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  1. Twenty-First Century Anti-Democracy: Theory and Practice in the World.Erich Kofmel - manuscript
    Contemporary political philosophy in the West is the philosophy of democracy, is democratic theory. Philosophy under democracy has become complacent. Even the recent reaffirmation of communism by influential philosophers such as Alain Badiou and Slavoj Žižek failed to inspire a significant following. There has been no radical philosophical reaction to the near-collapse of the capitalist economic system, mainly because any criticism of capitalism would imply a criticism of democracy ("the best possible political shell for capitalism", as Lenin said). Techno-philosophical alternatives (...)
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  2. The Best and the Rest: Idealistic Thinking in a Non-Ideal World.David Wiens - manuscript
    Models of idealistic societies pervade the history of political thought from ancient times to the present. How can these models contribute to our thinking about political life in our non-ideal world? Not, as many political theorists have hoped, by performing a normative function -- by giving us reasons to accept particular political principles for the purpose of regulating our thought and behavior. Even still, idealistic models can sharpen our thinking about politics by performing a conceptual function -- by helping us (...)
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  3. Conceptual Engineering and the Dynamics of Linguistic Intervention.Adam F. Gibbons - forthcoming - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy.
    The Implementation Problem for conceptual engineering is, roughly, the problem conceptual engineers face when attempting to bring about the conceptual change they support. An important aspect of this problem concerns the extent to which attempting to implement concepts can lead to unintended negative consequences. Not only can conceptual engineers fail to implement their proposals, but their interventions can produce outcomes directly counter to their goals. It is therefore important to think carefully about the prospect of attempted implementation leading to unintended (...)
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  4. How I Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Political Normativity.Adrian Kreutz & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - Political Studies Review.
    Do salient normative claims about politics require moral premises? Political moralists think they do, political realists think they do not. We defend the viability of realism in a two-pronged way. First, we show that a number of recent attacks on realism, as well as realist responses to those attacks, unduly conflate distinctively political normativity and non-moral political normativity. Second, we argue that Alex Worsnip and Jonathan Leader-Maynard’s recent attack on realist arguments for a distinctively political normativity depends on assuming moralism (...)
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  5. Sphere transgressions: reflecting on the risks of big tech expansionism.Marthe Stevens, Steven R. Kraaijeveld & Tamar Sharon - forthcoming - Information, Communication and Society.
    The rapid expansion of Big Tech companies into various societal domains (e.g., health, education, and agriculture) over the past decade has led to increasing concerns among governments, regulators, scholars, and civil society. While existing theoretical frameworks—often revolving around privacy and data protection, or market and platform power—have shed light on important aspects of Big Tech expansionism, there are other risks that these frameworks cannot fully capture. In response, this editorial proposes an alternative theoretical framework based on the notion of sphere (...)
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  6. A Karendtian Theory of Political Evil: Connecting Kant and Arendt on Political Wrongdoing.Helga Varden - forthcoming - Estudos Kantianos.
    This paper shows ways to develop, integrate, and transform Kant’s and Arendt’s theories on political evil into a unified Karendtian theory. Given the deep influence Kant had on Arendt’s thinking, the deep philosophical compatibility between their projects is not surprising. But the results of drawing on the resources left by both is exciting and groundbreaking with regard to both political evil in general and the challenges of modernity and totalitarianism in particular.
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  7. Hobbes y la cuestión del poder.Sandra Leonie Field - 2024 - In Diego Fernández Peychaux, Antonio David Rozenberg & Ramírez Beltrán Julián (eds.), Thomas Hobbes: libertad y poder en la metamorfosis moderna. Buenos Aires: Universidad de Buenos Aires Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani. pp. 188-232. Translated by Ramírez Beltrán Julián.
    Spanish translation of Field, S. L. (2014). 'Hobbes and the question of power'. Journal of the History of Philosophy, 52(1), 61-86. Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such (...)
