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Political Theory 25 (3):347-376 (1997)

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  1. AI Within Online Discussions: Rational, Civil, Privileged?Jonas Aaron Carstens & Dennis Friess - 2024 - Minds and Machines 34 (2):1-25.
    While early optimists have seen online discussions as potential spaces for deliberation, the reality of many online spaces is characterized by incivility and irrationality. Increasingly, AI tools are considered as a solution to foster deliberative discourse. Against the backdrop of previous research, we show that AI tools for online discussions heavily focus on the deliberative norms of rationality and civility. In the operationalization of those norms for AI tools, the complex deliberative dimensions are simplified, and the focus lies on the (...)
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  • Norms of Public Argumentation and the Ideals of Correctness and Participation.Frank Zenker, Jan Albert van Laar, B. Cepollaro, A. Gâţă, M. Hinton, C. G. King, B. Larson, M. Lewiński, C. Lumer, S. Oswald, M. Pichlak, B. D. Scott, M. Urbański & J. H. M. Wagemans - 2024 - Argumentation 38 (1):7-40.
    Argumentation as the public exchange of reasons is widely thought to enhance deliberative interactions that generate and justify reasonable public policies. Adopting an argumentation-theoretic perspective, we survey the norms that should govern public argumentation and address some of the complexities that scholarly treatments have identified. Our focus is on norms associated with the ideals of correctness and participation as sources of a politically legitimate deliberative outcome. In principle, both ideals are mutually coherent. If the information needed for a correct deliberative (...)
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  • Telling a story in a deliberation: addressing epistemic injustice and the exclusion of indigenous groups in public decision-making.Katarina Pitasse Fragoso - 2022 - Journal of Global Ethics 18 (3):368-385.
    Deliberative scholars have suggested that citizens should be able to exchange arguments in public forums. A key element in this exchange is the rational mode of communication, which means speaking through objective argumentation. However, some feminists argue that this mode of communication may create or intensify epistemic injustices. Furthermore, we should not assume that everyone is equally equipped to take part in deliberation. Certain groups, such as Indigenous peoples, for instance, who may not be versed in rational forms of argumentation, (...)
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  • Reasoning One’s Way to Justice?Rachel Wahl - 2021 - Philosophy of Education 77 (2):165-181.
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  • A discourse theoretical model for determining the limits of free speech on campus.Anniina Leiviskä - 2021 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 53 (11):1171-1182.
    Recent controversies concerning freedom of expression on university campuses have raised the question of how the limits of free speech can be determined in a justified way in a pluralistic public space such as the campus. The article addresses this question from the viewpoint of two complementary theoretical perspectives: Rainer Forst’s respect conception of toleration, and the discourse theory of democracy developed by Jürgen Habermas and Seyla Benhabib. These theories are argued to provide a non-arbitrary, impartial and procedural model for (...)
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  • (1 other version)Animal rights and the deliberative turn in democratic theory.Robert Garner - 2019 - European Journal of Political Theory 18 (3):309-329.
    Deliberative democracy has been castigated by those who regard it as exclusive and elitist because of its failure to take into account a range of structural inequalities existing within contemporary liberal democracies. As a result, it is suggested, deliberative arenas will merely reproduce these inequalities, advantaging the already powerful extolling mainstream worldviews excluding the interests of the less powerful and those expounding alternative worldviews. Moreover, the tactics employed by those excluded social movements seeking to right an injustice are typically those (...)
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  • Sciences normatives, procédures neutres.Marc-Kevin Daoust - 2018 - Philosophia Scientiae 22:37-57.
    Pourquoi accorder un rôle essentiel à la délibération publique dans le choix des normes éthiques et politiques guidant les sciences? À partir d’un débat récent en économie du bien-être, cet article soutient que l’introduction de normes éthiques et politiques en sciences doit respecter le principe de neutralité procédurale, et qu’une délibération publique bien encadrée respecte ce principe. Je présenterai deux raisons de croire que les sciences doivent respecter la neutralité procédurale. Le premier argument est lié au rôle que devrait jouer (...)
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  • The Instrumental Value Arguments for National Self-Determination.Hsin-wen Lee - 2019 - Dialogue—Canadian Philosophical Review 58 (1):65-89.
