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  1. De Plaats Van Levensbeschouwelijk Geïnspireerde Standpunten En Argument Aties Op Het Politieke Forum.Patrick Loobuyck - 2006 - Bijdragen 67 (1):3-22.
    This contribution seeks a nuanced democratic view on the position of religious and ideologically inspired views and argumentations on the political forum. We reject the liberal standard vision that rules out every reference to comprehensive doctrines. Political decisions should be neutral in their formulation of a proposition, but this does not exclude that there is some room for pluralism in the debate that precedes those decisions. From a democratic point of view there is no objection to religious and ideological views (...)
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  • On Universalism: Communitarians, Rorty, and (“Objectivist”) “Liberal Metaphysicians”1.Andrew Jason Cohen - 2010 - Southern Journal of Philosophy 38 (1):39-75.
    It is often claimed that liberalism is falsely and perniciously universalist. I take this charge seriously, exploring three positions: the communitarians’, Rorty’s, and that of “comprehensive” liberalism. After explaining why universalism is thought impossible, I examine the communitarian view that value is determined within communities and argue that it results in a form of relativism that is unacceptable. I next discuss Richard Rorty’s liberal acceptance of “conventionalism” and explain how, despite his rejection of universalism, Rorty remains a liberal. I then (...)
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  • In Affirming Them, He Affirms Himself.S. H. Kim - 2000 - Political Theory 28 (2):197-229.
    But with the member of a Nonconforming or self-made religious community, how different! The sectary's eigene grosse Erfindungen, as Goethe calls them,—the precious discoveries of himself and his friends for expressing the inexpressible and defining the undefinable in peculiar forms of their own,—cannot but, as he has voluntarily chosen them and is personally responsible for them, fill his whole mind. He is zealous to do battle for them and affirm them; for in affirming them, he affirms himself, and that is (...)
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  • Seeking Solidarity.Sally J. Scholz - 2015 - Philosophy Compass 10 (10):725-735.
    Using relations of solidarity in global contexts, this article explores some of the debates about what constitutes solidarity. Three primary forms of solidarity are discussed, with particular attention to the different nature of the solidaristic relations and their moral obligations.
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  • Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.Robert S. Taylor - 2017 - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Contemporary republicanism is characterized by three main ideas: free persons, who are not subject to the arbitrary power of others; free states, which try to protect their citizens from such power without exercising it themselves; and vigilant citizenship, as a means to limit states to their protective role. This book advances an economic model of such republicanism that is ideologically centre-left. It demands an exit-oriented state interventionism, one that would require an activist government to enhance competition and resource exit from (...)
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  • African Ethics and Journalism Ethics: News and Opinion in Light of Ubuntu.Thaddeus Metz - 2015 - Journal of Media Ethics 30 (2):74-90.
    In this article, I address some central issues in journalism ethics from a fresh perspective, namely, one that is theoretical and informed by values salient in sub-Saharan Africa. Drawing on a foundational moral theory with an African pedigree, which is intended to rival Western theories such as Kantianism and utilitarianism, I provide a unified account of an array of duties of various agents with respect to the news/opinion media. I maintain that the ability of the African moral theory to plausibly (...)
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  • Heidegger and Dilthey: Language, History, and Hermeneutics.Eric S. Nelson - 2014 - In Megan Altman & Hans Pedersen (eds.), Horizons of Authenticity in Phenomenology, Existentialism, and Moral Psychology. Dordrecht: springer. pp. 109-128.
    The hermeneutical tradition represented by Yorck, Heidegger, and Gadamer has distrusted Dilthey as suffering from the two sins of modernism: scientific “positivism” and individualistic and aesthetic “romanticism.” On the one hand, Dilthey’s epistemology is deemed scientistic in accepting the priority of the empirical, the ontic, and consequently scientific inquiry into the physical, biological, and human worlds; on the other hand, his personalist ethos and Goethean humanism, and his pluralistic life- and worldview philosophy are considered excessively aesthetic, culturally liberal, relativistic, and (...)
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  • The reflexive project: reconstructing the moral agent.Alfred I. Tauber - 2005 - History of the Human Sciences 18 (4):49-75.