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  8. Políticas de la definición de lo humano: más allá de un problema de igualdad.Enver Joel Torregroza Lara - 2024 - Las Torres de Lucca: Revista Internacional de Filosofía Política 13 (1):31-39.
    Anne Phillips argues that definitions of the human are a trap for the political claims to equality contained in humanitarianism or human rights discourse. However, defining the human also hides the ontological and political problem addressed by the Philosophical Anthropology. There is an ethical and political stake in the philosophical anthropology of the last century when it insists on the indefinability of the human. With this, it criticizes the politics implicit in the definition of the human. And also, it questions (...)
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  9. Is One More Powerful with Numbers on One's Side?Sean Ingham & Niko Kolodny - 2023 - Journal of Political Philosophy 31 (4):452-469.
    Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  10. Cancel Culture: an Essentially Contested Concept?Claudio Novelli - 2023 - Athena - Critical Inquiries in Law, Philosophy and Globalization 1 (2):I-X.
    Cancel culture is a form of societal self-defense that becomes prominent particularly during periods of substantial moral upheaval. It can lead to the polarization of incompatible viewpoints if it is indiscriminately demonized. In this brief editorial letter, I consider framing cancel culture as an essentially contested concept (ECC), according to the theory of Walter B. Gallie, with the aim of establishing a groundwork for a more productive discourse on it. In particular, I propose that intermediate agreements and principles of reasonableness (...)
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  11. Is Ecoturism Environmentally and Socially Acceptable in the Climate, Demographic, and Political Regime of the Anthropocene?Richard Sťahel - 2023 - In João Carlos Ribeiro Cardoso Mendes, Isabel Ponce de Leão, Maria do Carmo Mendes & Rui Paes Mendes (eds.), GREEN MARBLE 2023. Estudos sobre o Antropoceno e Ecocrítica / Studies on the Anthropocene and Ecocriticism. INfAST - Institute for Anthropocene Studies. pp. 73-88.
    Tourism is one of the socio-economic trends that significantly contributes to the shift of the planetary system into the Anthropocene regime. At the same time, it is also a socio-cultural practice characteristic of the imperial mode of living, or consumerism. Thus, it is a form of commodification of nature, also a way of deepening social inequalities between a privileged minority of the global population and an exploited majority providing services to those whose socio-economic status allows them to travel for fun (...)
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  12. A grammatical investigation?Robert Vinten - 2023 - In Soraya Nour Sckell (ed.), Meeting Balibar: A discussion on equaliberty and differences. Edições Húmus. pp. 77-82.
    This chapter is a response to Étienne Balibar's paper 'Ontological Difference, Anthropological Difference, and Equal Liberty', which was first published in European Journal of Philosophy and is republished in this book (Meeting Balibar, edited by Soraya Nour Sckell, Edições Húmus, 2023). Robert Vinten's chapter ('A grammatical investigation?') reflects upon grammar and ontology - as well as on war and Islamophobia.
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  13. The Concept of Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2022 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 52 (4):381-395.
    I argue that legitimacy discourses serve a gatekeeping function. They give practitioners telic standards for riding herd on social practices, ensuring that minimally acceptable versions of the practice are implemented. Such a function is a necessary part of implementing formalized social practices, especially including law. This gatekeeping account shows that political philosophers have misunderstood legitimacy; it is not secondary to justice and only necessary because we cannot agree about justice. Instead, it is a necessary feature of actual human social practices, (...)
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  14. Why Moral Agreement is Not Enough to Address Algorithmic Structural Bias.P. Benton - 2022 - Communications in Computer and Information Science 1551:323-334.
    One of the predominant debates in AI Ethics is the worry and necessity to create fair, transparent and accountable algorithms that do not perpetuate current social inequities. I offer a critical analysis of Reuben Binns’s argument in which he suggests using public reason to address the potential bias of the outcomes of machine learning algorithms. In contrast to him, I argue that ultimately what is needed is not public reason per se, but an audit of the implicit moral assumptions of (...)
