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The Concept of Representation

University of California Press (1967)

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  1. Acting Through Others: Kant and the Exercise View of Representation.Reidar Maliks - 2009 - Public Reason 1 (1):9-26.
    Democratic theorists are usually dismissive about the idea that citizens act “through” their representatives and often hold persons to exercise true political agency only at intervals in elections. Yet, if we want to understand representative government as a proper form of democracy and not just a periodical selection of elites, continuous popular agency must be a feature of representation. This article explores the Kantian attempt to justify that people can act “through” representatives. I call this the “exercise view” of representation (...)
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  • Divergierende Konzepte Politischen Handelns in der Politikwissenschaft.Hubertus Buchstein - 2012 - In Georg Weisseno & Hubertus Buchstein (eds.), Politisch Handeln: Modelle, Möglichkeiten, Kompetenzen. Bonn: Bundeszentrale für politische Bildung. pp. 18--38.
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  • A genealogy of the modern state.Quentin Skinner - 2009 - In Skinner Quentin (ed.), Proceedings of the British Academy, Volume 162, 2008 Lectures. pp. 325.
    This lecture presents the text of the speech about the genealogy of the modern state delivered by the author at the 2008 British Academy Lecture. It explains that to investigate the genealogy of the state is to discover that there has never been any agreed concept to which the word state has answered. The lecture suggests that any moral or political term that has become so deeply enmeshed in so many ideological disputes over such a long period of time is (...)
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  • Justifying Gender Equality on the Bench: WhyDifference Won't Do. [REVIEW]Kate Malleson - 2003 - Feminist Legal Studies 11 (1):1-24.
    The case for gender equality on the bench wouldseem too uncontroversial to requirejustification. Yet the practical realities ofthe slow progress of women towards equality ofparticipation both quantitative and qualitativein the judiciary testifies to the continuingneed to argue the case for change. To date, theprimary rationale for promoting gender equalityhas been that women will bring a uniquecontribution to the bench as a result of theirdifferent life experiences, values andattitudes. Such arguments derived fromdifference theory have had a strong appealsince they appear to (...)
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  • A Nonideal Theory of Justice.Marcus Arvan - 2008 - Dissertation, University of Arizona
    This dissertation defends a “non-ideal theory” of justice: a systematic theory of how to respond justly to injustice. Chapter 1 argues that contemporary political philosophy lacks a non-ideal theory of justice, and defends a variation of John Rawls’ famous original position – a Non-Ideal Original Position – as a method with which to construct such a theory. Chapter 1 then uses the Non-Ideal Original Position to argue for a Fundamental Principle of Non-Ideal Theory: a principle that requires injustices to be (...)
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  • (1 other version)What Is Realistic Political Philosophy?David Runciman - 2012 - Metaphilosophy 43 (1-2):58-70.
    In the study of politics, Cambridge is sometimes associated with a school of political philosophical “realism.” This article discusses what realism in political philosophy might mean, by examining first what might count as “unrealistic” political philosophy (looking at Sidgwick and Rawls), and then some recent attempts to identify a more realistic philosophical approach to politics. It argues that realistic political philosophy tends to emerge as a thin account of politics that falls between the stools of either more philosophical (i.e., more (...)
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  • Book Reviews : Terrence Ball, James Farr, and Russell L. Hanson, eds., Political Innovation and Conceptual Change. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1989. Pp. x, 366. $49.50 (cloth), $15.95 (paper. [REVIEW]Peter T. Manicas - 1992 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 22 (3):402-408.
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  • (2 other versions)Democracy.Tom Christiano - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Citizenship.Dominique Leydet - 2008 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
    A citizen is a member of a political community who enjoys the rights and assumes the duties of membership. This broad definition is discernible, with minor variations, in the works of contemporary authors as well as in the entry “citoyen” in Diderot's and d'Alembert's Encyclopédie..
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  • Hobbes and the purely artificial person of the state.Q. Skinner - 1999 - Journal of Political Philosophy 7 (1):1–29.
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  • Hobbes on representation.Quentin Skinner - 2005 - European Journal of Philosophy 13 (2):155–184.
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  • Lost and (not yet) found.Giles R. Scofield - 1996 - HEC Forum 8 (6):372-391.
