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  1. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as Lenin said). Techno-philosophical alternatives (...)
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  2. How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Political Normativity.Adrian Kreutz & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Political Studies Review.
    Do salient normative claims about politics require moral premises? Political moralists think they do, political realists think they do not. We defend the viability of realism in a two-pronged way. First, we show that a number of recent attacks on realism, as well as realist responses to those attacks, unduly conflate distinctively political normativity and non-moral political normativity. Second, we argue that Alex Worsnip and Jonathan Leader-Maynard’s recent attack on realist arguments for a distinctively political normativity depends on assuming moralism (...)
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  3. Political activism, egalitarian justice, and public reason.Blain Neufeld - forthcoming - Journal of Social Philosophy.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  4. Fact-Centric Political Theory, Three Ways: Normative Behaviourism, Grounded Normative Theory, and Radical Realism.Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Political Studies Review.
    In the last two decades Anglophone political theory witnessed a renewed interest in social-scientific empirical findings—partly as a reaction against normative theorizing centred on the formulation of abstract, intuition-driven moral principles. This brief paper begins by showing how this turn has taken two distinct forms: (i) a non-ideal theoretical orientation, which seeks to balance the emphasis on moral principles with feasibility and urgency considerations, and (ii) a fact-centric orientation, which seeks to ground normative conclusions in empirical results. The core of (...)
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  5. Políticas de la definición de lo humano: más allá de un problema de igualdad.Enver Joel Torregroza Lara - 2024 - Las Torres de Lucca: Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 13 (1):31-39.
    Anne Phillips argues that definitions of the human are a trap for the political claims to equality contained in humanitarianism or human rights discourse. However, defining the human also hides the ontological and political problem addressed by the Philosophical Anthropology. There is an ethical and political stake in the philosophical anthropology of the last century when it insists on the indefinability of the human. With this, it criticizes the politics implicit in the definition of the human. And also, it questions (...)
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  6. Realism against Legitimacy.Samuel Bagg - 2022 - Social Theory and Practice 48 (1):29-60.
    This article challenges the association between realist methodology and ideals of legitimacy. Many who seek a more “realistic” or “political” approach to political theory replace the familiar orientation towards a state of justice with a structurally similar orientation towards a state of legitimacy. As a result, they fail to provide more reliable practical guidance, and wrongly displace radical demands. Rather than orienting action towards any state of affairs, I suggest that a more practically useful approach to political theory would directly (...)
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  7. Understanding the 'Six Paradoxes of Post-Colonial Violence' as the Ontology of Insecurity in Nigeria.Omobola Olufunto Badejo & Abidemi Israel Ogunyomi - 2021 - Journal of Oriental and African Studies 30:369-388.
    It is incontrovertible that the problem of insecurity is part of the ravening realities in the current civil society. It is a general problem facing the whole world. However, it is more pronounced in some parts of the world than in others. In African countries, especially in Nigeria, insecurity has been a seemingly insurmountable problem. It has rendered all attempts made by the government and individuals to stabilize the country thereby strengthening the principle of social co-operation, harmony and peaceful coexistence (...)
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  8. The courage of thinking in utopias: Gadamer's "political Plato".Facundo Bey - 2021 - Analecta Hermeneutica 13:110-134.
    The aim of this article is to explore Gadamer’s early reflections on Plato’s utopian thought and its potential topicality. In the following section, I will show how areté, understood as a hermeneutical and existential virtue, is dialectically related to ethics and politics in Gadamer’s phenomenological reception of Plato’s philosophy. I argue that, in Gadamer’s eyes, Socratic-Platonic self-understanding enables human beings to be aware of their political responsibilities, to recognize how they are existentially and mutually related to the other, and to (...)
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  9. Review of Violence and Political Theory, by Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings. [REVIEW]Lantz Fleming Miller - 2021 - Philosophy in Review 41 (2):65-67.
    Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a fair though critical overview (...)
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  10. The Short and the Long of It: A Political Phenomenology of Pandemic Time.Cressida J. Heyes - 2020 - Philosophy Today 64 (4):859-863.
