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On the People’s Terms

Political Theory 44 (5):697-706 (2012)

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  1. Justifying Uncivil Disobedience.Ten-Herng Lai - 2019 - Oxford Studies in Political Philosophy 5:90-114.
    A prominent way of justifying civil disobedience is to postulate a pro tanto duty to obey the law and to argue that the considerations that ground this duty sometimes justify forms of civil disobedience. However, this view entails that certain kinds of uncivil disobedience are also justified. Thus, either a) civil disobedience is never justified or b) uncivil disobedience is sometimes justified. Since a) is implausible, we should accept b). I respond to the objection that this ignores the fact that (...)
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  • The Possibility of Wildly Unrealistic Justice and the Principle/Proposal Distinction.Nicholas Southwood - forthcoming - Philosophical Studies.
    Are institutional principles of justice subject to a minimal realism constraint to the effect that, in order to be valid, they must not make wildly unrealistic demands? Most of us say “yes.” David Estlund says, “no.” However, while Estlund holds that 1) institutional principles of justice are not subject to a minimal realism constraint, he accepts that 2) institutional principles of justice are subject to an *attainability constraint* to the effect that, in order to be valid, they must not make (...)
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  • Should Relational Autonomy Theorists Embrace Republican Freedom Instead? A Commentary on "Nondomination and the Limits of Relational Autonomy" by Danielle M. Wenner.Greg Scherkoske - 2020 - International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 13 (2):56-59.
    There is much to learn from and admire in Danielle Wenner's "Nondomination and the Limits of Relational Autonomy." The core claim Wenner advances is that the very concerns that have motivated feminist relational autonomy theorists would be better pursued by foregoing their concern with autonomy and pursuing instead the political aim of promoting a neorepublican conception of freedom as nondomination. While leaving open the possibility that "autonomy speak may remain valuable in some contexts", Wenner nevertheless claims that "for the purposes (...)
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  • Nondomination and the Limits of Relational Autonomy.Danielle M. Wenner - 2020 - International Journal of Feminist Approaches to Bioethics 13 (2):28-48.
    Feminist theorists worry that liberal conceptions of autonomy are predicated on a problematic view of the individual as entirely self-sufficient and independent of her relationships with others. On one hand, they point out, agency cannot be separated from interdependence. Large swaths of our lives, especially during formative years, are spent dependent on others, and those relationships inform our preferences, our values, and our understandings of our selves. On the other hand, feminist theorists assert, although some kinds of relationships enhance our (...)
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  • Justice in Assistance: A Critique of the ‘Singer Solution’.Gwilym David Blunt - 2015 - Journal of Global Ethics 11 (3):321-335.
    This article begins with an examination of Peter Singer's ‘solution’ to global poverty as a way to develop a theory of ‘justice in assistance.’ It argues that Singer's work, while compelling, does not seriously engage with the institutions necessary to relieve global poverty. In order to realise our obligations it is necessary to employ secondary agents, such as non-governmental organisations, that produce complex social relationships with the global poor. We should be concerned that the affluent and their secondary agents are (...)
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  • Prosecutorial Discretion and Republican Non-Domination.Dustin Crummett - forthcoming - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice:1-21.
    Prosecutors in the US legal system have great power to interfere at their discretion in the lives of citizens, and face relatively few checks on the exercise of this discretion. The vast scope of the criminal law provides a pretext for prosecuting nearly anyone. Meanwhile, other features of the legal system, such as the way plea bargains are structured and the doctrine of prosecutorial immunity, further increase prosecutorial power. And existing institutional restraints on prosecutorial abuses, such as democratic accountability, the (...)
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  • A Republican Theory of Adjudication.Frank Lovett - 2015 - Res Publica 21 (1):1-18.
    In recent years there has been a revival of interest in civic republicanism. In light of this revival, it is interesting to consider what sort of theory of legal or judicial adjudication such a doctrine—centered on the value of promoting freedom from domination—would recommend. After discussing the importance of such a theory and clarifying its relationship to broader questions of institutional design, it is argued that theories of adjudication should be assessed according to three criteria: first, their contribution to the (...)