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  • (2 other versions)Democracy.Sameer Bajaj & Thomas Christiano - 2022 - Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.
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  • Sustainable Climate Engineering Innovation and the Need for Accountability.Marianna Capasso & Steven Umbrello - 2023 - In Henrik Skaug Sætra (ed.), Technology and Sustainable Development: The Promise and Pitfalls of Techno-Solutionism. Routledge. pp. 1-21.
    Although still highly controversial, the idea that we can use technology to radically alter our environment in order to mitigate the climate challenges we now face is becoming an ever more discussed approach. This chapter takes up a specific climate engineering technology, carbon capture, usage, and storage (CCUS), and highlights how this technology works and how its governance still needs further work to ensure that it is aligned to the ideal of sustainable development. Given that climate engineering technologies like CCUS (...)
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  • The inter-est between us: Ontology, epistemology, and the failure of political representation.Aylon Cohen - 2023 - Contemporary Political Theory 22 (1):46-69.
    In recent decades, theories of representation have undergone a constructivist turn, as many theorists no longer view the represented subject as prior to but rather as an effect of representation. Whereas some critics have claimed that lacking an ontologically pre-given subject undermines the theory of representation, many democratic theorists have sought to reconceptualize representation and its democratic possibilities by turning away from ontological questions altogether. By focusing instead on how representatives come to know the public interest, many scholars now contend (...)
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  • Enfranchising the future: Climate justice and the representation of future generations.Inigo Gonzalez-Ricoy - 2019 - Wiley Interdisciplinary Reviews: Climate Change 10 (5):e598.
    Representing unborn generations to more suitably include future interests in today's climate policymaking has sparked much interest in recent years. In this review we survey the main proposed instruments to achieve this effect, some of which have been attempted in polities such as Israel, Philippines, Wales, Finland, and Chile. We first review recent normative work on the idea of representing future people in climate governance: The grounds on which it has been advocated, and the main difficulties that traditional forms of (...)
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  • Representative Democracy and Social Equality.Sean Ingham - 2021 - American Political Science Review:1-13.
    When are inequalities in political power undemocratic, and why? While some writers condemn any inequalities in political power as a deviation from the ideal of democracy, this view is vulnerable to the simple objection that representative democracies concentrate political power in the hands of elected officials rather than distributing it equally among citizens, but they are no less democratic for it. Building on recent literature that interprets democracy as part of a broader vision of social equality, I argue that concentrations (...)
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  • Kommunale Online-Partizipation – Wer ist gefragt?Frank Dietrich & Jonathan Seim - 2021 - Zeitschrift für Praktische Philosophie 8 (1):279-306.
    Das Internet bietet die Möglichkeit, eine beliebig große Anzahl von Personen durch unterschiedliche Formen der Deliberation und Beschlussfassung politisch einzubinden. Insbesondere im kommunalen Kontext wird die Online-Partizipation – etwa im Rahmen städtischer Bürgerhaushalte – bereits vielfach als Mittel erprobt, um die soziale Akzeptanz und Legitimität politischer Entscheidungen zu erhöhen. Die Legitimität demokratischer Verfahren hängt neben anderen Faktoren maßgeblich von der Konstitution des Demos und der damit festgelegten Allokation der Teilnahmerechte ab. In historischer Perspektive hat vor allem die Exklusion bestimmter Gruppen, (...)
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  • Paradoxes of democracy: Rousseau and Hegel on democratic deliberation.Lorenzo Rustighi - 2021 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 48 (1):128-150.
    In this article, I engage with what relevant literature addresses as the ‘paradox of democracy’ and trace it back to the dialectic between authorization and representation established by social contract theories. To make my argument, I take Rousseau’s Social Contract as a paradigmatic example of the paradox and analyse it in light of Hegel’s critical response. My aim is to show that, although Rousseau rejects the idea of representing the popular will, representation resurfaces in his Republic from top to bottom (...)
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  • Democracy within, justice without: The duties of informal political representatives.Wendy Salkin - 2022 - Noûs 56 (4):940-971.