    Drawing on Françoise Dastur’s suggestion that the event is a permanent possibility that shapes lived experience, but also, when it occurs, a distinctive temporal rupture, I argue that the initial weeks of the COVID-19 epidemic constitute an event, in her sense. Connecting this phenomenological point to literatures on the politics of temporality, I suggest that the distinction between event and normal experience maps to that between epidemic and endemic. Understanding some of the political and ethical erasures of death and debility (...)
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  11. Public Values in the Right Context.Kian Mintz-Woo - 2020 - Australasian Philosophical Review 4 (1):57-62.
    [Comment] I am sympathetic to Avner de Shalit’s position that a political philosophy should incorporate public values, but I see their role differently. Philosophers of science standardly distinguish between values being introduced in the context of discovery (inputs into the investigation or arguments) and in the context of justification (acceptance or rejection of substantive claims in light of the arguments or investigation). I argue that de Shalit is wrong to put the public values in the context of discovery; with respect (...)
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  12. The Hegemony of Psychopathy.Lajos Brons - 2017 - Santa Barbara, California: Brainstorm Books.
    Any social and political arrangement depends on acceptance. If a substantial part of a people does not accept the authority of its rulers, then those can only remain in power by means of force, and even that use of force needs to be accepted to be effective. Gramsci called this acceptance of the socio-political status quo “hegemony.” Every stable state relies primarily on hegemony as a source of control. Hegemony works through the dissemination of values and beliefs that create acceptance (...)
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  13. Political realism as ideology critique.Janosch Prinz & Enzo Rossi - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (3):334-348.
    This paper outlines an account of political realism as a form of ideology critique. Our focus is a defence of the normative edge of this critical-theoretic project against the common charge that there is a problematic trade-off between a theory’s groundedness in facts about the political status quo and its ability to consistently envisage radical departures from the status quo. To overcome that problem we combine insights from three distant corners of the philosophical landscape: theories of legitimacy by Bernard Williams (...)
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  14. Autonomia del "politico" e autonomia de "sociale". Trascendenza e immanenza in Negri e Laclau.Elia Zaru - 2017 - Quaderni Materialisti 15:193-209.
    Il dilemma «autonomia del politico-autonomia del sociale» ha le sue radici in quello tra trascendenza e immanenza, e si riproduce nel corso di tutta l’elaborazione teorica di Laclau e Negri, dagli scritti degli anni ’70 fino agli interventi più recenti. Queste due impostazioni teoriche si intersecano in un dialogo a distanza, la cui analisi permette di cogliere gli aspetti salienti di differenziazione e i motivi profondi di incompatibilità, ma anche di dimostrare che, considerato in questi termini, tale dilemma non ha (...)
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  15. Review of Raymond Geuss, Reality and Its Dreams. [REVIEW]Enzo Rossi - 2016 - Notre Dame Philosophical Review.
    In this review I try and show the ways in which Geuss’ new work may advance the (radical) realist programme. The main contribution in the new essays, as I see it, is the emphasis on the counterintuitively transformative potential of a realist approach, as opposed to the false promise of highly moralised approaches. I also highlight some open questions about Geuss’ realism, primarily to do with his contextualism and with the role of feasibility constraints.
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  16. Can Realism Move Beyond a Methodenstreit?The Political Theory of Political Thinking: The Anatomy of a Practice, by FreedenMichael. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013.Liberal Realism: A Realist Theory of Liberal Politics, by SleatMatt. Manchester, UK: Manchester University Press, 2013. [REVIEW]Enzo Rossi - 2016 - Political Theory 44 (3):410-420.
    Is there more to the recent surge in political realism than just a debate on how best to continue doing what political theorists are already doing? I use two recent books, by Michael Freeden and Matt Sleat, as a testing ground for realism’s claims about its import on the discipline. I argue that both book take realism beyond the Methodenstreit, though each in a different direction: Freeden’s takes us in the realm of meta-metatheory, Sleat’s is a genuine exercise in grounding (...)