    In the 17th century, ‘reflexivity’ was coined as a new term for introspection and self-awareness. It thus was poised to serve the instrumental function of combating skepticism by asserting a knowing self. In this Cartesian paradigm, introspection ends in an entity of self-identity. An alternate interpretation recognized how an infinite regress of reflexivity would render ‘the self’ elusive, if not unknowable. Reflexivity in this latter mode was rediscovered by post-Kantian philosophers, most notably Hegel, who defined the self in its self-reflective (...)
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  • Market Freedom as Antipower.Robert S. Taylor - 2013 - American Political Science Review 107 (3):593-602.
    Historically, republicans were of different minds about markets: some, such as Rousseau, reviled them, while others, like Adam Smith, praised them. The recent republican resurgence has revived this issue. Classical liberals such as Gerald Gaus contend that neo-republicanism is inherently hostile to markets, while neo-republicans like Richard Dagger and Philip Pettit reject this characterization—though with less enthusiasm than one might expect. I argue here that the right republican attitude toward competitive markets is celebratory rather than acquiescent and that republicanism demands (...)
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  • The ever‐shifting psychological foundations of democratic theory: Do citizens have the right stuff? [REVIEW]Philip E. Tetlock - 1998 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 12 (4):545-561.
    Timur Kuran's Private Truths, Public Lies makes a compelling case that people often misrepresent their private preferences in response to real or imagined social pressures, that the relative power of competing interest groups to punish opinion deviance and reward conformity determines the patterns and pervasiveness of preference falsification, and that preference falsifi‐cation helps explain such diverse outcomes as the persistence and sudden collapse of communism and the precarious persistence of racial preferences in the United States and of the caste system (...)
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  • Democracy and Education: About the Future of a Problem.Jürgen Oelkers - 2000 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 19 (1):3-19.
    In 20th century's European theory of education there was little interest in philosophy of democracy. John Dewey's Democracy and Education was translated in nearly everyEuropean language but did not become the center of discussion.Even ``radical education'' was much more child-centered thanopen to radical questions of political democracy. This articlediscusses the problem in two respects, first the tension betweenneo-liberalism's concept of individuality and public education,and second the future problems of a theory of ``democraticeducation'' after Dewey. The aim is to overcome traditionalEuropean (...)
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  • (2 other versions)Machiavelli against republicanism: On the cambridge school's "guicciardinian moments".John P. McCormick - 2003 - Political Theory 31 (5):615-643.
    Scholars loosely affiliated with the "Cambridge School" (e.g., Pocock, Skinner, Viroli, and Pettit) accentuate rule of law, common good, class equilibrium, and non-domination in Machiavelli's political thought and republicanism generally but underestimate the Florentine's preference for class conflict and ignore his insistence on elite accountability. The author argues that they obscure the extent to which Machiavelli is an anti-elitist critic of the republican tradition, which they fail to disclose was predominantly oligarchic. The prescriptive lessons these scholars draw from republicanism for (...)
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  • On visibility and power: An Arendtian corrective of Foucault. [REVIEW]Neve Gordon - 2002 - Human Studies 25 (2):125-145.
    Freedom, conceived ontologically, is power's condition of possibility. Yet, considering that the subject's interests and identity are constantly shaped, one still has to explain how – theoretically speaking – individuals can resist control. This is precisely the issue I address in the following pages. Following a brief overview of Foucault's contribution to our understanding of power, I turn to discuss the role of visibility vis-à-vis control, and show how the development of disciplinary techniques reversed the visibility of power. While Foucault (...)
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  • Defending abortion philosophically: A review of David Boonin's a defense of abortion. [REVIEW]Francis Beckwith - 2006 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 31 (2):177 – 203.
    This article is a critical review of David Boonin's book, A Defense of Abortion (Cambridge University Press, 2002), a significant contribution to the literature on this subject and arguably the most important monograph on abortion published in the past twenty years. Boonin's defense of abortion consists almost exclusively of sophisticated critiques of a wide variety of pro-life arguments, including ones that are rarely defended by pro-life advocates. This article offers a brief presentation of the book's contents with extended assessments of (...)
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  • The life’s meaning crisis and the history of philosophy. Church, J. (2022). Kant, Liberalism, and the Meaning of Life. Oxford: Oxford UP. [REVIEW]Elvira Chukhrai - 2024 - Sententiae 43 (1):158-169.
    Review of Church, J. (2022). Kant, Liberalism, and the Meaning of Life. Oxford: Oxford UP.