    David Miller argues that national identity is indispensable for the successful functioning of a liberal democracy. National identity makes important contributions to liberal democratic institutions, including creating incentives for the fulfilment of civic duties, facilitating deliberative democracy, and consolidating representative democracy. Thus, a shared identity is indispensable for liberal democracy and grounds a good claim for self-determination. Because Miller’s arguments appeal to the instrumental values of a national culture, I call his argument ‘instrumental value’ arguments. In this paper, I examine (...)
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  • (1 other version)Why Deliberative Polling? Reply to Gleason.James S. Fishkin - 2011 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 23 (3):393-403.
    Contrary to Laurel Gleason's assertions, Deliberative Polling among random samples is not a process that is dominated by “experts” or by certain categories of deliberator; it produces genuine gains among the participants in knowledge of information that has been verified as true and relevant; it does not cause ideological polarization; and it is not intended as a substitute for, rather than a supplement to, deliberation on the part of the general public.
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  • Pourquoi délibérer ? Du potentiel épistémique à la justification publique.Marc-Kevin Daoust - 2016 - Philosophiques 43 (1):23-48.
    Cet article a deux objectifs. Le premier est de montrer pourquoi l’argument instrumental en faveur de la démocratie est insuffisant pour justifier la délibération politique. Si notre but est l’optimisation du potentiel épistémique d’un régime politique, et que des approches agrégatives et inférentielles (sans délibération) atteignent cet objectif, alors nous ne pouvons plus justifier la délibération sur cette base. Ce problème peut être contourné en reprenant une distinction de Daniel Andler. Pour ce dernier, le groupe délibératif se distingue du groupe (...)
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  • Deliberation and disagreement.Hélène Landemore & Scott E. Page - 2015 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 14 (3):229-254.
    Consensus plays an ambiguous role in deliberative democracy. While it formed the horizon of early deliberative theories, many now denounce it as an empirically unachievable outcome, a logically impossible stopping rule, and a normatively undesirable ideal. Deliberative disagreement, by contrast, is celebrated not just as an empirically unavoidable outcome but also as a democratically sound and normatively desirable goal of deliberation. Majority rule has generally displaced unanimity as the ideal way of bringing deliberation to a close. This article offers an (...)
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  • On Traditional African Consensual Rationality.Emmanuel Ifeanyi Ani - 2013 - Journal of Political Philosophy 22 (3):342-365.
    Wiredu’s call for democracy by consensus is illustrated by his description of traditional African consensual rationality. This description contains the attribution of immanence to African consensual rationality. This paper objects to this doctrine of immanence. More importantly, the doctrine of immanence has led to the attribution of pure rationality to traditional African consensual practices. With reference to Aristotle’s three components of persuasion, I object to deliberation as purely rational and impervious to extraneous factors. I further argue that it is because (...)
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  • Neighbors and Citizens: Local Speakers in the Now of Their Recognizability.Samuel McCormick - 2011 - Philosophy and Rhetoric 44 (4):424-445.
    A chronicler who recites events without distinguishing between major and minor ones acts in accordance with the following truth: nothing that has ever happened should be regarded as lost for history."Few areas of American public life have received as much attention with as little actual on-the-ground study as citizen deliberation," Lawrence R. Jacobs, Fay Lomax Cook, and Michael X. Delli Carpini argue. "Whether and how real citizens engage in discursive participation; the nature, settings, and impact of this public talk; and (...)
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  • Reasons and Inclusion: The Foundation of Deliberation.Erik Schneiderhan & Shamus Khan - 2008 - Sociological Theory 26 (1):1-24.
    This article provides two empirical evaluations of deliberation. Given that scholars of deliberation often argue for its importance without empirical support, we first examine whether there is a "deliberative difference"; if actors engaging in deliberation arrive at different decisions than those who think on their own or "just talk." As we find a general convergence within deliberation scholarship around reasons and inclusion, the second test examines whether these two specific mechanisms are central to deliberation. The first evaluation looks at outcomes (...)
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  • Uncertainty and Participatory Democracy.Luigi Pellizzoni - 2003 - Environmental Values 12 (2):195-224.
