Results for 'radical democracy'

998 found
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  1. Education and Articulation: Laclau and Mouffe’s Radical Democracy in School.Itay Snir - 2017 - Ethics and Education 12 (3):1-13.
    This paper outlines a theory of radical democratic education by addressing a key concept in Laclau and Mouffe’s Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: articulation. Through their concept of articulation, Laclau and Mouffe attempt to liberate Gramsci’s theory of hegemony from Marxist economism, and adapt it to a political sphere inhabited by a plurality of struggles and agents none of which is predominant. However, while for Gramsci the political process of hegemony formation has an explicit educational dimension, Laclau and Mouffe ignore (...)
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  2. Deleuze, Haraway, and the Radical Democracy of Desire.Robert Leston - 2015 - Configurations: A Journal of Literature, Society, and Technology 23 (3):355-376.
    In response to suggestions that Deleuze and Guattari are the “enemy” of companion species, this essay explores the tension between Donna Haraway’s attacks against Deleuze and Guattari and their philosophy of becoming animal. The essay goes on to contextualize Deleuze and Guattari’s statements against pet-owners through a discussion of the psychoanalytical refiguration of desire and shows how their ostensible attack against pet owners fits into their larger critique against capitalism. The essay illustrates why Deleuze and Guattari and Haraway are more (...)
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  3. RADİKAL DEMOKRASİ VE POPÜLİST SİYASETİN ÖZNESİ OLARAK HALK’IN İNŞASI* RADICAL DEMOCRACY AND PEOPLE'S CONSTRUCTION AS THE SUBJECT OF POPULIST POLITICS.Aykut Aykutalp - 2020 - FLSF (Felsefe Ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi) 1 (29):53-78.
    This study focuses on the concept of people developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in the context of radical theories of democracy and populism. People is defined as a subjectivity established as a contingency in the conflictual environment of politics. The construction of the people is a condition of the existence of populist politics as a form of subject that enables the division of politics and social into two camps in the form of friend/enemy and the formation (...)
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  4. Democracy and Education: Defending the Humboldtian University and the Democratic Nation-State as Institutions of the Radical Enligtenment.Arran Gare - 2005 - Concrescence: The Australiasian Journal of Process Thought 6:3 - 27.
    Endorsing Bill Readings’ argument that there is an intimate relationship between the dissolution of the nation-State, the undermining of the Humboldtian ideal of the university and economic globalization, this paper defends both the nation-State and the Humboldtian university as core institutions of democracy. However, such an argument only has force, it is suggested, if we can revive an appreciation of the real meaning of democracy. Endorsing Cornelius Castoriadis’ argument that democracy has been betrayed in the modern world (...)
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  5.  42
    Radical Islamic Democracy.Karim Sadek - 2020 - International Journal of Political Theory 4 (1):32-53.
    Can democracy be at once radical and Islamic? In this paper I argue that it can. My argument is based on a comparison and contrast of certain aspects in the social-political thought of two contemporary authors: Axel Honneth who defends a particular conception of radical democracy, and Rached al-Ghannouchi who defends a particular conception of the Islamic state. I begin with Honneth’s early articulation of his model of radical democracy as reflexive cooperation, which he (...)
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  6.  73
    Reviving the Radical Enlightenment: Process Philosophy and the Struggle for Democracy.Arran Gare - 2008 - In Franz Riffert & Hans-Joachim Sanders (eds.), Researching with Whitehead: System and Adventure. 21729 Freiburg, Germany: pp. 25-57.
    The central thesis defended here is that modernity can best be understood as a struggle between two main traditions of thought: the Radical or “True” Enlightenment celebrating the world and life as creative and promoting the freedom of people to control their own destinies, and the Moderate or “Fake” Enlightenment which developed to oppose the democratic republicanism and nature enthusiasm of the Radical Enlightenment. While the Radical Enlightenment has promoted democracy, the central concern of the Moderate (...)
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  7.  11
    The Liberal Arts, the Radical Enlightenment and the War Against Democracy.Arran Gare - 2012 - In Luciano Boschiero (ed.), On the Purpose of a University Education. North Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing Ltd. pp. 67-102.