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  • Civic virtue in non-ideal republics.M. Victoria Costa - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    This paper defends a neorepublican account of civic virtue as consisting of stable traits of character, understood in broadly Aristotelian terms, that exhibit excellences associated with the role of citizen, and that contribute to the secure protection of freedom as non-domination. Such an account is important for the neorepublican project because neither laws nor social norms can yield reliable support for republican freedom without a parallel input from civic virtue. The paper emphasizes the need to distinguish civic virtue from desirable (...)
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  • Eradicating Theocracy Philosophically.Pouya Lotfi Yazdi - manuscript
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  • Dewey and Leopold on the Limits of Environmental Justice.Shane J. Ralston - 2009 - Philosophical Frontiers 4.
    Environmental justice refers to many things: a global activist movement, local groups that struggle to redress the inequitable distribution of environmental goods (and bads), especially as they affect minority communities, as well as a vast body of interdisciplinary scholarship documenting and motivating these movements. In the past three decades, scholarly debates over what environmental justice requires have been dominated by a discourse of rights.
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  • Sincerity ( cheng ) as a civic and political virtue in classical confucian philosophy.Dawid Rogacz - 2022 - Philosophy Compass 17 (6):e12833.
    The paper reconstructs the classical Confucian approach to sincerity (cheng 誠) as a political virtue of the governing and a civic virtue of the governed. For Confucian thinkers, sincerity thus understood shapes both the rulers and the ruled in terms of the common good, and guarantees the stability of a just political system. It is shown that for Confucius and the Zuo Commentary one of the key political and civic virtues was reliability (trustworthiness, xin), which later came to be viewed (...)
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  • Vulnerability and non-domination: a republican perspective on natural limits.Peter F. Cannavò - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (5):693-709.
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  • Structural domination in the labor market.Lillian Cicerchia - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (1).
    In recent years, there has been a wide-ranging debate about the neo-republican principle of non-domination. Neo-republicans argue that domination is a capacity for one to intentionally use arbitrary power to interfere in someone’s life. Critics of neo-republicanism argue that this definition of freedom as non-domination precludes a structural analysis of domination, which would explain and critique the ways in which societies produce structural domination unintentionally. The article focuses on capitalism’s labor process and its labor markets. It argues that critics are (...)
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  • Becoming a moral self through a community of ethical enquiry: a study of a class group from middle to late childhood in an Irish primary school.Josephine Russell - 2005 - Dissertation, Dublin City University
    This qualitative research study examines moral responsiveness and thinking in a mixed gender class of primary school children over a period o f four and a half years. It sets out to track development in children’s moral awareness, looking at gains and losses from middle to late childhood, and focusing on cognitive skills, notions of moral rectitude, and interpersonal relationships and friendship. The first part of the study is designed to offer a theoretical background to inform interpretation of the data (...)
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  • A Brief History of Liberty--And Its Lessons.Philip Pettit - 2016 - Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 17:5-21.
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  • (1 other version)Freedom and the State: Nanny or Nightwatchman?Philip Pettit - 2015 - Public Health 129 (8):1055-1060.
    There are two rival images often offered of the state. In one the state serves like a nanny to provide for the welfare of its members; in the other it requires people to look after themselves, providing only the service of a night-watchman. But this dichotomy, which is routinely invoked in debates about public health and welfare provision in general, is misleading. What the rival images turn on is not competing pictures of how the state should function in people's lives (...)
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  • Introduction to The Oxford Handbook of Dewey [Intro available free from OUP].Steven Fesmire (ed.) - 2019 - New York, USA: Oxford University Press.
    John Dewey was the foremost figure and public intellectual in early to mid-twentieth century American philosophy. He is the most academically cited Anglophone philosopher of the past century, and he is among the most cited Americans of any century. In this comprehensive volume spanning thirty-five chapters, leading scholars help researchers access particular aspects of Dewey’s thought, navigate the enormous and rapidly developing literature, and participate in current scholarship in light of prospects in key topical areas. Beginning with a framing essay (...)
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  • Republicanism and Markets.Robert S. Taylor - 2019 - In Yiftah Elazar & Geneviève Rousselière (eds.), Republicanism and the Future of Democracy. New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. pp. 207-223.