    Informal political representation can be a political lifeline, particularly for oppressed and marginalized groups. Such representation can give these groups some say, however mediate, partial, and imperfect, in how things go for them. Coeval with the political goods such representation offers these groups are its particular dangers to them. Mindful of these dangers, skeptics challenge the practice for being, inter alia, unaccountable, unauthorized, inegalitarian, and oppressive. These challenges provide strong pro tanto reasons to think the practice morally impermissible. This paper (...)
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  • Relations of mutual recognition: transforming the political aspect of autonomy.María Pía Méndez Mateluna - 2020 - Dissertation, University of Glasgow
    Being autonomous depends on the kind of relations we enjoy in the different domains of our lives, but the impact of decision-making and the power exercise that takes place in the political sphere, makes political relations crucial to our development and enjoyment of autonomy. This dissertation develops a novel view of political participation by interrogating its connection to our personal autonomy. According to this view, our political relations are partially constitutive of our personal autonomy, which in other words means there (...)
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  • Science and Policy in Extremis: The UK’s Initial Response to COVID-19.Jonathan Birch - 2021 - European Journal for Philosophy of Science 11 (3):90.
    Drawing on the SAGE minutes and other documents, I consider the wider lessons for norms of scientific advising that can be learned from the UK’s initial response to coronavirus in the period January-March 2020, when an initial strategy that planned to avoid total suppression of transmission was abruptly replaced by an aggressive suppression strategy. I introduce a distinction between “normatively light advice”, in which no specific policy option is recommended, and “normatively heavy advice” that does make an explicit recommendation. I (...)
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  • Citizens’ attitudes towards descriptive representation: The case of women in Portugal.Ana Espírito-Santo - 2016 - European Journal of Women's Studies 23 (1):43-59.
    Although the gender composition of assemblies is slowly changing in order to include more women, very little is known about citizens’ attitudes towards women’s descriptive representation. Using data from a representative sample of the Portuguese population, this article aims to offer an explanation of citizens’ attitudes towards women in parliament. It demonstrates that the Portuguese population is willing to see the presence of women in political power increase, but only up to a certain point: although most people support an increase (...)
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  • The Vicissitudes of Representation.Matteo Mandarini - 2020 - Jus Cogens 2 (3):281-300.
    This article turns to the issue of political representation that I argue is central to all forms of political thought and practice of the modern period. Taking political representation as its object, I argue that its crisis—that comes to a head in the travails of the Weimar Republic—provided the opportunity for forms of neoliberal representation to displace political representation with purportedly “neutral”, non-partisan and thus “fair” representational tools. In contrast, I seek to develop the idea of “self-representation” with a discussion (...)
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  • Co-responsibility for Individualists.David Atenasio - 2019 - Res Publica 25 (4):511-530.
    Some argue that if an agent intentionally participates in collective wrongdoing, that agent bears responsibility for contributing actions performed by other members of the agent’s collective. Some of these intention-state theorists distribute co-responsibility to group members by appeal to participatory intentions alone, while others require participants to instantiate additional beliefs or perform additional actions. I argue that prominent intention-state theories of co-responsibility fail to provide a compelling rationale for why participation in collective wrongdoing merits responsibility not only for one’s own (...)
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  • Populism and the Politics of Resentment.Jean L. Cohen - 2019 - Jus Cogens 1 (1):5-39.
    This article argues that understanding the dangers and risks of authoritarian populism in consolidated constitutional democracies requires analysis of the forms of pluralism and status anxieties that emerge in civil and economic society, in a context of profound political, socioeconomic, and cultural change. This paper has two basic theses. The first is that when societies become deeply divided, and segmental pluralism maps onto affective party political polarization, generalized social solidarity is imperiled, as is commitment to democratic norms, social justice, and (...)
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  • Political Representation from a Pragmatist Perspective: Aesthetic Democratic Representation.Michael I. Https://orcidorg733X Räber - 2019 - Contemporary Pragmatism 16 (1):84-103.
    In this article I discuss the advantages of a theory of political representation for a prag- matist theory of (global) democracy. I first outline Dewey’s disregard for political rep- resentation by analyzing the political, epistemological and aesthetic underpinnings of his criticism of the Enlightenment ideal of democracy and its trust in the power of the detached gaze. I then show that a theory of political representation is not only com- patible with a pragmatist Deweyan-pragmatist perspective on democratic politics but also (...)
