in various traditions of Christian "political theology". In this paper, it is being established that there are clear similarities in the socio-political analysis advanced by Christian political and liberation theologians and representatives of Islamist (...)
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  49. Cień Boga w ogrodzie filozofa. Parc de La Villette w Paryżu w kontekście filozofii chôry.Wąs Cezary - 2021 - Wrocław: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego.
    The Shadow of God in the Philosopher’s Garden. The Parc de La Villette in Paris in the context of the philosophy of chôra I Bernard Tschumi’s project of the Parc de La Villette could have won the competition and was implemented thanks to the political atmosphere that accompanied the victory of the left-wing candidate in the French presidential elections in 1981. François Mitterand’s revision of the political programme and the replacement of radical reforms with the construction of prestigious architectural (...)
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  50. Socialist Republicanism.Tom O’Shea - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (5):548-572.
    Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the (...)
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