    The article deals with some implications of radical uncertainty for participatory democracy, and more precisely for Participatory Technology Assessment. Two main forms of PTA are discussed. One is aimed at involving lay citizens and highlighting public opinion. The other is addressed to stakeholder groups and organisations, not only in terms of interest mediation but also of inclusion of their insight into a problem. Radical uncertainty makes 'intractable' many environmental and technological issues and brings into question traditional and new approaches to (...)
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  • An Imaginary Solution? The Green Defence of Deliberative Democracy.Manuel Arias-Maldonado - 2007 - Environmental Values 16 (2):233 - 252.
    As part of the recent rethinking of green politics, the construction of a green democracy has been subjected to increasing scrutiny. There is a growing consensus around deliberative democracy as the preferred model for the realisation of the green programme. As a result several arguments emerge when deliberative principles and procedures are to be justified from a green standpoint. This paper offers a critical assessment of the green case for deliberative democracy, showing that deliberation is being asked to deliver more (...)
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  • (2 other versions)Recognizing the passion in deliberation: Toward a more democratic theory of deliberative democracy.Cheryl Hall - 2007 - Hypatia 22 (4):81-95.
    : Critics have suggested that deliberative democracy reproduces inequalities of gender, race, and class by privileging calm rational discussion over passionate speech and action. Their solution is to supplement deliberation with such forms of emotional expression. Hall argues that deliberation already inherently involves passion, a point that is especially important to recognize in order to deconstruct the dichotomy between reason and passion that plays a central role in reinforcing inequalities of gender, race, and class in the first place.
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  • Democracy, Civility, and Semantic Descent.Robert Talisse - 2023 - Analyse & Kritik 45 (1):5-22.
    In a well-functioning democracy, must citizens regard one another as political equals, despite ongoing disagreements about normatively significant questions of public policy. A conception of civility is needed to supply citizens with a common sense of the rules of political engagement. By adhering to the norms of civility, deeply divided citizens can still assure one another of their investment in democratic politics. Noting well-established difficulties with the very idea of civility, this essay raises a more fundamental problem. Any conception of (...)
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  • Epistemic Norms for Public Political Arguments.Christoph Lumer - 2024 - Argumentation 38 (1):63-83.
    The aim of the article is to develop precise epistemic rules for good public political arguments, by which political measures in the broad sense are justified. By means of a theory of deliberative democracy, it is substantiated that the justification of a political measure consists in showing argumentatively that this measure most promotes the common good or is morally optimal. It is then discussed which argumentation-theoretical approaches are suitable for providing epistemically sound rules for arguments for such theses and for (...)
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  • Critical Democratic Education in Practice: Evidence from An Experienced Teacher's Classroom.Lisa Sibbett - 2022 - Journal of Social Studies Research 46 (1):35-52.
    Ever-increasing numbers of teachers are expressing commitments to social justice education today, but few experienced critical or democratic education in their own schooling or in their teaching practicum. Thus, teachers’ critical democratic commitments can be difficult to put into practice, especially in classrooms where students with diverse and unequal positionalities are engaged in learning together – what I call “heterogeneous” classrooms. Education that is “democratic” (that includes a range of warranted perspectives) can seem to come into conflict with education that (...)
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  • The epistemic value of deliberative democracy: how far can diversity take us?Jonathan Benson - 2021 - Synthese 199 (3-4):8257-8279.
    This paper contributes to growing debates over the decision-making ability of democracy by considering the epistemic value of deliberative democracy. It focuses on the benefits democratic deliberation can derive from its diversity, and the extent to which these benefits can be realised with respect to the complexities of political problems. The paper first calls attention to the issue of complexity through a critique of Hélène Landemore and the Diversity Trumps Ability Theorem. This approach underestimates complexity due to its reliance on (...)
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  • Deliberations with American Indian and Alaska Native People about the Ethics of Genomics: An Adapted Model of Deliberation Used with Three Tribal Communities in the United States.Erika Blacksher, Vanessa Y. Hiratsuka, Jessica W. Blanchard, Justin R. Lund, Justin Reedy, Julie A. Beans, Bobby Saunkeah, Micheal Peercy, Christie Byars, Joseph Yracheta, Krystal S. Tsosie, Marcia O’Leary, Guthrie Ducheneaux & Paul G. Spicer - 2021 - AJOB Empirical Bioethics 12 (3):164-178.