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  15. The Stability of the Just Society: Why Fixed Point Theorems Are Beside The Point.Sean Ingham & David Wiens - 2022 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 23 (2):312-319.
    Political theorists study the attributes of desirable social-moral states of affairs. Schaefer (forthcoming) aims to show that "static political theory" of this kind rests on shaky foundations. His argument revolves around an application of an abstruse mathematical theorem -- Kakutani's fixed point theorem -- to the social-moral domain. We show that Schaefer has misunderstood the implications of this theorem for political theory. Theorists who wish to study the attributes of social-moral states of affairs should carry on, safe in the knowledge (...)
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  16. How East Meets West: Justice and Consequences in Confucian Meritocracy.Thomas Mulligan - 2022 - Journal of Confucian Philosophy and Culture 37:17-38.
    "Meritocracy" has historically been understood in two ways. The first is as an approach to governance. On this understanding, we seek to put meritorious (somehow defined) people into public office to the benefit of society. This understanding has its roots in Confucius, its scope is political offices, and its justification is consequentialist. The second understanding of "meritocracy" is as a theory of justice. We distribute in accordance with merit in order to give people the things that they deserve, as justice (...)
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  17. Conceptual Engineering and the Politics of Implementation.Matthieu Https://Orcidorg Queloz & Friedemann Https://Orcidorg Bieber - 2022 - Pacific Philosophical Quarterly 103 (3):670-691.
    Conceptual engineering is thought to face an ‘implementation challenge’: the challenge of securing uptake of engineered concepts. But is the fact that implementation is challenging really a defect to be overcome? What kind of picture of political life would be implied by making engineering easy to implement? We contend that the ambition to obviate the implementation challenge goes against the very idea of liberal democratic politics. On the picture we draw, the implementation challenge can be overcome by institutionalizing control over (...)
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  18. Intentional and Unintentional Discrimination: What Are They and What Makes Them Morally Different.Rona Dinur - 2021 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 19 (2):111-138.
    The distinction between intentional and unintentional discrimination is a prominent one in the literature and public discourse; intentional discriminatory actions are commonly considered particularly morally objectionable relative to unintentional discriminatory actions. Nevertheless, it remains unclear what the two types amount to, and what generates the moral difference between them. The paper develops philosophically-informed conceptualizations of the two types based on which the moral difference between them may be accounted for. On the suggested account, intentional discrimination is characterized by the agent (...)
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  19. Fanon's Frame of Violence: Undoing the Instrumental/Non-Instrumental Binary.Imge Oranli - 2021 - Interventions: International Journal of Postcolonial Studies 23 (8):1106-1123.
    The scholarship on Frantz Fanon’s theorization of violence is crowded with interpretations that follow the Arendtian paradigm of violence. These interpretations often discuss whether violence is instrumental or non-instrumental in Fanon’s work. This reading, I believe, is the result of approaching Fanon through Hannah Arendt’s framing of violence, i.e. through a binary paradigm of instrumental versus non-instrumental violence. Even some Fanon scholars who question Arendt’s reading of Fanon, do so by employing a similar binary logic, hence repeating the same either/or (...)
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  20. Legitimacy beyond the state: institutional purposes and contextual constraints.N. P. Adams, Antoinette Scherz & Cord Schmelzle - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 23 (3):281-291.
    The essays collected in this special issue explore what legitimacy means for actors and institutions that do not function like traditional states but nevertheless wield significant power in the global realm. They are connected by the idea that the specific purposes of non-state actors and the contexts in which they operate shape what it means for them to be legitimate and so shape the standards of justification that they have to meet. In this introduction, we develop this guiding methodology further (...)
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  21. Patriotism, Local and Global.Charles Blattberg - 2020 - In Mitja Sardoč (ed.), Handbook of Patriotism. Cham, Switzerland: Springer.