    The republican tradition has long been ambivalent about markets and commercial society more generally: from the contrasting positions of Rousseau and Smith in the eighteenth century to recent neorepublican debates about capitalism, republicans have staked out diverse positions on fundamental issues of political economy. Rather than offering a systematic historical survey of these discussions, this chapter will instead focus on the leading neo-republican theory—that of Philip Pettit—and consider its implications for market society. As I will argue, Pettit’s theory is even (...)
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  • Exploring a Moral Landscape: Genetic Science and Ethics.Barbara Nicholas - 2001 - Hypatia 16 (1):45-63.
    This project draws on scholarship of feminist and womanist scholars, and on results of interviews with scientists currently involved in molecular genetics. With reference to Margaret Urban Walker's “practices of moral responsibility,” the social practices of molecular geneticists are exphred, and strategies identified through which scientists negotiate their moral responsibilities. The implications of this work for scientists and for feminists are discussed.
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  • Una maquinaria exhausta. Constitucionalismo y alienación legal en América.Roberto Gargarella - 2010 - Isonomía. Revista de Teoría y Filosofía Del Derecho 33:7-8.
    Después de más de 200 años de vida del constitucionalismo, en América Latina, una mayoría de los países de la región sigue viéndose afectada por sistemas políticamente inestables y económicamente muy desiguales; en donde las violaciones de derechos humanos son un hecho habitual; las ramas políticas del gobierno tienden a funcionar con independencia de cualquier reclamo ciudadano, mientras se encargan de moldear normas a medida de intereses privados; los tribunales aparecen como órganos de difícil acceso público, que tienden a decidir (...)
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  • The quiet desperation of Robert Dahl's (quiet) radicalism.Tom Hoffman - 2003 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 15 (1-2):87-122.
    Robert Dahl's democratic theory has been remarkably consistent over the course of his long career. While Dahl has maintained a markedly un‐romantic view of modern democracy, and can best be read as an immanent critic of its liberal variant, he has steadily clung to certain radical aspirations, even as their prospects have waned. Dahl's often‐unnoticed radicalism lies in his desire to see democracy break out of the institutional bonds of the liberal state. Reviewing his career forces one to consider the (...)
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  • (1 other version)A Critique of Philip Pettit's Republicanism.Charles Larmore - 2001 - Noûs 35 (s1):229 - 243.
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  • Business and the Polis: What Does it Mean to See Corporations as Political Actors? [REVIEW]Pierre-Yves Néron - 2010 - Journal of Business Ethics 94 (3):333-352.
    This article addresses the recent call in business ethics literature for a better understanding of corporations as political actors or entities. It first gives an overview of recent attempts to examine classical issues in business ethics through a political lens. It examines different ways in which theorists with an interest in the normative analysis of business practices and institutions could find it desirable and fruitful to use a political lens. This article presents a distinction among four views of the relations (...)
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  • Response to open Peer commentaries on “three ways to politicize bioethics”.Mark B. Brown - 2009 - American Journal of Bioethics 9 (2):W6 – W7.
    Many commentators today lament the politicization of bioethics, but some suggest distinguishing among different kinds of politicization. This essay pursues that idea with reference to three traditions of political thought: liberalism, communitarianism, and republicanism. After briefly discussing the concept of politicization itself, the essay examines how each of these political traditions manifests itself in recent bioethics scholarship, focusing on the implications of each tradition for the design of government bioethics councils. The liberal emphasis on the irreducible plurality of values and (...)
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  • Republicanism and the politics of place.Richard Dagger - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):157 – 173.
    Republicanism may seem to be a nostalgic politics of place that is incapable of responding to the challenges of globalization.The burden of this essay is to demonstrate that this view is both right and wrong - right in regarding republicanism as a politics of place, butwrong in thinking that such a form of politics is irrelevant to an increasingly interconnected world. On the contrary, the republican concern for place provides the basis for the responsible, public-spirited action that cosmopolitan theorists need (...)
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  • Self-Authorship through Mutual Benefit: Toward a Liberal Theory of the Virtues in Business.Caleb Bernacchio - forthcoming - Business Ethics Quarterly:1-30.
    This article develops a liberal theory of the virtues in business. I first articulate two key liberal values embodied within market society: self-authorship and mutual benefit. Self-authorship is a mode of autonomy given expression through the effective exercise of economic liberties. Mutual benefit involves the intentional pursuit of the well-being of one’s transaction partners within economic exchange. These values are uniquely realized, I argue, within business, conceptualized as a distinct, firm-level, social practice. More specifically, individuals realize self-authorship by purposively integrating (...)