    Background This paper describes the design, implementation, and process outcomes from three public deliberations held in three tribal communities. Although increasingly used around the globe to address collective challenges, our study is among the first to adapt public deliberation for use with exclusively Indigenous populations. In question was how to design deliberations for tribal communities and whether this adapted model would achieve key deliberative goals and be well received.Methods We adapted democratic deliberation, an approach to stakeholder engagement, for use with (...)
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  • The Language of Public Reason.Brian Carey - 2020 - Journal of Social Philosophy 53 (1):93-112.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, Volume 53, Issue 1, Page 93-112, Spring 2022.
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  • Stakeholder Dialogue as Agonistic Deliberation: Exploring the Role of Conflict and Self-Interest in Business-NGO Interaction.Teunis Brand, Vincent Blok & Marcel Verweij - 2020 - Business Ethics Quarterly 30 (1):3-30.
    ABSTRACT:Many companies engage in dialogue with nongovernmental organizations about societal issues. The question is what a regulative ideal for such dialogues should be. In the literature on corporate social responsibility, the Habermasian notion of communicative action is often presented as a regulative ideal for stakeholder dialogue, implying that actors should aim at consensus and set strategic considerations aside. In this article, we argue that in many cases, communicative action is not a suitable regulative ideal for dialogue between companies and NGOs. (...)
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  • Learning in Democracy: Deliberation and Activism as Forms of Education.Rachel Wahl - 2019 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 38 (5):517-536.
    The press and scholars alike often bemoan the failure of civil public deliberation. Yet this insistence on civility excludes people who engage in adversarial tactics, limiting the ideas that are heard within deliberation. Drawing on a deliberative dialogue that occurred in Charlottesville, Virginia, in the aftermath of the deadly White Supremacist rally of 2017, this article reveals how the capacity of deliberation to be inclusive of diverse voices depends upon deliberators’ orientation to learn from people who do not participate in (...)
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  • “Sometimes I mean things so much I have to act”: Theatrical acting and democracy.Katherine Goktepe - 2018 - Constellations 25 (3):373-387.
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  • Justification, critique and deliberative legitimacy: The limits of mini-publics.Marit Böker - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (1):19-40.
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  • Recognition and Redistribution: Rethinking N. Fraser's Dualistic Model.Christian Lazzeri - 2009 - Critical Horizons 10 (3):307-340.
    It can be argued that Nancy Fraser's work integrates the concepts of recognition and redistribution by questioning the definition of the concept of recognition in order to bring it closer to the practical scope of redistribution. One of the difficulties raised by the concept of recognition is that it can appear as a kind of social monism by presenting culture as the main factor behind all social criticism, and thus, behind all kinds of claims and conflicts. However, it is possible (...)
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  • Avoiding Deliberative Democracy? Micropolitics, Manipulation, and the Public Sphere.Alexander Livingston - 2012 - Philosophy and Rhetoric 45 (3):269.
    This article examines the critique of deliberative democracy leveled by William Connolly. Drawing on both recent findings in cognitive science as well on Gilles Deleuze's cosmological pluralism, Connolly argues that deliberative democracy, and the contemporary left more generally, is guilty of intellectualism for overlooking the embodied, visceral register of political judgment. Going back to Deleuze and Guattari's A Thousand Plateaus, this article reconstructs the working assumptions of Connolly's critique and argues that it unwittingly leads to an indefensible embrace of manipulation. (...)
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  • Environmental Philosophy and the Public Interest: A Pragmatic Reconciliation.Ben A. Minteer - 2005 - Environmental Values 14 (1):37 - 60.
    Most environmental philosophers have had little use for 'conventional' philosophical and political thought. This is unfortunate, because these traditions can greatly contribute to environmental ethics and policy discussions. One mainstream concept of potential value for environmental philosophy is the notion of the public interest. Yet even though the public interest is widely acknowledged to be a powerful ethical standard in public affairs and public policy, there has been little agreement on its descriptive meaning. A particularly intriguing account of the concept (...)
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  • The Deliberative Model of Democracy: Two Critical Remarks.Raf Geenens - 2007 - Ratio Juris 20 (3):355-377.