    The terms “patriotism” and “nationalism” are distinguished historically, conceptually, and geographically. Historically, patriotism is shown to have roots in the classical republican tradition of political thought, according to which citizens should give priority to the common good of their political or civic, as distinct from national, community. Conceptually, it is argued that patriotism is best understood as a political philosophy, an account of the form or forms of dialogue that citizens should engage in when responding to their conflicts, whereas nationalism (...)
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  22. Centripetal Federalism.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2020 - 50 Shades of Federalism, Ed. By S. Keil, P. Anderson. CCCU and CRÉQC.
    Centripetalism is often perceived as a type of a political system for a multi-segmental, especially multi-ethnic, country in order to create among the members of the political elite of moderate, accomodative, and integrative political behavior cross-cutting segmental divisions which, reaching beyond group interests, depoliticize the segmental separateness and, in this manner, reduce their significance. One of the central institutions of centripetalism is decentralization leading to a division of large segments into smaller parts that inhabit different, ideally multi-segmental regions, thus inclining (...)
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  23. How Far Does the European Union Reach? Foreign Land Acquisitions and the Boundaries of Political Communities.Torsten Menge - 2019 - Land 8 (3).
    The recent global surge in large-scale foreign land acquisitions marks a radical transformation of the global economic and political landscape. Since land that attracts capital often becomes the site of expulsions and displacement, it also leads to new forms of migration. In this paper, I explore this connection from the perspective of a political philosopher. I argue that changes in global land governance unsettle the congruence of political community and bounded territory that we often take for granted. As a case (...)
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  24. 21 वीं सदी में आत्मघाती यूटोपियाई भ्रम दर्शन, मानव प्रकृति और सभ्यता का पतन लेख और समीक्षाएं 2006-2019 5वीं संस्करण.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    वह लेख के पहले समूह के लिए हम कैसे व्यवहार है कि काफी सैद्धांतिक भ्रम से मुक्त है में कुछ अंतर्दृष्टि देने का प्रयास. अगले तीन समूहों में मैं एक स्थायी दुनिया को रोकने के प्रमुख भ्रम के तीन पर टिप्पणी - प्रौद्योगिकी, धर्म और pol(सहकारी समूह)। लोगों का मानना है कि समाज उनके द्वारा बचाया जा सकता है, तो मैं क्यों यह छोटे लेख और प्रसिद्ध लेखकों द्वारा हाल ही में पुस्तकों की समीक्षा के माध्यम से संभावना नहीं है (...)
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  25. Institutional Legitimacy.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy:84-102.
    Political legitimacy is best understood as one type of a broader notion, which I call institutional legitimacy. An institution is legitimate in my sense when it has the right to function. The right to function correlates to a duty of non-interference. Understanding legitimacy in this way favorably contrasts with legitimacy understood in the traditional way, as the right to rule correlating to a duty of obedience. It helps unify our discourses of legitimacy across a wider range of practices, especially including (...)
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  26. Imparcialidad ejemplar.María G. Navarro - 2018 - In Ricardo Gutiérrez Aguilar (ed.), Predicar con el ejemplo. Ser y deber (de) ser en lo público. Edicions Bellaterra. pp. 215-226.
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  27. Evil's Inscrutability in Arendt and Levinas.Imge Oranli - 2018 - Science Et Esprit 70 (3):341-362.
    Since 2001, Continental philosophical studies of evil suggest that we are forced to rethink the category of evil as we face acts of terrorism on a global scale. In light of this suggestion, this article traces the idea of the “inscrutability of evil” as a common lens through which we associate the category of evil with the phenomena we identify as evil. This idea finds its first modern formulation in Kant’s theory of radical evil. I argue that Hannah Arendt and (...)
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  28. New Twist to Political Corruption in 4th Republic Nigeria given Non-Human Animals Stealing millions: A Case for the Defense of Animal Rights.Amaobi Nelson Osuala - 2018 - GNOSI: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Human Theory and Praxis 1 (2).