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  17. Liberale Subjekte. Eine affirmative Streitschrift.Frieder Vogelmann - 2016 - Mittelweg 36 25 (2):74-90.
    n diesem Beitrag zum Scherpunkt "Politische Theorie in der Krise" untersuche ich das von liberalen Theorien produzierte Wissen. Der Beitrag folgt dazu drei Selbstbeschreibungen des politischen Liberalismus, der sich erstens selbst als dominierendes Zentrum der gegenwärtigen Politischen Theorie sieht, der zweitens Anspruch darauf erhebt, mit seinem Wissen die politischen Selbstverständnisse von Bürger_innen anleiten und verändern zu können, und der schließlich drittens seine eigene Wirksamkeit in der Wirklichkeit im Rahmen der Diskussion um ideale und nicht-ideale Theorie verhandelt. Im affirmativen Nachvollzug dieser (...)
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  18. REFRAMING AND PRACTICING COMMUNITY INCLUSION: THE RELEVANCE OF PHILOSOPHY FOR CHILDREN.Roberto Franzini Tibaldeo - 2014 - Childhood and Philosophy 10 (20):401-420.
    I wish to carry out a philosophical inquiry into contemporary intercultural public spheres. The thesis I will support is that the achievement of inclusive public spheres (namely, with respect to our European and Western experience, the accomplishment of democracy) largely depends on one’s willingness and capacity to foster an “appreciation of diversities” by first, enhancing policies and forms of cooperation between the citizens’ emotional and motivational resources, and then enhancing their cognitive competences. More specifically, my proposal is to understand such (...)
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  19. Adorno’s politics: Theory and praxis in Germany’s 1960s.Fabian Freyenhagen - 2014 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 40 (9):0191453714545198.
    Theodor W. Adorno inspired much of Germany’s 1960s student movement, but he came increasingly into conflict with this movement about the practical implications of his critical theory. Others – including his friend and colleague Herbert Marcuse – also accused Adorno of a quietism that is politically objectionable and in contradiction with his own theory. In this article, I recon- struct, and partially defend, Adorno’s views on theory and (political) praxis in Germany’s 1960s in 11 theses. His often attacked and maligned (...)
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  20. Rural Development with Special Reference to Drinking Water, Health and Agriculture in India.Shailendra Kumar - 2014 - SOCRATES 2 (1):210-221.
    Rural India comprises 73 %of the country’s population, but its share in the total national income is less than 45 %. The rural sector is characterized by low income levels, poor quality of life and a weak human capital-base. There are many problems in rural India related with the health, agriculture & drinking water. Generally rural public health facilities across the country are having a difficult time attracting, retaining, and ensuring regular presence of highly trained medical professionals. The higher the (...)
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  21. Realism in Normative Political Theory.Enzo Rossi & Matt Sleat - 2014 - Philosophy Compass 9 (10):689-701.
    This paper provides a critical overview of the realist current in contemporary political philosophy. We define political realism on the basis of its attempt to give varying degrees of autonomy to politics as a sphere of human activity, in large part through its exploration of the sources of normativity appropriate for the political and so distinguish sharply between political realism and non-ideal theory. We then identify and discuss four key arguments advanced by political realists: from ideology, from the relationship of (...)
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  22. Disabling Philosophy.Shelley Tremain - 2014 - The Philosophers' Magazine 65 (63):15-17.
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  23. Maurice Merleau-Ponty on Violence and Marxism.Mihnea Chiujdea - 2013 - Opticon1826 15 (7):01-15.
    This article aims to examine the main tenets of Merleau-Ponty’s political thought. To this end, his early Marxism and his later support for Liberalism are contextualised within Merleau-Ponty’s philosophical work, put into relation and both criticised. The focus of the discussion is shifted onto the role and locus of the political thinker in order to evaluate the scope of a political project such as Marxism might have. It is divided into three sections. The first explores the themes of the philosophy (...)
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  24. Does Philosophy Betray Both Reason and Humanity?Nicholas Maxwell - 2013 - The Philosophers' Magazine 62 (62):17-18.