    Using Australia to illustrate the case, in this paper it is argued that the transformation of universities into businesses while the undermining of the liberal arts is motivated by either contempt for or outright hostility to democracy. This is associated with a global managerial revolution that is enslaving nations and people to the global market and the corporations that dominate it. The struggle within universities is the site of a struggle to reverse the gains of the Radical Enlightenment, (...)
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  8. Democracy and the Multitude: Spinoza Against Negri.Sandra Field - 2012 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 59 (131):21-40.
    Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and (...)
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  9.  92
    Radical Leadership in Post-Parojinog Ozamis Politics.Gerry Arambala - 2019 - European Journal of Research in Social Science and Humanities 11 (2018):75-89.
    The history of Philippine democracy is marked with the persistent existence of oppressive forces that subjugate the people. Oppression and corruption are the two historically rooted characteristics of Philippine politics. One of the many reasons for the proliferation of corruption and oppression is the existence of local warlords who impose their power over the masses. These political warlords immure the people by violence in order for them to remain in power. The oppressive structure of governance designed and imposed by (...)
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  10. A Case for Global Democracy? Arms Exports and Conflicting Goals in Democracy Promotion.Pavel Dufek & Michal Mochťak - 2019 - Journal of International Relations and Development 22 (3):610–639.
    Employing the framework of conflicting goals in democracy promotion as departure point, the paper addresses the issue of arms exports to non-democratic countries as an important research topic which points to a reconsideration of certain fundamental conceptual and normative commitments underpinning democracy promotion. Empirically, we remind of the lingering hypocrisy of Western arms exporters, knowing that exports to non-democratic countries often hinder or block democratisation. This is not easily circumvented, because of the many conflicting objectives both internal and (...)
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  11. Cultural Claims and the Limits of Liberal Democracy.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2008 - Social Theory and Practice 34 (1):25-48.
    Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson’s theory of deliberative democracy has been widely influential and favorably viewed by many as a successful attempt to combine procedural and substantive aspects of democracy, while remaining quintessentially liberal. Although I admit that their conception is one of the strongest renditions of liberal democracy, I argue that it is inadequate in radically multicultural societies that house non-liberal cultural minorities. By focusing on Gutmann’s position on minority claims of culture in the liberal West, (...)
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  12.  52
    Stasis Before the State: Nine Theses on Agonistic Democracy.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2018 - New York: Fordham University Press.
    How is political change possible when even the most radical revolutions only reproduce sovereign power? Via the analysis of the contradictory meanings of stasis, Vardoulakis argues that the opportunity for political change is located in the agonistic relation between sovereignty and democracy and thus demands a radical rethinking.
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  13. Democracy and the Vernacular Imagination in Vico’s Plebian Philology.Rebecca Gould - forthcoming - History of Humanities.
    This essay examines Giambattista Vico’s philology as a contribution to democratic legitimacy. I outline three steps in Vico’s account of the historical and political development of philological knowledge. First, his merger of philosophy and philology, and the effects of that merge on the relative claims of reason and authority. Second, his use of antiquarian knowledge to supersede historicist accounts of change in time and to position the plebian social class as the true arbiters of language. Third, his understanding of philological (...)
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  14.  41
    Radicalizing Radical Negativity: On Oliver Marchart’s Thinking Antagonism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics 3 (22):581-605.
    Oliver Marchart constructs an elaborate ontologization of the political that builds on theories developed by the Essex School while relying on Heideggerianism and Hegelianism. This original thought is a powerful and convincing attempt to think the ontology of the political without lapsing into a celebration of essentialist grounding or complete groundlessness, which are equally metaphysical and mutually supporting positions. Tensions arise within Marchart’s own thought when the notion of instrumentality appears to be inscribed solely on the side of politics or (...)
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  15. Beyond Social Democracy? Takis Fotopoulos' Vision of an Inclusive Democracy as a New Liberatory Project.Arran Gare - 2003 - Democracy and Nature 9 (3):345-358.
    Towards an Inclusive Democracy, it is argued, offers a powerful new interpretation of the history and destructive dynamics of the market and provides an inspiring new vision of the future in place of both neo-liberalism and existing forms of socialism. It is shown how this work synthesizes and develops Karl Polanyi’s characterization of the relationship between society and the market and Cornelius Castoriadis’ philosophy of autonomy. A central component of Fotopoulos’ argument is that social democracy can provide no (...)
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  16.  57
    The Arts and the Radical Enlightenment.Arran Gare - 2007/2008 - The Structurist 47:20-27.