    Corruption has assumed a new turn in 4th Republic Nigeria, particularly where non-human animals are alleged by human animals to deep their hands into the public tilt for their selfish non-human animal purposes. This is a clear case of hypocrisy on the part of human animals in that, at one instance we contend that non-human animals are inferior to human beings and at the other instance, we affirm though inadvertently that non-human animals are not inferior but equal since they have (...)
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  29. On the Messy “Utopophobia vs Factophobia” Controversy.Laura Valentini - 2017 - In Kevin Vallier & Michael Weber (eds.), Political Utopias: Contemporary Debates. New York, NY: Oup Usa. pp. 11-31.
    In recent years, political philosophers have been fiercely arguing over the virtues and vices of utopian vs realistic theorizing. Partly due to the lack of a common and consistently used vocabulary, these debates have become rather confusing. In this chapter, I attempt to bring some clarity to them and, in doing so, I offer a conciliatory perspective on the “utopian vs realistic theorizing” controversy. I argue that, once the notion of a normative or evaluative theory is clearly defined and distinguished (...)
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  30. Something to Die for. The Individual as Interruption of the Political in Carl Schmitt’s The Concept of the Political.Marin Lavinia - 2016 - Revue Roumaine de Philosophie 60 (2):311–325.
    This article aims to question the anti-individualist stance in Carl Schmitt's concept of the political by uncovering the historical bias of Schmitt's anti-individualism, seen here as one of the main driving forces behind his argument. For Schmitt, the political can take place only when a collectivity is able to declare war to another collectivity on the basis of feeling existentially threatened by the latter. As such, Schmitt's framework implies the inescapable possibility of war, as the condition which makes possible the (...)
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  31. "Actual" does not imply "feasible".Nicholas Southwood & David Wiens - 2016 - Philosophical Studies 173 (11):3037-3060.
    The familiar complaint that some ambitious proposal is infeasible naturally invites the following response: Once upon a time, the abolition of slavery and the enfranchisement of women seemed infeasible, yet these things were actually achieved. Presumably, then, many of those things that seem infeasible in our own time may well be achieved too and, thus, turn out to have been perfectly feasible after all. The Appeal to History, as we call it, is a bad argument. It is not true that (...)
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  32. Collective Obligations: Their Existence, Their Explanatory Power, and Their Supervenience on the Obligations of Individuals.Bill Wringe - 2016 - European Journal of Philosophy 24 (2):472-497.
    In this paper I discuss a number of different relationships between two kinds of obligation: those which have individuals as their subject, and those which have groups of individuals as their subject. I use the name collective obligations to refer to obligations of the second sort. I argue that there are collective obligations, in this sense; that such obligations can give rise to and explain obligations which fall on individuals; that because of these facts collective obligations are not simply reducible (...)
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  33. Political Norms and Moral Values.Robert Jubb & Enzo Rossi - 2015 - Journal of Philosophical Research 40:455-458.
    This is a response to Erman and Moller's response to our reply to their 'Political Legitimacy in the Real Normative World', both also in this journal.
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  34. Why Moralists Should Be Afraid of Political Values.Robert Jubb & Enzo Rossi - 2015 - Journal of Philosophical Research 40:465-468.
    In this rejoinder to Erman and Möller’s reply to our “Political Norms and Moral Values” we clarify the sense in which there can be specifically political values, and expound the practice-dependent notion of legitimacy adopted by our preferred version of political realism.
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  35. Political Ideals and the Feasibility Frontier.David Wiens - 2015 - Economics and Philosophy 31 (3):447-477.
    Recent methodological debates regarding the place of feasibility considerations in normative political theory are hindered for want of a rigorous model of the feasibility frontier. To address this shortfall, I present an analysis of feasibility that generalizes the economic concept of a production possibility frontier and then develop a rigorous model of the feasibility frontier using the familiar possible worlds technology. I then show that this model has significant methodological implications for political philosophy. On the Target View, a political ideal (...)