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  • (1 other version)Temporal Justice, Youth Quotas and Libertarianism.Marcel Wissenburg - 2019 - Intergenerational Justice Review 1 (1).
    Quotas, including youth quotas for representative institutions, are usually evaluated from within the social justice discourse. That discourse relies on several questionable assumptions, seven of which I critically address and radically revise in this contribution from a libertarian perspective. Temporal justice then takes on an entirely different form. It becomes a theory in which responsibilities are clear and cannot be shifted onto the shoulders of the weak and innocent. I shall only briefly sketch some outlines and general implications of such (...)
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  • Representation in Models of Epistemic Democracy.Patrick Grim, Aaron Bramson, Daniel J. Singer, William J. Berger, Jiin Jung & Scott E. Page - 2020 - Episteme 17 (4):498-518.
    Epistemic justifications for democracy have been offered in terms of two different aspects of decision-making: voting and deliberation, or ‘votes’ and ‘talk.’ The Condorcet Jury Theorem is appealed to as a justification in terms votes, and the Hong-Page “Diversity Trumps Ability” result is appealed to as a justification in terms of deliberation. Both of these, however, are most plausibly construed as models of direct democracy, with full and direct participation across the population. In this paper, we explore how these results (...)
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  • Substantive Representation in a Post-Democratic Environment.Marcel Wissenburg - 2013 - Public Reason 5 (1).
    Political and economic internationalization and globalization, the rise of sub-national self-governing regions and spheres, governance replacing government and many related processes change the role and context of the nation-state, the protector of mass democracy. The concept of representation, representation as ‘acting for,’ can help develop answers to the threat that this ‘loss of polity’ poses to equal and universal access to decision-making, i.e., the ideals behind mass democracy. Examining the reasons why the two most prominent conceptions of representation – substantive (...)
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  • Foundations and Applications for Contractualist Business Ethics.Pursey P. M. A. R. Heugens, J. Oosterhout & Muel Kaptein - 2006 - Journal of Business Ethics 68 (3):211-228.
    Contractualism is one of the most promising ‘centers of gravity’ in business ethics. In this guest editorial we provide a concise roadmap to the field, sketching contractualism’s historic and disciplinary antecedents, the basic argumentative structure of the contract model, and its boundary conditions. We also sketch two main dimensions along which contributions to the contractualist tradition can be positioned. The first dimension entails positive versus normative theorizing – does a given contribution analyze the world as it is or how it (...)
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  • Rethinking Representation: the Challenge of Non-humans.Mihnea Tanasescu - 2014 - Australian Journal of Political Science 49 (1).
    This article argues that the standard model of political representation mischaracterises the structure of representation. After surveying the classical types of representation and their application to non-humans, the basic nature of representation is shown to have been unduly centred on interests, responsiveness and unidirectional protocols. It proposes a different structure by drawing inspiration from recent scholarship and developments in political philosophy, as well as the representation of non-human actors. It proposes an ontological grounding of representation in ‘irreducible multiplicity’, and a (...)
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  • Authenticity in Political Discourse.Ben Jones - 2016 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 19 (2):489-504.
    Judith Shklar, David Runciman, and others argue against what they see as excessive criticism of political hypocrisy. Such arguments often assume that communicating in an authentic manner is an impossible political ideal. This article challenges the characterization of authenticity as an unrealistic ideal and makes the case that its value can be grounded in a certain political realism sensitive to the threats posed by representative democracy. First, by analyzing authenticity’s demands for political discourse, I show that authenticity has greater flexibility (...)
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  • Relational representation: an agency-based approach to global justice.Antony Lyon - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (2):233-248.
    This paper argues that Amartya Sen’s comparative approach to justice requires a politics that is attentive to the agency of the other. Rethinking representation as a relational, rather than a sovereign, concept captures the relationship between agency and justice that is emerging in global politics today. It is increasingly common that non-governmental actors engage with communities through practices of trust and responsibility without appeal to political authority. Relational representation helps clarify the dynamics of these relationships and provides a way to (...)
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  • Characteristic properties of FPTP systems.Eliora van der Hout & Harrie de Swart - 2010 - Theory and Decision 68 (3):325-340.