    A bad philosophy of inquiry, built into the intellectual/institutional structure of universities round the world, betrays both reason and humanity.
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  25. Misconceptions Concerning Wisdom.Nicholas Maxwell - 2013 - Journal of Modern Wisdom 2:92-97.
    If our concern is to help wisdom to flourish in the world, then the central task before us is to transform academia so that it takes up its proper task of seeking and promoting wisdom instead of just acquiring knowledge. Improving knowledge about wisdom is no substitute; nor is the endeavour of searching for the correct definition of wisdom.
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  26. That Was the New Labour That Wasn't.Stuart White & Martin O'Neill - 2013 - Fabian Review.
    The New Labour we got was different from the New Labour that might have been, had the reform agenda associated with stakeholding and pluralism in the early-1990s been fully realised. We investigate the road not taken and what it means for ‘one nation’ Labour.
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  27. Pragmatism and Democracy.Roberto Frega & Fabrizio Trifirò (eds.) - 2010 - Ethics & Politics, 12, 1 2010.
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  28. Review of Bert van den Brink and David Owen (eds.), Recognition and Power. Axel Honneth and the Tradition of Critical Social Theory. [REVIEW]Marco Solinas - 2010 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica (59):223-224.
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  29. Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW]Marco Solinas - 2009 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica (56):253-254.
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  30. Are Philosophers Responsible for Global Warming?Nicholas Maxwell - 2008 - Philosophy Now 65 (65):12-13.
    The suggestion that philosophers are responsible for global warming seems, on the face of it, absurd. However, that we might cause global warming has been known for over a century. If we had had in existence a more rigorous kind of academic inquiry devoted to promoting human welfare, giving priority to problems of living, humanity might have become aware of the dangers of global warming long ago, and might have taken steps to meet these dangers decades ago. That we do (...)
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  31. The Philosopher as a “Secret Agent” for Peace: Taking Seriously Kant’s Revival of the “Old Question”.Stephen R. Palmquist - 2008 - In Valerio Rohden, Ricardo R. Terra & Guido A. De Almeida (eds.), Recht und Frieden in der Philosophie Kants, vol. 4 of Akten des X. Internationalen Kant-Kongresses. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. pp. 597-608.
    This essay interprets the much-neglected Second Part of The Conflict of the Faculties, entitled “An old question raised again: Is the human race constantly progressing?”, by showing the close relationship between the themes it deals with and those Kant addresses in the Supplements and Appendices of Perpetual Peace. In both works, Kant portrays the philosopher as having the duty to promote a “secret article”, without which his vision of a lasting international peace through the agency of a federation of states (...)
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  32. The political uses of philosophy-Elective affinities in the Spanish transition to democracy.F. Colom - 2004 - Filozofia 59 (3-4):156-171.
    Politická reflexia uskutočňovaná v akademických kruhoch predstavuje rad vlastných charakteristík v porovnaní s inými druhmi intelektuálnej činnosti. Nejde len o j e j viac-menej prirodzené preniknutie do domácich mocenských vzťahov, ale o mimoriadnu citlivosť j e j obsahu a rozvoja na spoločenské a politické podmienky inštitucionálneho kontextu. O politickej kultúre krajiny sa môžeme naučiť veľa práve na základe analýzy toho, o čom j e j intelektuáli diskutujú - a o čom nediskutujú, ako aj o teoretických nástrojoch, ktoré pritom využívajú.
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  33. Irony in Kant's 'Zum ewigen Frieden'.Karel Mom - manuscript
    In an introduction to a French edition of Kant´s Zum ewigen Frieden, Charles Lemonnier, who was involved in the international peace movement, wonders why Kant had not touched the ´social question´ in this essay. In this paper, I take Lemonnier´s explanation of Kant´s silence concerning that issue, combined with his appreciation of the ironic format of the text as a starting point to analyse the irony in the essay. This analysis, in which, for heuristic purposes, Kant is compared with Plato, (...)
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