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  36. Hobbes and the Question of Power.Sandra Field - 2014 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 52 (1):61-85.
    Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such a doctrine must be robustly complemented by an account of how the effective power commensurate to this authority might be achieved. (...)
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  37. Rural Development with Special Reference to Drinking Water, Health and Agriculture in India.Shailendra Kumar - 2014 - SOCRATES 2 (1):210-221.
    Rural India comprises 73 %of the country’s population, but its share in the total national income is less than 45 %. The rural sector is characterized by low income levels, poor quality of life and a weak human capital-base. There are many problems in rural India related with the health, agriculture & drinking water. Generally rural public health facilities across the country are having a difficult time attracting, retaining, and ensuring regular presence of highly trained medical professionals. The higher the (...)
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  38. The Politics of the Third Person: Esposito’s Third Person and Rancière’s Disagreement.Matheson Russell - 2014 - Critical Horizons 15 (3):211-230.
    Against the enthusiasm for dialogue and deliberation in recent democratic theory, the Italian philosopher Roberto Esposito and French philosopher Jacques Rancière construct their political philosophies around the nondialogical figure of the third person. The strikingly different deployments of the figure of the third person offered by Esposito and Rancière present a crystallization of their respective approaches to political philosophy. In this essay, the divergent analyses of the third person offered by these two thinkers are considered in terms of the critical (...)
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  39. Decentralising Bengaluru Urban -The Regional Planning way.Priyadarshini Sen - 2014 - SOCRATES 2 (JUNE 2014):139 -148.
    Decentralising Bengaluru Urban -The Regional Planning way -/- Author / Authors : Priyadarshini Sen Page no.139 -148 Discipline : Applied Economics/ Management/ Commerce/Geography Script/language : Roman/English Category : Research paper Keywords: Regional Planning, Metropolis, Social wellbeing, Settlement.
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  40. Philosophical Issues in Transitional Justice Theory: a (Provisional) Balance.Claudio Corradetti - 2013 - Politica E Societa' (2):185-220.
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  41. What Does Cultural Difference Require of Human Rights.Claudio Corradetti - 2013 - In Cindy Holder & David Reidy (eds.), Human Rights. The Hard Questions, Cambridge University Press.
    Th e contemporary right to freedom of thought together with all its further declinations into freedom of speech, religion, conscience and expression, had one of its earliest historical recognitions at the end of the Wars of Religion with the Edict of Nantes (1598). In several respects one can saythat the right to freedom of thought is virtually “co-original” with the endof the Wars of Religion. Following this thought further, one might think that human rights defi ne the boundaries of our (...)
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  42. Taking Stances, Contesting Commitments: Political Legitimacy and the Pragmatic Turn.Thomas Fossen - 2013 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (1):426-450.
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  43. مناقشة نقديّة لأبحاث محمد جمال باروت عن الثّورة السّوريّة. [REVIEW]Housamedden Darwish - 2012 - المركز العربي للأبحاث ودراسة السياسات Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies 1:1-55.
    لقد ظهرت الكثير الكثير من المقالات التي تتناول الثورات والحركات الاحتجاجية في البلاد العربية عموماً، والثورة السورية من ضمنها، لكن يمكن، مع ذلك، اعتبار هذه الأبحاث عن الثورة السورية بأنها أول دراسةٍ تحليليةٍ وتأريخيةٍ واستشرافيةٍ مطوَّلةٍ ومفصَّلةٍ ومعمَّقةٍ لهذه الثورة المستمرة حتى الآن (14/11/2011). ولهذا السبب، ولكون هذه الأبحاث تتناول أمراً مصيرياً بالنسبة إلى كل السوريين، سأحاول القيام بمناقشة نقدية لبعض أهم الأفكار والوقائع التي عرضتها هذه الأبحاث. وأقصد بالنقد العمل على إظهار مدى مشروعية هذه الأفكار، من جهة أولى، وحدود (...)