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  • Introduction.Ashley Dodsworth & Iseult Honohan - 2021 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 24 (5):667-675.
    In response to the environmental and political crisis that we currently face, new ways of thinking and acting that provide alternatives to the current operation of liberal democracy and capitalism...
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  • Value-Based Leadership in Organizations: Balancing Values, Interests, and Power Among Citizens, Workers, and Leaders.Isaac Prilleltensky - 2000 - Ethics and Behavior 10 (2):139-158.
    The purpose of this article is to introduce a model of value-based leadership. The model is based on tensions among values, interests, and power ; and tensions that take place within and among citizens, workers, and leaders. The VIP-CWL model describes the forces at play in the promotion of value-based practice and formulates recommendations for value-based leadership. The ability to enact certain values is conditioned by power and personal interests of communities, workers, and leaders of organizations. People experience internal conflicts (...)
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  • Introduction: Political Implications of Moral Enhancement.Norbert Paulo & Christoph Bublitz - 2016 - Neuroethics 12 (1):1-3.
    What should we do if climate change or global injustice require radical policy changes not supported by the majority of citizens? And what if science shows that the lacking support is largely due to shortcomings in citizens’ individual psychology such as cognitive biases that lead to temporal and geographical parochialism? Could then a plausible case for enhancing the morality of the electorate—even against their will –be made? But can a democratic government manipulate the will of the people without losing democratic (...)
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  • Democracy and Education: A Theoretical Proposal for the Analysis of Democratic Practices in Schools.Jordi Feu, Carles Serra, Joan Canimas, Laura Làzaro & Núria Simó-Gil - 2017 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 36 (6):647-661.
    In the educational sphere, the concept of democracy is used in many and varied ways, though the hegemonic school culture often starts from a concept of democracy that is taken for granted, and it is understood that the entire educational community shares a similar concept. As a result of the research project “Democracy, participation and inclusive education in schools” we realized that the above-mentioned concept is used without being accurately defined in the school setting. This observation is what has prompted (...)
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  • Power, Ethics, and Journalism: Toward an Integrative Approach.Peggy Bowers, Christopher Meyers & Anantha Babbili - 2004 - Journal of Mass Media Ethics 19 (3-4):223-246.
    Although we think 1 of the basic purposes of journalism is to provide information vital to enhancing citizen autonomy, we also see this goal as being in direct tension with the power news media hold and wield, power that may serve to undercut, rather than enhance, citizen autonomy. We argue that the news media are ethically constrained by proceduralism, resulting in journalists asserting power inappropriately at the individual level, and unwittingly surrendering moral authority institutionally and globally. Anonymity, institutionalization, and routinization (...)
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  • Constructive Politics as Public Work.Harry C. Boyte - 2011 - Political Theory 39 (5):630-660.
    This essay argues that fulfilling the promise of participatory democratic theory requires ways for citizens to reconstruct the world, not simply to improve its governance processes. The concept of public work, expressing civic agency, or the capacity of diverse citizens to build a democratic way of life, embodies this shift. It posits citizens as co-creators of the world, not simply deliberators and decision-makers about the world. Public work is a normative, democratizing ideal of citizenship generalized from communal labors of creating (...)
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  • Right Relation and Right Recognition in Public Health Ethics: Thinking Through the Republic of Health.Bruce Jennings - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):168-177.
    The further development of public health ethics will be assisted by a more direct engagement with political theory. In this way, the moral vocabulary of the liberal tradition should be supplemented—but not supplanted—by different conceptual and normative resources available from other traditions of political and social thought. This article discusses four lines of further development that the normative conceptual discourse of public health ethics might take. The relational turn. The implications for public health ethics of the new ‘ecological’ or ‘relational’ (...)
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  • Naturalistic Values and Progressive Politics.Christoph Henning - 2012 - European Journal of Pragmatism and American Philosophy 4 (1):84-106.
    The paper argues that Dewey’s ethics are based on a naturalistic theory of value. This unusual interpretation questions the anti-naturalist reading of Dewey in the wake of Richard Rorty and other neo-pragmatists. In order to defend this interpretation, I develop a genealogy of Dewey’s pragmatic naturalism: It has a ’father’ in the progressivist movement, and a ’sister’ in the Chicago Sociology. A closer look at Frank L. Ward, Albion Small, W. I. Thomas and Robert Park helps to reconstruct the political (...)
