Results for 'polity'

57 found
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  1. After-Word. Which (Good-Bad) Man? For Which (Good-Bad) Polity?Paolo Silvestri - 2012 - In Paolo Heritier & Paolo Silvestri (eds.), Good government, Governance and Human Complexity. Luigi Einaudi’s Legacy and Contemporary Society. Olschki. pp. 313-332.
    In this afterword I will try to re-launch the inquiry into the causes of good-bad polity and good-bad relationships between man and society, individual and institutions. Through an analogy between Einaudi’s search for good government and Calvino’s “Invisible cities”, I will sketch an account of the human and invisible foundations – first of all: trust/distrust – of any good-bad polity.
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  2. Is Hyperpluralism Compatible with Dualist Constitutionalism? On Alessandro Ferrara's Conception of Multivariate Democratic Polity.Italo Testa - 2017 - Jura Gentium (1):80-95.
    In this essay I first set out the advantages the " multivariate democratic polity " framework proposed by Ferrara offers in comparison to other more consensus-based notions of democratic legitimacy. Secondly, I highlight some ambiguities concerning the meta-theoretical status of this frame, since it is not clear whether it consists of an adaptive realistic description, or otherwise is a normative argument. Thirdly, I cast some doubts on the compatibility between the multivariate frame and the " dualist conception of democratic (...)
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  3.  42
    Faith Reason and Dialogue: Yves Gingras: Science and Religion: An Impossible Dialogue. Maiden, MA: Polity Books, July 2017, 272 Pp, $26.95 PB.Menachem Fisch - 2019 - Metascience 28 (2):229-235.
    Essay review of Y. Gingras, Science and Religion: An Impossible Dialogue, Polity Press, 2017.
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  4.  14
    European Identity and Other Mysteries - Seeking Out the Hidden Source of Unity for a Troubled Polity.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2015 - Hermes Analógica 6.
    The economic crisis in Europe exposes the European Union’s political fragility. How a polity made of very different states can live up to the motto “Europe united in diversity” is difficult to envisage in practice. In this paper I attempt an “exegesis”—a critical explanation or interpretation of a series of published pieces which explores, first of all, if European unity is desirable at all. Second, it presents a methodology running throughout the Series —analogical hermeneutics—to approach the problem of unity. (...)
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  5. Irrationality, by Lisa Bortolotti (Polity Press, 2014). [REVIEW]Kevin Lynch - 2015 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 23 (4):605-609.
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  6.  83
    General Theory of Victims François Laruelle, Translated by Jessie Hock and Alex Dubilet Malden, Ma: Polity Press, 184 Pp. $19.95. [REVIEW]Eric D. Meyer - 2018 - Dialogue 57 (4):935-936.
    A review of Francoise Laruelle's General Theory of Victims, which places Laruelle's theory in the context of post-colonial theories of the subaltern subject after Gayatri Spivak and Edward Said. The review questions whether Laruelle's General Theory of Victims really allows the so-called victims to speak for themselves, or simply represents another attempt by Western (French?) intellectuals to speak to/through the victims, for their own political and theoretical purposes.
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  7.  25
    Objectivity. Polity Press, 2015. Introduction and T. Of Contents.Guy Axtell - 2015 - Polity; Wiley.
    “Objectivity” is an important theoretical concept with diverse applications in our collective practices of inquiry. It is also a concept attended in recent decades by vigorous debate, debate that includes but is not restricted to scientists and philosophers. The special authority of science as a source of knowledge of the natural and social world has been a matter of much controversy. In part because the authority of science is supposed to result from the objectivity of its methods and results, objectivity (...)
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  8.  29
    Daniel E. Flage, Berkeley, Cambridge, Reino Unido, Polity Press, 202 pp. [REVIEW]Alberto Luis López - 2016 - Signos Filosóficos 18 (36):198-202.
    Review of Flage's book "Berkeley".
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  9.  16
    What Soul for Europe? Unity, Diversity and Identity in the EU.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - manuscript
    Political integration has been part of the European project from its very beginnings. As far back as the early seventies there was concern in Brussels that an ingredient was missing in the political integration process. ‘Output legitimacy’ – the permissive consensus citizens grant to a government that is ‘delivering’, even if they do not participate in setting its goals – could not sustain unification indefinitely. Such a lacking ingredient – or ‘soul’ – has been labelled ‘European identity’ (EI) in an (...)
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  10. Plato's Republic in Its Athenian Context.Debra Nails - 2012 - History of Political Thought 33 (1):1-23.
    Plato's Republic critiques Athenian democracy as practised during the Peloponnesian War years. The diseased city Socrates attempts to purge mirrors Athens in crucial particulars, and his proposals should be evaluated as counter-weights to existing institutions and practices, not as absolutes to be instantiated. Plato's assessment of the Athenian polity incorporates two strategies -- one rhetorical, the other argumentative -- both of which I address. Failure to consider Athens a catalyst for Socrates' arguments has led to the misconception that Plato (...)