    The arts have been almost completely marginalized - at a time when, arguably, they are more important than ever. Whether we understand by “the arts” painting, sculpture and architecture, or more broadly, the whole aesthetic realm and the arts faculties of universities concerned with this realm, over the last half century these fields have lost their cognitive status. This does not mean that there are not people involved in the arts, but they do not have the standing participants in these (...)
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  17.  52
    Philosophy as Capitalism and the Socialist Radically Metaphysical Response to It.Katerina Kolozova - 2017 - Labyrinth 19 (2):57-71.
    The author starts from the thesis that there is no such thing as a "natural" or "apolitical" economy. The economy is always already political, as it is the economy’s material core of power, control, and its main mechanisms, i.e. exploitation and oppression. It is no less so in the era of neoliberalism, a time in which we witness the divorce between capitalism and democracy. In order to lay the foundations of a different economy, one that is not based on (...)
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  18. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as (...)
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  19. The Aesthetico-Political. The Question of Democracy in Merleau-Ponty, Arendt, and Rancière.Martin Plot - 2014 - New York, NY, USA: Bloomsbury Academic.
    This study uses new arguments to reinvestigate the relation between aesthetics and politics in the contemporary debates on democratic theory and radical democracy. -/- First, Carl Schmitt and Claude Lefort help delineate the contours of an aesthetico-political understanding of democracy, which is developed further by studying Merleau-Ponty, Rancière, and Arendt. -/- The ideas of Merleau-Ponty serve to establish a general "ontological" framework that aims to contest the dominant currents in contemporary democratic theory. It is argued that Merleau-Ponty, (...)
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  20. Hayek Versus Trump: The Radical Right’s Road to Serfdom.Aris Trantidis & Nick Cowen - 2020 - Polity 52 (2):159-188.
    Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom has been interpreted as a general warning against state intervention in the economy.1 We review this argument in conjunction with Hayek’s later work and discern an institutional thesis about which forms of state intervention and economic institutions could threaten personal and political freedom. Economic institutions pose a threat if they allow for coercive interventions, as described by Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty: by giving someone the power to force others to serve one’s will by (...)
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  21. Illuminating the Radical Democratic Enlightenment. [REVIEW]Ericka Tucker - 2012 - Studies in Social and Political Thought 20:138-141.
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  22.  22
    What's in a Name? How a Democracy Becomes an Aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2016 - Democracy Futures Series, The Conversation.
    Is there something about the deep logic of democracy that destines it to succeed in the world? Democracy, the form of politics that includes everyone as equals – does it perhaps suit human nature better than the alternatives? After all, surely any person who is excluded from the decision-making in a society will be more liable to rise up against it. From ancient thinkers like Seneca to contemporary thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, we can see some version of this (...)
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  23. The State: Spinoza's Institutional Turn.Sandra Field - 2015 - In Andre Santos Campos (ed.), Spinoza: Basic Concepts. Imprint Academic. pp. 142-154.
    The concept of imperium is central to Spinoza's political philosophy. Imperium denotes authority to rule, or sovereignty. By extension, it also denotes the political order structured by that sovereignty, or in other words, the state. Spinoza argues that reason recommends that we live in a state, and indeed, humans are hardly ever outside a state. But what is the source and scope of the sovereignty under which we live? In some sense, it is linked to popular power, but how precisely, (...)
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  24. Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that (...)
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  25. Chantal Mouffe's Agonistic Project: Passions and Participation.Matthew Jones - 2014 - Parallax 20 (2):14-30.
    It is Chantal Mouffe’s contention that the central weakness of consensus-driven forms of liberalism, such as John Rawls’ political liberalism and Jurgen Habermas’ deliberative democracy, is that they refuse to acknowledge conflict and pluralism, especially at the level of the ontological. Their defence for doing so is that conflict and pluralism are the result of attempts to incorporate unreasonable and irrational claims into the public political sphere. In this context, unreasonable and irrational claims are those that cannot be translated (...)
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  26. Socialist Republicanism.Tom O’Shea - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (5):548-572.
    Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the (...)
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  27.  15
    Defending Plurality. Four Reasons Why We Need to Rethink Academic Freedom in Europe.Karsten Schubert - 2021 - Verfassungsblog 2021/4/19.