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  • Democracia Republicana y Autoridad Política Fiduciaria.Adrián Herranz - 2020 - Daimon: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 81:177-193.
    En este artículo propongo una justificación de la democracia, y de la autoridad política derivada de ella, a partir del ideal republicano de libertad como no-dominación. Argumento que los procedimientos democráticos tienen valor por sí mismos porque son mecanismos de decisión donde hay libertad de forma recíproca. Después muestro que la autoridad debe ser adecuadamente controlada para evitar que exista dominación, razón por la cual tiene que concebirse como una relación fiduciaria, en la que los gobernantes actúan como agentes de (...)
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  • Poder de Negociación y Distribución Social de Capacidades Para la Nacionalización de la Vida Económica: ¿Por Qué la Renta Básica Es Un Proyecto Democratizador?David Casassas - 2020 - Daimon: Revista Internacional de Filosofía 81:213-227.
    Este artículo analiza en cuatro tiempos el potencial del acceso incondicional a recursos en la conformación de relaciones productivas libres. En primer lugar, defiende una noción de democracia que exige la presencia de recursos incondicionalmente predistribuidos. En segundo lugar, explora el vínculo entre predistribución y poder de negociación. En tercer lugar, presenta el derecho a la existencia como condición para una cooperación social efectiva que merezca la pena ser cuidada. En cuarto lugar, discute el papel de la renta básica en (...)
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  • Epistemic Freedom and Education.Geoffrey Hinchliffe - 2018 - Ethics and Education 13 (2):191-207.
    First of all, I define the concept of epistemic freedom in the light of the changing nature of educational practice that prioritise over-prescriptive conceptions of learning. I defend the ‘reality’ of this freedom against possible determinist-related criticisms. I do this by stressing the concept of agency as characterised by ‘becoming’. I also discuss briefly some of the technical literature on the subject. I then move on to discuss Gramsci’s concept of hegemony and Foucault’s idea of ‘productive power’: I argue for (...)
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  • Environmental Inequalities and Democratic Citizenship: Linking Normative Theory with Empirical Research.Fabian Schuppert & Ivo Wallimann-Helmer - 2014 - Analyse & Kritik 36 (2).
    The aim of this paper is to link empirical findings concerning environmental inequalities with different normative yard-sticks for assessing whether these inequalities should be deemed unjust, or not. We argue that such an inquiry must necessarily take into account some caveats regarding both empirical research and normative theory. We suggest that empirical results must be contextualised by establishing geographies of risk. As a normative yard-stick we propose a moderately demanding social-egalitarian account of justice and democratic citizenship, which we take to (...)
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  • Kantian Republicanism and Legal Normativity.Eduardo Charpenel - 2020 - Eidos: Revista de Filosofía de la Universidad Del Norte 32:135-164.
    Resumen En este artículo defiendo la postura según la cual el republicanismo -en comparación con otras nociones o motivos centrales- no se ha interpretado como uno de los rasgos que caracteriza a la filosofía jurídica y política de Kant como un todo. Una posible razón es que el republicanismo kantiano no ha ocupado un lugar destacado dentro de las narrativas republicanas, ya sea históricas o sistemáticas, que son más dominantes en las discusiones contemporáneas. A mi parecer, esto es así porque (...)
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  • Equal Justice: Fair Legal Systems in an Unfair World, by Frederick Wilmot-Smith.James Lindley Wilson - forthcoming - Mind:fzaa042.
    _ Equal Justice: Fair Legal Systems in an Unfair World _, by Wilmot-SmithFrederick. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2019. Pp. 256.
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  • Un nuevo adversario de la libertad como no-dominación.Hugo Omar Seleme - 2015 - Araucaria 17 (33).
    Philip Pettit ha utilizado la libertad positiva y negativa de Isaiah Berlin para dos propósitos diferentes. En primer lugar, la distinción es empleada para elaborar un ideal distinguible de libertad como no-dominación que contiene elementos propios de la libertad negativa y la libertad positiva. En segundo lugar, Pettit sostiene que la libertad como no-dominación es más atractiva que la libertad negativa defendida por Berlin –la libertad como no-interferencia– y una variedad de libertad positiva que Berlin critica –la libertad como participación (...)