    The deliberative model of democracy, as presented by Jürgen Habermas and others, claims to reconstruct the normative content of the idea of democracy. However, since it overemphasises the epistemic facet of decision‐making, the model is unable to take into account other valuable aspects of democracy. This is shown in reference to two concrete phenomena from political reality: majority voting and the problem of the dissenter. In each case, the deliberative model inevitably fails to account for several normatively desirable features of (...)
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  • War, manipulation of consent, and deliberative democracy.William S. Lewis - 2008 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 22 (4):pp. 266-277.
    Adding to the literature on the feasibility of deliberative democracy, this article catalogs the practices, institutions, and psychological proclivities that have been cited as obstacles to the realization of a deliberative democratic politics. It then makes the case that one of the irremediable obstacles, ideology, is also the the necessary starting point for actual deliberation.
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  • Deliberation and the Problems of Exclusion and Uptake: The Virtues of Actively Facilitating Equitable Deliberation and Testimonial Sensibility.Sarah Sorial - 2022 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 25 (2):215-231.
    In this paper, I suggest that one of the ways in which problems of exclusion from deliberation and uptake within deliberation can be ameliorated is to develop a more robust account of the deliberative virtues that socially privileged speakers/hearers ought to cultivate. Specifically, privileged speakers/hearers ought to cultivate the virtue of actively facilitating equitable and inclusive deliberative exchanges and the deliberative virtue of training their ‘testimonial sensibility’ to correct for prejudicial judgments about other speakers.
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  • (2 other versions)Finding common ground.Lochlan Morrissey & John Boswell - 2020 - Sage Publications: European Journal of Political Theory 22 (1):141-160.
    European Journal of Political Theory, Ahead of Print. Deliberative democrats have abandoned the ideal of consensus in favour of a range of different, more realistic alternatives. But these alternatives provide little anchorage to guide or even evaluate deliberative practice – something acutely problematic given the contemporary context of accelerating polarization in many advanced liberal democracies. In this article, we turn to Stalnaker’s account of the ‘common ground’ – the shared pool of information that is agreed upon by the parties to (...)
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  • Deliberative democracy and the problem of tacit knowledge.Jonathan Benson - 2019 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 18 (1):76-97.
    This article defends deliberative democracy against the problem of tacit knowledge. It has been argued that deliberative democracy gives a privileged position to linguistic communication and therefore excludes tacit forms of knowledge which cannot be expressed propositionally. This article shows how the exclusion of such knowledge presents important challenges to both proceduralist and epistemic conceptions of deliberative democracy, and how it has been taken by some to favour markets over democratic institutions. After pointing to the limitations of market alternatives, deliberative (...)
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  • (1 other version)Revisiting “the Voice of the People”: An Evaluation of the Claims and Consequences of Deliberative Polling.Laurel S. Gleason - 2011 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 23 (3):371-392.
    ABSTRACT Political scientist James Fishkin has devised “deliberative polling” as a means to better informed, more autonomous, and more reflective participant opinion. After a deliberative poll, this improved form of public opinion can be disseminated to the general public and to policy makers so as to influence public opinion (as it is normally construed) and public policy. Close examination of the results of deliberative polling, however, suggests no evidence of a normatively desirable gain in informed, autonomous, or considered opinion—as opposed (...)
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  • Inviting Everyone to the Table: Strategies for More Effective and Legitimate Food Policy via Deliberative Approaches.Rachel A. Ankeny - 2016 - Journal of Social Philosophy 47 (1):10-24.
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  • Discourse and coordination: Modes of interaction and their roles in political decision-making.Claudia Landwehr - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):101-122.
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  • The place of self-interest and the role of power in deliberative democracy.Jane Mansbridge, James Bohman, Simone Chambers, David Estlund, Andreas Føllesdal, Archon Fung, Cristina Lafont, Bernard Manin & José Luis Martí - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):64-100.
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  • War without Agreement: Thinking through Okeja's Jus ad Bellum Theory.Luís Cordeiro-Rodrigues - 2023 - Journal of Military Ethics 22 (2):129-139.
    In a recent article in this journal, Uchena Okeja, inspired by sources in African philosophy and military ethics, argued that war by agreement is the only morally justified war. The present piece is a response to Okeja's contention that agreement is both necessary and sufficient for waging war. Contrasting with Okeja, I contend that agreement is neither necessary nor sufficient for initiating a war. Regarding necessity, I contend that there may be overriding values at risk in a conflict and protecting (...)