    Academic freedom is under attack, both in authoritarian democracies, such as Hungary and Turkey, and in liberal Western democracies, such as the United States, the UK, France and Germany. For example, Gender Studies are being targeted by right-wing governments in Eastern Europe, and in France President Emmanuel Macron has attacked post-colonial and critical theories as “Islamo-gauchisme“, portraying them as a danger to the Republic. However, dominant discourses about academic freedom and free speech in the global north, lately especially in France (...)
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  28. Comparative Political Theology.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    For a research project I engaged in from 2004-2007, I gathered and analysed statements made by representatives of Islamist terrorist movements on the Internet and compared key themes of their ideology (such as "democracy", "capitalism", "globalization", "colonialism" and "underdevelopment") to the writings and ideology of authors in various traditions of Christian "political theology". In this paper, it is being established that there are clear similarities in the socio-political analysis advanced by Christian political and liberation theologians and representatives of Islamist (...)
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  29. The Promise of Predistribution.Martin O'Neill - 2012 - Policy Network - Predistribution and the Crisis in Living Standards.
    If pursued with serious intent, Pre-distribution has the capacity to create an exciting and radical new agenda for social democracy. But the politics of Pre-distribution cannot be innocuous or uncontroversial. -/- In its more radical forms, predistribution is a potentially radical and inspiring project for social democrats who have come to see the limitations of the old ways of doing things. It’s a project that promises a strategy to deliver abundantly on values of social justice, economic (...)
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  30.  51
    Why Spinoza Today? Or, ‘A Strategy of Anti-Fear’.Hasana Sharp - 2005 - Rethinking Marxism 17 (4):591-608.
    This essay contends that Spinoza provides a valuable analysis of the ‘‘affective’’damage to a social body caused by fear, anxiety, and ‘‘superstition.’’ Far from being primarily an external threat, this essay argues that terrorism and the promulgationof fear by the current administration in the United States pose a threat to internalsocial cohesion. The capacity to respond in constructive and ameliorative ways tocurrent global conflicts is radically undermined by amplifying corrosive relationshipsof anxiety, suspicion and hatred among citizens. Spinoza presents a portrait (...)
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  31. Postmodernism as the Decadence of the Social Democratic State.Arran Gare - 2001 - Democracy and Nature 7 (1):77-99.
    In this paper it is argued that the corresponding rise of postmodernism and the triumph of neo-liberalism are not only not accidental, the triumph of neo-liberalism has been facilitated by postmodernism. Postmodernism has been primarily directed not against mainstream modernism, the modernism of Hobbes, Smith, Darwin and social Darwinism, but against the radical modernist quest for justice and emancipation with its roots in German thought. The Social Democratic State, the principles of which were articulated by Hegel, is construed as (...)
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  32.  34
    Capitini, Aldo.Sergio Volodia Marcello Cremaschi - 2010 - Leksikon for Det 21. Århundrede.
    A brief presentation of life, activity and publications of an Italian philosopher, the founder with Guido Calogero of the Liberal-Socialist movement under the Fascist regime and the theorist of non-violence and omnicracy as the key ideas for a new left, beyond reformism and third-International state-socialism.
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  33.  14
    Response to Critics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2021 - European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium.
    The European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium featured my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics, with critical commentaries from Alissa MacMillan, Chris Holman, and Justin Steinberg. This is my response to their commentaries.
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  34.  20
    Précis of Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2021 - European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium.
    The European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium featured my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics. This is a précis of the book.
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  35. Spinoza, the Epicurean: Authority and Utility in Materialism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Edinburgh, UK: Edinburgh University Press.
    Through a radical new reading of the Theological Political Treatise, Dimitris Vardoulakis argues that the major source of Spinoza’s materialism is the Epicurean tradition that re-emerges in modernity when manuscripts by Epicurus and Lucretius are rediscovered. This reconsideration of Spinoza’s political project, set within a historical context, lays the ground for an alternative genealogy of materialism. Central to this new reading of Spinoza are the theory of practical judgment (understood as the calculation of utility) and its implications for a (...)
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  36. Delaboring Republicanism.Robert S. Taylor - 2019 - Public Affairs Quarterly 33 (4):265-280.