    In this article, we model FPTP systems as social preference rules and give two characterizations. We show that a social preference rule is an FPTP system if, and only if, it satisfies the axioms of subset consistency, district consistency, subset cancellation, and district cancellation. The second characterization consists of the axioms of subset consistency, subset anonymity, neutrality, topsonlyness, Pareto optimality, district consistency and district cancellation. The characterizations give us an opportunity to compare the characteristic properties of FPTP systems to the (...)
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  • The Effects of Election Reform on Legislator Perceptions: The Case of Taiwan.Timothy S. Rich - 2012 - Japanese Journal of Political Science 13 (3):317-336.
    Mixed member legislative systems have proliferated in the last twenty years, and while our knowledge of the institutional impacts has grown, we have had difficulty in separating institutional and contextual (namely party) influences. Through an analysis of Taiwan before and after the implementation of a mixed member majoritarian (MMM) system, the level of contamination between tiers and variance between parties becomes clearer. Survey results show a marked shift in constituency focus for district candidates, moving from multimember to single-member districts, while (...)
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  • The elusive sovereign: New intellectual and social histories of capitalism.Jeffrey Sklansky - 2012 - Modern Intellectual History 9 (1):233-248.
    Intellectual history in the United States has long borne a peculiarly close kinship to social history. The twin fields rose together a century ago in a filial revolt against the cloistered, conservative study of political institutions. Sharing a progressive interest in social thought and social reform, they joined in the self-styled “social and intellectual history” of the interwar decades. After mid-century, however, they moved in divergent directions. Many social historians adopted the quantitative methods of the social sciences, documenting the diverse (...)
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  • Mark B. Brown, Science in Democracy. Expertise, Institutions, and Representation.Robert Hoppe - 2011 - Minerva 49 (3):349-354.
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  • (1 other version)Fiduciary Representation and Deliberative Engagement with Children.Ethan J. Leib & David L. Ponet - 2012 - Journal of Political Philosophy 20 (2):178-201.
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  • A comparative study of the representational paradigms between liberalism and socialism.Gang Ke - 1990 - Philosophy of the Social Sciences 20 (1):5-34.
    Traditionally, debates over the issue of representation in liberalism and in socialism focused on such questions as who or whose interests should be represented in order to attest to the legitimacy of representation. In this article, a different and more fundamental approach is achieved by asking how the representation is accomplished. At this methodological point, liberalism and socialism diverge in their understanding of representative government: Each follows its own philosophical paradigm(s) that underly and justify its position. Differences between liberal and (...)
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  • (Re)constructing technological society by taking social construction even more seriously.E. J. Woodhouse - 2005 - Social Epistemology 19 (2 & 3):199 – 223.
    After recognizing that technologies are socially constructed, questions arise concerning how technologies should be constructed, by what processes, and granting how much influence to whom. Because partisanship, uncertainty, and disagreement are inevitable in trying to answer these questions, reconstructivist scholarship should embrace the desirability of thoughtful partisanship, should focus on strategies for coping intelligently with uncertainties, and should make central the study of social processes for coping with disagreement regarding technoscience and its utilization. That often will entail siding with have-nots, (...)
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  • Symbiosis as a Natural Contract: Michel Serres and the Representative Claim.Massimiliano Simons - 2024 - Angelaki 29 (4):56-66.
    Michel Serres’s proposal to extend the social contract to a natural contract has been met with criticism and misunderstanding. In this article, I would like to respond to common criticisms by reconsidering two central related concepts. It is claimed that we cannot represent nature’s interests and therefore cannot come to an agreement, and thus a contract, with nature. However, I will suggest a way out by reinterpreting representation and agreement. I will start with the problem of representation: nature cannot be (...)
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  • Normative Konstituenzien der Demokratie.Julian Nida-Rümelin, Timo Greger & Andreas Oldenbourg (eds.) - 2024 - De Gruyter.
    Demokratien geraten zunehmend unter Druck. Dabei wird die Bedeutung von Demokratie selbst zum Gegenstand der Auseinandersetzung. Diese Auseinandersetzungen nimmt der vorliegende Band zum Anlass, die Bedeutung von Demokratie grundsätzlich zu untersuchen. Mit dem Begriff der Konstituenzien sind dabei jene wesentlichen Bedingungen gemeint, die Demokratie ausmachen. Die meisten dieser Bedingungen sind normativ. Was Demokratie ist, wird auch und gerade dadurch bestimmt, was Demokratie sein sollte. Damit geht es um jene Normen, deren Verwirklichung politische Praktiken zu demokratischen Praktiken macht. Sind diese Normen (...)