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  • Democratic philanthropy.Michael K. MacKenzie - forthcoming - Contemporary Political Theory:1-23.
    A number of scholars have argued that we should pay closer attention to the role that philanthropy plays in shaping our societies. Philanthropic foundations are inherently political. They use private money for public purposes, and they receive tax advantages for the donations they make, but they typically lack transparency and public accountability. In this article, I argue that elite philanthropy may also violate three other democratic principles: the all-affected principle; the principle of non-arbitrary power; and the provisionality principle. In response, (...)
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  • Recognitive Arguments for Workplace Democracy.Onni Hirvonen & Keith Breen - forthcoming - Constellations.
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  • Green Republicanism and the Shift to Post-Productivism: A Defence of an Unconditional Basic Income.Jorge Pinto - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):257-274.
    Green republicanism can be described as a subset of republican political theory that aims at promoting human flourishing by ensuring a non-dominating and ecologically sustainable republic. An essential aspect of green republicanism is the promotion of post-productivism while preserving or expanding republican freedom as non-domination. Post-productivism implies the promotion of personal autonomy rather than the pursuit of permanent economic growth and the promotion of labour as an intrinsically positive human activity, which for green republicans will have three positive aspects: reduced (...)
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  • A Neo-Republican Theory of Just State Surveillance.Patrick Taylor Smith - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (1):49-71.
    This paper develops a novel, neo-republican account of just state surveillance in the information age. The goal of state surveillance should be to avoid and prevent domination, both public and private. In light of that conception of justice, the paper makes three substantive points. First, it argues that modern state surveillance based upon information technology and predicated upon a close partnership with the tech sector gives the state significant power and represents a serious potential source of domination. Second, it argues (...)
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  • Oppression and racial slavery: Abolitionist challenges to neo-republicanism.Adam Dahl - forthcoming - Contemporary Political Theory:1-24.
    The neo-republican conception of freedom as non-domination has emerged as a powerful framework for conceptualizing the dynamic relationship between power, democracy, and constitutionalism in modernity. Despite this, I argue that adaptations of republican freedom to the problem of slavery displace attention to race and foreclose more productive ways of addressing how racial slavery constitutes a distinct form of oppression. To illuminate the limitations of neo-republicanism, I turn to the political thought of abolitionists David Walker and Ottobah Cugoano. Both utilize comparative (...)
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  • A Republican Argument for the Rule of Law.Frank Lovett - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.
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  • Self-Respect, Domination and Religiously Offensive Speech.Matteo Bonotti & Jonathan Seglow - 2019 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 22 (3):589-605.
    Religiously offensive speech, i.e. speech that offends members of religious groups, especially religious minorities, is on the rise in western liberal democracies, particularly following the recent wave of right-wing populism in the UK, the US and beyond. But when is such speech wrongful? This paper argues that the wrongfulness of some religiously offensive speech does not depend on some intrinsic feature of it, or on the subjective reaction of its targets. Instead, such wrongfulness depends on the fact that religiously offensive (...)
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  • Are Rights Less Important for Republicans Than for Liberals? Pettit Versus Pettit.Christopher Hamel - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (4):478-500.
    It has become a commonplace in neo-republican thinking to claim that if the notion of rights can be allowed a place in republican political theory, it can never achieve the prominence that liberalism allegedly grants it. Philip Pettit’s book, Republicanism, provides several arguments to buttress this thesis. This article aims at examining these arguments in order to show that once properly stated, they must on the contrary be considered as powerful arguments to the effect that republicans take rights very seriously.
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  • Republican Food Sovereignty.Matteo Bonotti - 2018 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46 (4):390-411.
    This article defends a republican understanding of food sovereignty, according to which food sovereignty is the freedom of people to make choices related to food production, distribution and consum...
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  • Are ‘Optimistic’ Theories of Criminal Justice Psychologically Feasible? The Probative Case of Civic Republicanism.Victoria McGeer & Friederike Funk - 2017 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 11 (3):523-544.