    This article criticizes radical labor republicanism on republican grounds. I show that its demand for universal workplace democracy via workers’ cooperatives conflicts with republican freedom along three different dimensions: first, freedom to choose an occupation…and not to choose one; second, freedom within the very cooperatives that workers are to democratically govern; and third, freedom within the newly proletarian state. In the conclusion, I ask whether these criticisms apply, at least in part, to the more modest, incrementalist strand of (...)
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  37.  56
    Ill Fare the Humanities.Dawid Misztal & Tomasz Sieczkowski - 2016 - In Janusz Kaczmarek & Ryszard Kleszcz (eds.), Philosophy as the Foundation of Knowledge, Action, Ethos. Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego. pp. 183-198.
    The starting point of our considerations is the two books published in 2010: "Ill Fare the Land" by late Tony Judt and "Not for Profit" by Martha Nussbaum. The authors of both books share the conviction that neoliberal changes in the world of global capitalism radically impoverish culture and their consequences may be dramatic and irreversible. In our paper we would like to emphasize the dangers to solidarity and social cohesion posed by neoliberal postulates. We also claim that promoting the (...)
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  38. Pragmatism, Growth, and Democratic Citizenship.Wesley Dempster - 2016 - Dissertation, Bowling Green State University
    This dissertation defends an ideal of democratic citizenship inspired by John Dewey’s theory of human flourishing, or “growth.” In its emphasis on the interrelatedness of individual development and social progress, Deweyan growth orients us toward a morally substantive approach to addressing the important question of how diverse citizens can live together well. I argue, however, that Dewey’s understanding of growth as a process by which conflicting interests, beliefs, and values are integrated into a more unified whole—both within the community and (...)
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  39. “Dismantling the Master's House”: Freedom as Ethical Practice in Brandom and Foucault.Jason A. Springs - 2009 - Journal of Religious Ethics 37 (3):419-448.
    This article makes a case for the capacity of "social practice" accounts of agency and freedom to criticize, resist, and transform systemic forms of power and domination from within the context of religious and political practices and institutions. I first examine criticisms that Michel Foucault's analysis of systemic power results in normative aimlessness, and then I contrast that account with the description of agency and innovative practice that pragmatist philosopher Robert Brandom identifies as "expressive freedom." I argue that Brandom can (...)
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  40. ‘“What’s So Great About Science?” Feyerabend on the Ideological Use and Abuse of Science.Ian James Kidd - 2016 - In Elena Aronova & Simone Turchetti (eds.), Science Studies during the Cold War and Beyond. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 55-76.
    It is very well known that from the late-1960s onwards Feyerabend began to radically challenge some deeply-held ideas about the history and methodology of the sciences. It is equally well known that, from around the same period, he also began to radically challenge wider claims about the value and place of the sciences within modern societies, for instance by calling for the separation of science and the state and by questioning the idea that the sciences served to liberate and ameliorate (...)
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  41.  83
    Against Posthumanism: Posthumanism as the World Vision of House-Slaves.Arran Gare - 2021 - Borderless Philosophy 4:1-56.
    One of the most influential recent developments in supposedly radical philosophy is ‘posthumanism’. This can be seen as the successor to ‘deconstructive postmodernism’. In each case, the claim of its proponents has been that cultures are oppressive by virtue of their elitism, and this elitism, fostered by the humanities, is being challenged. In each case, however, these philosophical ideas have served ruling elites by crippling opposition to their efforts to impose markets, concentrate wealth and power and treat everyone and (...)
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  42. Toward an Ecological Civilization - An Interview with Arran Gare.A. I. Kopytin & Arran Gare - 2020 - Ecopoiesis: Eco-Human Theory and Practice 1:1-10.
    This interview focuses on Arran Gare’s thinking about ecological civilization and its relationship to a new theoretical ecology, strong democracy and political philosophy based on “ecopoiesis” or “home-making.” Gare believes that it is possible to create a global ecological civilization that empowers people to augment their ecological communities. Complex transformations of the social and economic organization of societies and a radical upheaval of our conceptions of what it means to be human are required to bring about this change (...)
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  43.  77
    Exile the Rich!Thomas R. Wells - 2016 - Krisis 2016 (1):19-28.
    The rich have two defining capabilities: independence from and command over others. These make being wealthy very pleasant indeed, but they are also toxic to democracy. First, I analyse the mechanisms by which the presence of very wealthy individuals undermines the two pillars of liberal democracy, equality of citizenship and legitimate social choice. Second, I make a radical proposal. If we value the preservation of democracy we must limit the amount of wealth any individual can have (...)