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  • (1 other version)Deliberative systems theory and activism.Ben Cross - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (6):866-883.
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  • The Epistemic Value of Testimony.Matthew Chick - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (1):93-113.
    This article brings together two sets of insights about deliberative democracy and uses them to develop a novel epistemic justification for the importance of testimony. Some democratic theorists have argued persuasively that a deliberative process limited to formal argumentation is exclusionary and thus undermines democratic legitimacy; they have made a compelling case for testimony on grounds of democratic inclusion. Others have made the case that deliberation has important epistemic benefits. Those theorists emphasize the give and take of reasons as a (...)
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  • From a Culture of Civility to Deliberative Reconciliation in Deeply Divided Societies.Valentina Gentile - 2018 - Journal of Social Philosophy 49 (2):229-251.
    In deeply divided societies (DDS) – those having experienced episodes of ethnic or religious mass violence – thousands of survivors must confront the challenge of reconstructing their public identity, split between their tragic human experience as victims and their political obligations as citizens. They are required to cooperate precisely with those who are, in their eyes, responsible for the crimes perpetrated against them. Is liberal democratic theory able to respond to such deep divisions? Is democracy, even, compatible with the reconciliation (...)
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  • (1 other version)Towards a Shared Redress: Achieving Historical Justice Through Democratic Deliberation.Sara Amighetti & Alasia Nuti - 2015 - Journal of Political Philosophy 23 (4):385-405.
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  • Ethical and Epistemic Dilemmas in Empirically-Engaged Philosophy of Education.Anne Newman & Ronald David Glass - 2014 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 34 (2):217-228.
    This essay examines several ethical and epistemological issues that arise when philosophers conduct empirical research focused on, or in collaboration with, community groups seeking to bring about systemic change. This type of research can yield important policy lessons about effective community-driven reform and how to incorporate the voices of marginalized citizens in public policy debates. Community-based reform efforts are also particularly ripe for philosophical analysis since they can demonstrate the strengths and shortcomings of democratic and egalitarian ideals. This type of (...)
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  • Managerial Discretion, Market Failure and Democracy.Michael Bennett - 2023 - Journal of Business Ethics 185 (1):33-47.
    Managers often have discretion in interpreting their ethical requirements, and they should seek democratic guidance in doing so. The undemocratic nature of managerial ethical discretion is shown to be a recurring problem in business ethics. Joseph Heath’s market failures approach (MFA) is introduced as a theory better positioned to deal with this problem than other views. However, due to epistemic uncertainty and conceptual indeterminacy, the MFA is shown to allow a much wider range of managerial discretion than initially appears. The (...)
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  • Deliberation through Misrepresentation? Inchoate Speech and the Division of Interpretive Labor.Alexander Prescott-Couch - 2021 - Journal of Political Philosophy 29 (4):496-518.
    Journal of Political Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • Weber's Dilemma and a Dualist Model of Deliberative and Associational Democracy.Stephen Elstub - 2008 - Contemporary Political Theory 7 (2):169-199.
    If deliberative democracy is to be more than a critique of current practice and achieve the normative goals ascribed to it, its norms must be approximated in practice and combine its two elements, popular deliberation with democratic decision-making. In combining these, we come across a Weberian dilemma between legitimacy and effectiveness. One of the most popular methods for institutionalizing deliberative democracy, which has been suggested, is citizen associations in civil society. However, there has been a lack of precise and detailed (...)
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  • (2 other versions)Recognizing the Passion in Deliberation: Toward a More Democratic Theory of Deliberative Democracy.Cheryl Hall - 2007 - Hypatia 22 (4):81-95.
    Critics have suggested that deliberative democracy reproduces inequalities of gender, race, and class by privileging calm rational discussion over passionate speech and action. Their solution is to supplement deliberation with such forms of emotional expression. Hall argues that deliberation already inherently involves passion, a point that is especially important to recognize in order to deconstruct the dichotomy between reason and passion that plays a central role in reinforcing inequalities of gender, race, and class in the first place.
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  • (2 other versions)Survey Article: Recipes for Public Spheres: Eight Institutional Design Choices and Their Consequences.Archon Fung - 2003 - Journal of Political Philosophy 11 (3):338-367.
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