    ‘Optimistic’ normative theories of criminal justice aim to justify criminal sanction in terms of its reprobative/rehabilitative value rather than its punitive nature as such. But do such theories accord with ordinary intuitions about what constitutes a ‘just’ response to wrongdoing? Recent empirical work on the psychology of punishers suggests that human beings have a ‘brutely retributive’ moral psychology, making them unlikely to endorse normative theories that sacrifice retribution for the sake of reprobation or rehabilitation; it would mean, for example, that (...)
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  • Freedom Without Law.Harrison P. Frye - 2018 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 17 (3):298-316.
    Untangling the relationship of law and liberty is among the core problems of political theory. One prominent position is that there is no freedom without law. This article challenges the argument that, because law is constitutive of freedom, there is no freedom without law. I suggest that, once properly understood, the argument that law is constitutive of freedom does not uniquely apply to law. It also applies to social norms. What law does for freedom, social norms can do too. Thus, (...)
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  • Introduction.Ashley Dodsworth & Iseult Honohan - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-9.
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  • Vulnerability and Non-Domination: A Republican Perspective on Natural Limits.Peter F. Cannavò - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-17.
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  • Personal Data Are Political. A Feminist View on Privacy and Big Data.Sara Suárez-Gonzalo - 2019 - Recerca.Revista de Pensament I Anàlisi 24:173-192.
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  • Mill and Pettit on Freedom, Domination, and Freedom-as-Domination.Tim Beaumont - 2019 - Prolegomena: Journal of Philosophy 18 (1):27-50.
    Pettit endorses a ‘republican’ conception of social freedom of the person as consisting of a state of non-domination, and takes this to refute Mill’s ‘liberal’ claim that non-domineering but coercive interference can compromise social freedom of choice. This paper argues that Pettit’s interpretation is true to the extent that Mill believes that the legitimate, non-arbitrary and just coercion of would-be dominators, for the sake of preventing them from dominating others, can render them unfree to choose to do so without rendering (...)
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  • A Brief History of Liberty--And Its Lessons.Philip Pettit - 2016 - Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 17:5-21.
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  • Political Theory, Values and Public Health.Stephen R. Latham - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):139-149.
    This article offers some general criticisms of the idea that any political theory can legitimate public health interventions, and then some particular criticisms of Civic Republicanism as a political theory for public health. Civic Republicanism, I argue, legitimizes liberty-infringing public health interventions by demanding high levels of civic engagement in framing and reviewing them; to demand such engagement in pursuit of such a baseline value as health will leave insufficient civic energy for the pursuit of higher values.
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  • What is the Harm Principle For?John Stanton-Ife - 2016 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 10 (2):329-353.
    In their excellent monograph, Crimes, Harms and Wrongs, Andrew Simester and Andreas von Hirsch argue for an account of legitimate criminalisation based on wrongfulness, the Harm Principle and the Offence Principle, while they reject an independent anti-paternalism principle. To put it at its simplest my aim in the present paper is to examine the relationship between ‘the harms’ and ‘the wrongs’ of the authors’ title. I begin by comparing the authors’ version of the Harm and Offence Principle with some other (...)
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  • L’énigme démocratique.Philip Pettit & Aude Bandini - 2013 - Philosophiques 40 (2):351.
    Philip Pettit ,Aude Bandini | : La démocratie signifie d’abord et avant toute chose l’idée d’un contrôle populaire, et ce par l’ensemble des moyens possibles. Ces moyens donnent lieu à la légitimité. Mais ces contrôles populaires, du moins tels qu’ils sont entendus dans de nombreuses discussions, ne donnent pas lieu à la légitimité espérée. Les théories de la démocratie ne partagent pas une même conception des choses à ce sujet, ce qui donne lieu à une pluralité d’approches. Dans cet article, (...)
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  • Taking Facts Seriously: Judicial Intervention in Public Health Controversies.Leticia Morales - 2015 - Public Health Ethics 8 (2):185-195.