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  44. The Other Heading and Europe.Francesco Tampoia - manuscript
    In Politics of Friendship, the aporias of friendship transposed to democracy indicate that if democracy is a promise of the universal inclusiveness of each singular one counting equally, and if its fraternal or national limitation naturalizes the ineluctable decision of inclusion and exclusion, then true friendship requires dis-proportion. It demands a certain rupture in reciprocity and equality, as well as the interruption of all fusion between the you and the me. In this way democracy remains an un-fulfillable (...)
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  45. Teze o Přelití V Participativní Demokracii: Empirická Relevance a Normativní Udržitelnost [The Spillover Thesis in Participatory Democratic Theory: Empirical Relevance and Normative Defensibility].Jan Čambora & Pavel Dufek - 2016 - Czech Political Science Review 22 (2):75–102.
    The paper focuses on the “spillover thesis” which constitutes a pillar of much of contemporary participatory democratic theory; specifically, we assess the claim that workplace democratization leads to a higher degree of political participation amongst labourers. The paper analyses the thesis as formulated by Carole Pateman, including its later revisions triggered by ambiguous results of empirical studies aiming to (dis)prove it. The spillover thesis is then confronted with important methodological and theoretical critiques, the upshot being that in order to be (...)
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  46. Comment les Médias Grand Public Alimentent-Ils le Populisme de Droite?Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2019 - Argumentum. Journal of the Seminar of Discursive Logic, Argumentation Theory and Rhetoric 17 (1):9-32.
    The vertiginous rise of right-wing populism, especially in its “nationalist, xenophobic and conservative form”, and some “racist, anti-Semitic, homophobic and sexist” drifts associated with this phenomenon – whether real or perceived as such – make the mainstream media play a double role. On the one hand, the mainstream media reflect the struggle for political hegemony between different vested interests; on the other hand, they engage in the fight against right-wing populism blasting both right-wing populist candidates and their voters or supporters. (...)
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  47.  33
    Common Futures: Social Transformation and Political Ecology.Alexandros Schismenos & Yavor Tarinski - 2021 - Black Rose Books.
    What does the future hold? Is the desertification of the planet, driven by state and corporate authority, the final horizon of history? Is the dystopian future implied by the systemic degradation of nature and society inescapable? From marginal activist groups to governments and interstate organizations, all appear to be concerned with what the future of our shared world will look like. Yet even amid the ongoing global crisis caused by capitalism, the potential of a different, radically rooted future has also (...)
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  48. Spinoza's Anti-Humanism.Yitzhak Y. Melamed - 2010 - In Smith Justin & Fraenkel Carlos (eds.), The Rationalists. Springer/Synthese.
    A common perception of Spinoza casts him as one of the precursors, perhaps even founders, of modern humanism and Enlightenment thought. Given that in the twentieth century, humanism was commonly associated with the ideology of secularism and the politics of liberal democracies, and that Spinoza has been taken as voicing a “message of secularity” and as having provided “the psychology and ethics of a democratic soul” and “the decisive impulse to… modern republicanism which takes it bearings by the dignity of (...)
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  49.  68
    The Return of the Political: Chantal Mouffe and Ozamiz City Politics.Gerry Arambala - manuscript
    For over 30 years, Ozamiz city was ruled by a political dynasty whose predatory politics has brought about the radical deficit of democracy in the state. Politics in the city is characterized with political harassments and violence. For three decades the ruling family succeeded in reformulating the democratic values of the place that they were able to rule the city without any threats of popular uprising and protestations. With their political machinery they were able to hostage the people (...)
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  50. The Future of Death: Cryonics and the Telos of Liberal Individualism.James Hughes - 2001 - Journal of Evolution and Technology 6 (1).
    This paper addresses five questions: First, what is trajectory of Western liberal ethics and politics in defining life, rights and citizenship? Second, how will neuro-remediation and other technologies change the definition of death for the brain injured and the cryonically suspended? Third, will people always have to be dead to be cryonically suspended? Fourth, how will changing technologies and definitions of identity affect the status of people revived from brain injury and cryonic suspension? I propose that Western liberal thought is (...)
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