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  • The 'cool objectivity of sociation': Max Weber and Marianne Weber in America.Lawrence A. Scaff - 1998 - History of the Human Sciences 11 (2):61-82.
    Max Weber is noted for his diagnosis of the rationalization of life under capitalism. But in his social thought he also developed a powerful theory of the process of 'sociation' and associational life. This paper investigates the latter aspect of his thought in the context of his and Marianne Weber's American journey. Their observations about the religious sects, the African-American community, educational insti tutions, and the position of women reveal an understanding of democ ratization as a process of voluntaristic sociation, (...)
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  • Voter ignorance and the democratic ideal.Ilya Somin - 1998 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 12 (4):413-458.
    Abstract If voters do not understand the programs of rival candidates or their likely consequences, they cannot rationally exercise control over government. An ignorant electorate cannot achieve true democratic control over public policy. The immense size and scope of modern government makes it virtually impossible for voters to acquire sufficient knowledge to exercise such control. The problem is exacerbated by voters? strong incentive to be ?rationally ignorant? of politics. This danger to democracy cannot readily be circumvented through ?shortcut? methods of (...)
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  • The demagoguery of democratic theory.Peter Berkowitz - 2000 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 15 (1-2):123-145.
    Abstract For all of its blessings, democracy in America displays weaknesses. Democratic theorists both disguise and exacerbate these weaknesses by urging us, as imperatives of democratic justice, to extend the claims of equality to all practices and throughout all spheres of life; and to discount what people actually want in favor of what democratic theorists think that reason tells us people ought to want. Such theorizing encourages the evisceration of virtue, the trivialization of truth, the subjugation of chance, the fear (...)
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  • Rawls on pluralism and stability.Robert B. Talisse - 2003 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 15 (1-2):173-194.
    Rawls ‘s political liberalism abandons the traditional political‐theory objective of providing a philosophical account of liberal democracy. However, Rawls also aims for a liberal political order endorsed by citizens on grounds deeper than what he calls a “modus vivendi” compromise; he contends that a liberal political order based upon a modus vivendi is unstable. The aspiration for a pluralist and “freestanding” liberalism is at odds with the goal of a liberalism endorsed as something deeper than a modus vivendi compromise among (...)
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  • Continuing the conversation on chinese human rights.Roger T. Ames - 1997 - Ethics and International Affairs 11:177–205.
    Discussing the history of universal human rights and Confucian values, Ames asserts that a growing dialogue between China and the United States would benefit China in terms of political and individual rights and the United States in terms of a greater sense of civic virtue.
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  • The demanding community: Politicization of the individual after Dewey.Matthew C. Flamm - 2006 - Education and Culture 22 (1):35-54.
    : This article argues that conceptions of community after Dewey despair of an institutional means of recovering individuality, which is the central problem of democracy. They so despair, I contend, because of their politicized view of the individual. I first briefly consider the contrast between Dewey and contemporary proceduralists and civic republicans, before turning to my central discussion: C. Wright Mills, whose critique indicates a historical watershed for Dewey's view of community. Ultimately, despair of a Deweyan sense of community issues (...)
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  • The Eurocentrism of neo-Roman republicanism and the neglect of republican empire.Kevin Blachford - 2021 - Thesis Eleven 166 (1):136-150.
    Republicanism is an approach within political theory that seeks to secure the values of political liberty and non-domination. Yet, in historical practice, early modern republics developed empires and secured their liberty through policies that dominated others. This contradiction presents challenges for how neo-Roman theorists understand ideals of liberty and political freedom. This article argues that the historical practices of slavery and empire developed concurrently with the normative ideals of republican liberty. Republican liberty does not arise in the absence of power (...)
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  • Intolerable Ideologies and the Obligation to Discriminate.Tim Loughrist - 2021 - Business and Professional Ethics Journal 40 (2):131-156.
    In this paper, I argue that businesses bear a pro tanto, negative, moral obligation to refuse to engage in economic relationships with representatives of intolerable ideologies. For example, restaurants should refuse to serve those displaying Nazi symbols. The crux of this argument is the claim that normal economic activity is not a morally neutral activity but rather an exercise of political power. When a business refuses to engage with someone because of their membership in some group, e.g., Black Americans, this (...)
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