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  44. Koncepcja etnicznej izby wyższej w dwuizbowym parlamencie w państwie afrykańskim (część II).Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - Afryka 35:11-26.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘The Concept of an Ethnic Upper Chamber in a Bicameral Parliament in an African State (Part 2).’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 35, 2011, pp. 11-26 and is a continuation of the previous paper published under the same title in “Afryka” 34. Part 2 explains a couple of cases (of the Senate of Lesotho, and two Houses of Chiefs, in Botswana and Zambia) that seem useful in the analysis of the Nigerian political thinker Claude Ake’s concept (...)
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  45. Institutions.C. Mantzavinos - 2011 - In Ian Jarvie Jesús Zamora-Bonilla (ed.), The SAGE Handbook of the Philosophy of Science. pp. 399-412.
    The article provides an overview of the basic concepts and principles of the theory of institutions as well as of the mechanisms of emergence and evolution of social institutions. It introduces a distinction between formal and informal institutions based on the the criterion of the enforcement agency of institutions. Finally it discusses the problem of path dependence.
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  46. La pobreza como crítica política a la democracia: implicaciones filosófico-políticas de la privación de capacidades básicas.Fernando Ponce - 2011 - Universitas Philosophica 28 (57):37-60.
    La pobreza y la democracia guardan relaciones complejas y ya bastante estudiadas por los científicos sociales. En este artículo no volveré sobre estos enfoques, ni tampoco insistiré en los problemas de gobernabilidad que nacen de la pobreza, sino que presentaré la crítica filosófico-política al ideal democrático que resulta cuando consideramos a la pobreza como privación de libertad individual. A la pobreza se la puede entender desde múltiples perspectivas filosóficas, pero el interpretarla como privación de libertad individual, como lo hace Amartya (...)
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  47. Koncepcja etnicznej izby wyższej w dwuizbowym parlamencie w państwie afrykańskim (część I).Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2011 - Afryka 35:30-42.
    Krzysztof Trzciński, ‘The Concept of an Ethnic Upper Chamber in a Bicameral Parliament in an African State (Part 1).’ The article has been published in “Afryka” 34, 2011, pp. 30-42. It consists of two parts. Part 1 explains Nigerian political thinker Claude Ake’s concept of the ‘chamber of nationalities,’ in the context of the idea of recognizing and strengthening the ethnic groups’ rights in a multiethnic African state. According to the concept, in an African state, a bicameral parliament should be (...)
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  48. Vite svuotate. Per una critica dell’impatto psicosociale del capitalismo contemporaneo.Marco Solinas - 2010 - Costruzioni Psicoanalitiche (20):71-81.
    The paper aims to single out and clarify some causal connections between theconcomitant growth of depressive phenomena, not only in the strict clinicalsense, and the establishment of the new capitalist model, which has taken place in Western countries from the early seventies until today. As well as onthe mechanism of labour market flexibility, the essay dwells in particular onthe paradoxical dynamics of the ethical and moral ideals of the newideological configuration. Finally, the paper will also use the category of hegemony (...)
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  49. Review of Bert van den Brink and David Owen (eds.), Recognition and Power. Axel Honneth and the Tradition of Critical Social Theory. [REVIEW]Marco Solinas - 2010 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica (59):223-224.
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  50. False Idles: The Politics of the "Quiet Life".Eric Brown - 2009 - In Ryan K. Balot (ed.), A Companion to Greek and Roman Political Thought. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 485-500.
    The dominant Greek and Roman ideology held that the best human life required engaging in politics, on the grounds that the human good is shared, not private, and that the activities central to this shared good are those of traditional politics. This chapter surveys three ways in which philosophers challenged this ideology, defended a withdrawal from or transformation of traditional politics, and thus rethought what politics could be. Plato and Aristotle accept the ideology's two central commitments but insist that a (...)
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