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  • Looking beyond values: The legitimacy of social perspectives, opinions and interests in science.Hannah Hilligardt - 2022 - European Journal for Philosophy of Science 12 (4):1-20.
    This paper critically assesses the current debates in philosophy of science that focus on the concept of values. In these debates, it is often assumed that all relevant non-epistemic influences on scientific research can be described as values and, consequently, that science carries social legitimacy if the correct values play their proper role in research. I argue that values are _not_ the only relevant non-epistemic influences on research: not unless our definition of values is so broad that it becomes unmanageable. (...)
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  • Transnational Populism, Democracy, and Representation: Pitfalls and Potentialities.Jonathan Kuyper & Benjamin Moffitt - 2020 - Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 12 (2):27-49.
    Current work on populism stresses its relationship to nationalism. However, populists increasingly make claims to represent ‘the people’ across beyond national borders. This advent of ‘transnational populism’ has implications for work on cosmopolitan democracy and global justice. In this paper, we advance and substantiate three claims. First, we stress populism’s performative and claimmaking nature. Second, we argue that transnational populism is both theoretically possible and empirically evident in the contemporary global political landscape. Finally, we link these points to debates on (...)
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  • National Security, Self-rule, and Democratic Action.David McCabe - 2021 - The Journal of Ethics 25 (2):181-202.
    Most discussions of the relationship between liberty and security focus on the idea that enhancing citizens’ security may require imposing constraints on their civil liberties. This paper explores the question of how measures to enhance security stand vis à vis the idea of political liberty, i.e. the idea of citizens’ collectively directing the power of their state. It distinguishes two models whereby citizens might enact that ideal of self-rule and argues that with respect to issues of national security, the less (...)
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  • O Captain! My Captain!: leadership, virtue, and sport.John William Devine - 2021 - Journal of the Philosophy of Sport 48 (1):45-62.
    There is a crisis of leadership in sport. Leadership as an athletic excellence is under threat from the deepening influence of coaches on in-game decision- making. To appreciate what is being lost in this shift of responsibility, it is necessary to understand the challenge of athlete leadership. Captaincy is the quintessential on-field leadership role. However, the role of captain, and athlete leadership more widely, remains philosophically untheorized. This paper initiates a discussion of leadership in sport by providing the first normative (...)
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  • Ethical Advocacy Across the Autism Spectrum: Beyond Partial Representation.Matthew S. McCoy, Emily Y. Liu, Amy S. F. Lutz & Dominic Sisti - 2020 - American Journal of Bioethics 20 (4):13-24.
    Recent debates within the autism advocacy community have raised difficult questions about who can credibly act as a representative of a particular population and what responsibilities that...
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  • Representing judgment – Judging representation: Rhetoric, judgment and ethos in democratic representation.Giuseppe Ballacci - 2019 - Contemporary Political Theory 18 (4):519-540.
    The ‘constructivist turn’ in political representation literature has clarified that representation is crucial in forging identities – through the creation of ideological and symbolic representations that mobilize and coalesce otherwise scattered and undefined social forces – and thus also why it is essentially an interpretative and performative activity. In this article I argue that, as a consequence of this emphasis on interpretation and performativity, this approach makes clear why the ethos of representatives is important in representation. To prove this, I (...)
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  • Legislating Patient Representation: A Comparison Between Austrian and German Regulations on Self-Help Organizations as Patient Representatives.Daniela Rojatz, Julia Fischer & Hester Van de Bovenkamp - 2018 - Journal of Bioethical Inquiry 15 (3):351-358.
    Governments are increasingly inviting patient organizations to participate in healthcare policymaking. By inviting POs that claim to represent patients, representation comes into being. However, little is known about the circumstances under which governments accept POs as patient representatives. Based on the analysis of relevant legislation, this article investigates the criteria that self-help organizations, a special type of PO, must fulfil in order to be accepted as patient representatives by governments in Austria and Germany. Thereby, it aims to contribute to the (...)
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