    Courts play a key role in deciding on public health controversies, but the legitimacy of judicial intervention remains highly controversial. In this article I suggest that we need to carefully distinguish between different reasons for persistent disagreement in the domain of public health. Adjudicating between public health controversies rooted in factual disagreements allows us to investigate more closely the epistemic capacities of the judicial process. While the critics typically point out the lack of appropriate expertise of judges—in particular with respect (...)
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  • Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.Robert S. Taylor - 2017 - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Contemporary republicanism is characterized by three main ideas: free persons, who are not subject to the arbitrary power of others; free states, which try to protect their citizens from such power without exercising it themselves; and vigilant citizenship, as a means to limit states to their protective role. This book advances an economic model of such republicanism that is ideologically centre-left. It demands an exit-oriented state interventionism, one that would require an activist government to enhance competition and resource exit from (...)
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  • Donation Without Domination: Private Charity and Republican Liberty.Robert S. Taylor - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy 26 (4):441-462.
    Contemporary republicans have adopted a less-than-charitable attitude toward private beneficence, especially when it is directed to the poor, worrying that rich patrons may be in a position to exercise arbitrary power over their impoverished clients. These concerns have led them to support impartial public provision by way of state welfare programs, including an unconditional basic income (UBI). In contrast to this administrative model of public welfare, I will propose a competitive model in which the state regulates and subsidizes a decentralized (...)
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  • Noumenal Power.Rainer Forst - 2019 - Las Torres de Lucca. International Journal of Political Philosophy 8 (14):161-185.
    The same as with many other concepts, once one considers the concept of power more closely, fundamental questions arise, such as whether a power relation is necessarily a relation of subordination and domination, a view that makes it difficult to identify legitimate forms of the exercise of power. To contribute to conceptual as well as normative clarification, I suggest a novel way to conceive of power. I argue that we only understand what power is and how it is exercised once (...)
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  • Individuelle Verantwortung für globale strukturelle Ungerechtigkeiten: Eine machttheoretische Konzeption.Tamara Jugov - 2017 - Zeitschrift Für Praktische Philosophie 4 (1):151-182.
    Der Beitrag entwickelt ein neues, machtbasiertes Verantwortungsmodell für die individuelle Verstrickung in globale strukturelle Ungerechtigkeiten. Er geht von dem Problem aus, dass die meisten Bedingungen für die Zuerkennung moralischer Haftbarkeitsverantwortung in Fällen der individuellen Verstrickung in globale strukturelle Übel nicht erfüllt sind: Wenn eine Person beispielsweise ein unter ausbeuterischen Bedingungen produziertes T-Shirt kauft, so ist diese Handlung für das Eintreten der strukturellen Ungerechtigkeit weder hinreichend noch notwendig, die Person hat die strukturell ungerechten Eff ekte ihrer Handlung häufi g nicht intendiert (...)
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  • Contesting the Market: An Assessment of Capitalism's Threat to Democracy.Michael Fuerstein - 2015 - In Subramanian Rangan (ed.), Performance and Progress: Essays on Capitalism, Business, and Society. Oxford University Press.
    I argue that capitalism presents a threat to “democratic contestation”: the egalitarian, socially distributed capacity to affect how, why, and whether power is used. Markets are not susceptible to mechanisms of accountability, nor are they bearers of intentions in the way that political power-holders are. This makes them resistant to the kind of rational, intentional oversight that constitutes one of democracy’s social virtues. I identify four social costs associated with this problem: the vulnerability of citizens to arbitrary interference, the insensitivity (...)
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  • Political Realism Meets Civic Republicanism.Philip Pettit - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (3):331-347.
    The paper offers five desiderata on a realist normative theory of politics: that it should avoid moralism, deontologism, transcendentalism, utopianism, and vanguardism. These desiderata argue for a theory that begins from values rooted in a people’s experience; that avoids prescribing a collective deontological constraint; that makes the comparison of imperfect regimes possible; that takes feasibility and sustainability into account; and that makes room for the claims of democracy. The paper argues, in the course of exploring the desiderata, that a neo-republican (...)
