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  1. Civic Republican Medical Ethics.Tom O'Shea - 2017 - Journal of Medical Ethics 43 (1):56-59.
    This article develops a civic republican approach to medical ethics. It outlines civic republican concerns about the domination that arises from subjection to an arbitrary power of interference, while suggesting republican remedies to such domination in healthcare. These include proposals for greater review, challenge and pre-authorisation of medical power. It extends this analysis by providing a civic republican account of assistive arbitrary power, showing how it can create similar problems within both formal and informal relationships of care, and offering strategies (...)
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  • Exploring the Health Case for Universal Basic Income: Evidence From GPs Working with Precarious Groups.Robert Geyer, Dan Degerman & Matthew Johnson - 2019 - Basic Income Studies 14 (2).
    This article draws upon clinical experience of GPs working in a deprived area of the North East of England to examine the potential contribution of Universal Basic Income to health by mitigating ‘patient-side barriers’ among three cohorts experiencing distinct forms of ‘precariousness’: 1) long-term unemployed welfare recipients with low levels of education ; 2) workers on short-term/zero-hours contracts with low levels of education ; 3) workers on short-term/zero-hours contracts with relatively high levels of education. We argue that any benefits must (...)
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  • The Dominating Effects of Economic Crises.Alexander Bryan - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-25.
    This article argues that economic crises are incompatible with the realisation of non-domination in capitalist societies. The ineradicable risk that an economic crisis will occur undermines the robust security of the conditions of non-domination for all citizens, not only those who are harmed by a crisis. I begin by demonstrating that the unemployment caused by economic crises violates the egalitarian dimensions of freedom as non-domination. The lack of employment constitutes an exclusion from the social bases of self-respect, and from a (...)
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  • Universal Basic Income as a Promoter of Real Freedom in a Digital Future.Giuseppe Allegri & Renato Foschi - forthcoming - World Futures:1-22.
    The article presents Universal and Unconditional Basic Income as a guarantee of Ius Existentiae and real freedom for all in the present and future society characterized by dig...
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  • A Socialist Republican Theory of Freedom and Government.James Muldoon - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    In response to the republican revival of the ideal of freedom as non-domination, a number of ‘radical’, ‘labour’ and ‘workplace’ republicans have criticised the limitations of Philip Pettit’s accou...
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  • Adam Smith's Republican Moment: Lessons for Today's Emancipatory Thought.David Cassass - 2013 - Economic Thought 2 (2):1.
    This paper places Adam Smith within the long republican tradition, and offers an emancipatory reflection on the possible space of republican freedom within societies that harbour certain degrees of market activity. In doing so, it seeks to offer some criteria on the kind of political-institutional action that can be taken in modern societies in order to constitute markets that respect, and even promote, republican freedom. The paper is divided into four sections. Section 1 shows why Adam Smith's ethical-political analysis, which (...)
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  • Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.Robert S. Taylor - 2017 - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Contemporary republicanism is characterized by three main ideas: free persons, who are not subject to the arbitrary power of others; free states, which try to protect their citizens from such power without exercising it themselves; and vigilant citizenship, as a means to limit states to their protective role. This book advances an economic model of such republicanism that is ideologically centre-left. It demands an exit-oriented state interventionism, one that would require an activist government to enhance competition and resource exit from (...)
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  • Labour Commodification and Global Justice.Fausto Corvino - 2019 - Kriterion - Journal of Philosophy 33 (1):53-88.
    In this article, I maintain that the social process of labour commodification, through which the individual capability to uphold a decent welfare is bound to participation in the labour market, poses a problem of justice from the republican prospective on freedom as non-domination. I first discuss the reasons we might hold that capitalism brings a form of systemic domination by virtue of one of its intrinsic features: unequal access to the means of production. Then, I argue for a minimum de-commodification (...)
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  • Donation Without Domination: Private Charity and Republican Liberty.Robert S. Taylor - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy 26 (4):441-462.
    Contemporary republicans have adopted a less-than-charitable attitude toward private beneficence, especially when it is directed to the poor, worrying that rich patrons may be in a position to exercise arbitrary power over their impoverished clients. These concerns have led them to support impartial public provision by way of state welfare programs, including an unconditional basic income (UBI). In contrast to this administrative model of public welfare, I will propose a competitive model in which the state regulates and subsidizes a decentralized (...)
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  • Market Freedom as Antipower.Robert S. Taylor - 2013 - American Political Science Review 107 (3):593-602.
    Historically, republicans were of different minds about markets: some, such as Rousseau, reviled them, while others, like Adam Smith, praised them. The recent republican resurgence has revived this issue. Classical liberals such as Gerald Gaus contend that neo-republicanism is inherently hostile to markets, while neo-republicans like Richard Dagger and Philip Pettit reject this characterization—though with less enthusiasm than one might expect. I argue here that the right republican attitude toward competitive markets is celebratory rather than acquiescent and that republicanism demands (...)
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  • Republicanism and Markets.Robert S. Taylor - 2019 - In Yiftah Elazar & Geneviève Rousselière (eds.), Republicanism and the Future of Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 207-223.
    The republican tradition has long been ambivalent about markets and commercial society more generally: from the contrasting positions of Rousseau and Smith in the eighteenth century to recent neorepublican debates about capitalism, republicans have staked out diverse positions on fundamental issues of political economy. Rather than offering a systematic historical survey of these discussions, this chapter will instead focus on the leading neo-republican theory—that of Philip Pettit—and consider its implications for market society. As I will argue, Pettit’s theory is even (...)
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  • Exploitation et obligation de travailler.Pierre-Étienne Vandamme - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (2):29-49.
    Cet article défend une définition de l’exploitation, restreinte aux relations de travail, en tentant d’une part d’expliciter une certaine compréhension de sens commun du concept (rémunération inéquitable en fonction du travail presté), et d’autre part d’échapper aux difficultés qui ont affecté la définition marxiste traditionnelle de l’exploitation comme extorsion de la plus-value (dans ses diverses variantes). Il explore ainsi le lien entre l’exploitation et l’obligation matérielle de travailler pour subvenir à ses besoins fondamentaux. Après avoir mis en garde contre les (...)
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  • Agency in Social Context.John Lawless - 2017 - Res Philosophica 94 (4):471-498.
    Many political philosophers argue that interference threatens a person’s agency. And they cast political freedom in opposition to interpersonal threats to agency, as non-interference. I argue that this approach relies on an inapt model of agency, crucial aspects of which emerge from our relationships with other people. Such relationships involve complex patterns of vulnerability and subjection, essential to our constitution as particular kinds of agents: as owners of property, as members of families, and as participants in a market for labor. (...)
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  • Is Neo‐Republicanism Bad for Women?M. Victoria Costa - 2013 - Hypatia 28 (4):921-936.
    The republican revival in political philosophy, political theory, and legal theory has produced an impressive range of novel interpretations of the historical figures of the republican tradition. It has also given rise to a variety of contemporary neo-republican theories that build on its historical themes. Although there have been some feminist discussions of its historical representatives, neo-republicanism has not generated a great deal of enthusiasm among feminists. The present paper examines Phillip Pettit's theory of freedom as nondomination in order to (...)
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  • Massive Technological Unemployment Without Redistribution: A Case for Cautious Optimism.Bartek Chomanski - 2019 - Science and Engineering Ethics 25 (5):1389-1407.
    This paper argues that even though massive technological unemployment will likely be one of the results of automation, we will not need to institute mass-scale redistribution of wealth to deal with its consequences. Instead, reasons are given for cautious optimism about the standards of living the newly unemployed workers may expect in the fully-automated future. It is not claimed that these predictions will certainly bear out. Rather, they are no less likely to come to fruition than the predictions of those (...)
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  • A Republic of Rules: Procedural Arbitrariness and Total Institutions.Orlando Lazar - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (6):681-702.
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  • The Neorepublican Challenge to Egalitarian-Liberalism: Evaluating Justifications of Redistributive Institutions.Jürgen Sirsch & Doris Unger - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-24.
    Neorepublicans like Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett claim that neorepublicanism provides a superior normative research program compared to egalitarian-liberalism. Particularly, they argue that neorepublicanism offers a better justification of redistributive policies, which are normally associated with egalitarian-liberalism. According to Lovett and Pettit, the neorepublican justification is superior because it rests on parsimonious theoretical assumptions and is more suitable to persuade people of redistributive institutions. We contest these claims on the grounds of methodological and substantive moral reasons. We argue that the (...)
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  • A Civic Republican Analysis of Mental Capacity Law.Tom O'Shea - 2018 - Legal Studies 1 (38):147-163.
    This article draws upon the civic republican tradition to offer new conceptual resources for the normative assessment of mental capacity law. The republican conception of liberty as non-domination is used to identify ways in which such laws generate arbitrary power that can underpin relationships of servility and insecurity. It also shows how non-domination provides a basis for critiquing legal tests of decision-making that rely upon ‘diagnostic’ rather than ‘functional’ criteria. In response, two main civic republican strategies are recommended for securing (...)
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  • Radical Liberalism, Rawls and the Welfare State: Justifying the Politics of Basic Income.Simon Birnbaum - 2010 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 13 (4):495-516.
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  • A Republic of Rules: Procedural Arbitrariness and Total Institutions.Orlando Lazar - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.
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  • State Civil Disobedience: A Republican Perspective.Danny Michelsen - 2018 - Journal of International Political Theory 14 (3):331-348.
    The article deals with the question of whether or under which circumstances it is reasonable to interpret some forms of illegal state action as civil disobedience and whether republican political theory can make a difference to the justification of those actions. It is argued that the theory of freedom as non-domination and the interpretation of the right to participation as the “right of rights” in a legitimate state provide a better justificatory scheme for cases in which developing or emerging countries (...)
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