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  • Re[Public]an Reasons: A Republican Theory of Legitimacy and Justification.Christopher McCammon - 2015 - Dissertation, University of Nebraska-Lincoln
    There is a kind of power no one should have over anyone else, even if they don’t do anything with this power, or even if they only use this power for good. The republican tradition of political philosophy calls this kind of power domination. Here, I develop a theory of domination, and use this theory to advance our understanding of political legitimacy and justification. My account of domination refines recent neo-republican attempts to identify dominating social power with the capacity to (...)
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  • Introduction: Towards a Republic of Health?Jurgen De Wispelaere & John Coggon - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):123-124.
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  • Respect in Neo-Republicanism: A Good Too Rich or Too Thin?Dimitrios E. Efthymiou - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (1):103-122.
    The article critically examines the neo-Republican conception of respect put forward by Philip Pettit in Robust Demands of the Good. The paper argues that Pettit’s treatment of respect as a rich good in RDG is too thin in some ways, but too rich in others. There are four critical claims to support this argument. First, that both invading the domain of basic liberties, and failing to protect and resource the capacity to exercise choice, constitute individually sufficient conditions for disrespectful treatment, (...)
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  • Neorepublicanism and the Domination of Posterity.Corey Katz - 2019 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 22 (2):151-171.
    ABSTRACTSome have recently argued that the current generation dominates future generations by causing long-term climate change. They relate these claims to Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett’s neorepub...
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  • Right Relation and Right Recognition in Public Health Ethics: Thinking Through the Republic of Health.Bruce Jennings - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):168-177.
    The further development of public health ethics will be assisted by a more direct engagement with political theory. In this way, the moral vocabulary of the liberal tradition should be supplemented—but not supplanted—by different conceptual and normative resources available from other traditions of political and social thought. This article discusses four lines of further development that the normative conceptual discourse of public health ethics might take. The relational turn. The implications for public health ethics of the new ‘ecological’ or ‘relational’ (...)
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  • Health as an Intermediate End and Primary Social Good.Greg Walker - 2018 - Public Health Ethics 11 (1):6-19.
    The article propounds a justification of public health interventionism grounded on personal health as an intermediate human end in the ethical domain, on an interpretation of Aristotle. This goes beyond the position taken by some liberals that health should be understood as a prudential good alone. A second, but independent, argument is advanced in the domain of the political, namely, that population health can be justified as a political value in its own right as a primary social good, following an (...)
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  • A Rights-Based Perspective on Permissible Harm.Susanne Burri - unknown
    This thesis takes up a rights-based perspective to discuss a number of issues related to the problem of permissible harm. It appeals to a person’s capacity to shape her life in accordance with her own ideas of the good to explain why her death can be bad for her, and why each of us should have primary say over what may be done to her. The thesis begins with an investigation of the badness of death for the person who dies. (...)
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  • Can Republicanism Tame Public Health?Daniel Weinstock - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):125-133.
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  • Agency in Social Context.John Lawless - 2017 - Res Philosophica 94 (4):471-498.
    Many political philosophers argue that interference threatens a person’s agency. And they cast political freedom in opposition to interpersonal threats to agency, as non-interference. I argue that this approach relies on an inapt model of agency, crucial aspects of which emerge from our relationships with other people. Such relationships involve complex patterns of vulnerability and subjection, essential to our constitution as particular kinds of agents: as owners of property, as members of families, and as participants in a market for labor. (...)
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  • La dimension causal de la democracia deliberative en la reforma del derecho penal.Romina Rekers - 2015 - Criminal Justice Ethics 1 (1):1-22.
    El objetivo de este artículo es identificar las consideraciones de quiénes deben guiar la sanción o reforma de la ley penal. Este objetivo cobra relevancia si consideramos que las diferentes respuestas pueden impactar en las tasas de cumplimiento del derecho penal y en los niveles de coacción estatal arbitraria. Para ello, se analizarán algunas propuestas teóricas que se ubican en una recta cuyos extremos están ocupados, respectivamente, por el populismo y el elitismo penal. Estos argumentos son reconstruidos en el debate (...)
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