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  11. Justice and Moderation in the State: Aristotle and Beyond.Eleni Leontsini - 2015 - In Philosophy of Justice, International Institute of Philosophy, Series: Contemporary Philosophy: A New Survey, vol. 12,. Dordrecht-Heidelberg-New York-London: Springer. pp. 27-42.
    Ιn this paper I aim to analyze Aristotle’s account of political justice (to politikon dikaion) in both the Nicomachean Ethics and the Politics, since it is these accounts that are most relevant to his advocacy of moderation and mixed constitution, and I aim to show how justice and equality are crucial for the promotion of the common interest of the polis. In addition, I explore the connection made between justice, equality, democracy, liberty, and friendship, and attempt to further excavate Aristotle’s (...)
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  12.  87
    Identita v liberální politické teorii a dilema kosmopolitismu [Identity in Liberal Political Theory and the Cosmopolitan Dilemma].Sylvie Bláhová & Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Filosoficky Casopis 66 (3, 4):383–399, 505–517.
    In this article we address the question of individual identity and its place – or rather omission – in contemporary discussions about the cosmopolitan extension of liberalism as the dominant political theory. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part we show that if we consistently emphasise the complementarity of the “inner” and “outer” identity of a person, which is essential to liberalism from its very beginnings, then a fundamental flaw in the liberal cosmopolitan project becomes apparent. (...)
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  13.  30
    W.E.B. Du Bois.Elvira Basevich - forthcoming - In Reconsidering Political Thinkers. New York:
    This chapter introduces W.E.B. Du Bois’s original political thought and his strategies for political advocacy. It is limited to explaining the pressure he puts on the liberal social contract tradition, which prioritizes the public values of freedom and equality for establishing fair and inclusive terms of political membership. However, unlike most liberal theorists, Du Bois’s political thought concentrates on the politics of race, colonialism, gender, and labor, among other themes, in order to redefine how political theorists and activists should build (...)
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  14.  49
    Hayek Versus Trump: The Radical Right’s Road to Serfdom.Aris Trantidis & Nick Cowen - 2020 - Polity 52 (2):159-188.
    Hayek’s The Road to Serfdom has been interpreted as a general warning against state intervention in the economy.1 We review this argument in conjunction with Hayek’s later work and discern an institutional thesis about which forms of state intervention and economic institutions could threaten personal and political freedom. Economic institutions pose a threat if they allow for coercive interventions, as described by Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty: by giving someone the power to force others to serve one’s will by (...)
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  15. Ashes of Our Fathers: Racist Monuments and the Tribal Right.Dan Demetriou - 2020 - In Bob Fischer (ed.), Ethics, Left and Right: The Moral Issues that Divide Us. Oxford University Press.
    In this chapter I sketch a rightist approach to monumentary policy in a diverse polity beleaguered by old ethnic grievances. I begin by noting the importance of tribalism, memorialization, and social trust. I then suggest a policy which 1) gradually narrows the gap between peoples in the heritage landscape, 2) conserves all but the most offensive of the least beloved racist monuments, 3) avoids recrimination (i.e., “keeps it positive”) and eschews ideological commentary in new monuments or revisions to old (...)
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  16. Marsilius of Padova as a Democratic Theorist.Filimon Peonidis - 2016 - Roda da Fortuna 5 (1):106-124.
    In this essay I focus on the form of government defended by Marsilius of Padua in the first Discourse of Defensor pacis (1324). The interpretation of his overall account depends heavily on our understanding of the “major and valentior part” of the citizenry upon which all legislative and elective powers are bestowed. I argue that there is sufficient textual evidence to believe that the above term refers not to some small elite group but to the totality of citizens or the (...)
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  17.  18
    Europe United in Diversity—An Analogical Hermeneutics Perspective.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - manuscript
    At a moment when a new crisis threatens Europe—a crisis containing, among other ingredients, Brexit, COVID-19 and a faltering economy—the EU’s motto motto ‘Europe united in diversity’ would appear progressively less attainable. This article submits that the European ideal is still both desirable and possible, and advances four key concepts in the fostering of unity at the level of the polity as an entity and as a community: ‘analogical federation, ‘analogical culture’, ‘relational interculturalism’ and ‘public sphere secularity ’. These (...)
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  18.  17
    Should Europeans Citizens Die—or at Least Pay Taxes—for Europe? Allegiance, Identity, and Integration Paradigms Revisited.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - manuscript
    In the concept of European citizenship, public and international law intersect. The unity of the European polity results from the interplay between national and European loyalties. Citizens’ allegiance to the European polity depends on how much they see the polity’s identity as theirs. Foundational ideals that shaped the European project’s identity included social reconciliation and peaceful coexistence, economic reconstruction and widespread prosperity, and the creation of supranational structures to rein in nationalism. A broad cultural consensus underlay the (...)
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  19.  16
    Pre-Political Foundations of the Democratic Constitutional State – Europe and the Habermas-Ratzinger Debate.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - manuscript
    In 2004 Jürgen Habermas and Joseph Ratzinger participated in a debate on the ‘pre-political moral foundations of the free-state’. Their contributions showed broad agreement on the role of religion in today’s Western secular state and on areas of collaboration and mutual enrichment between Modernity and Christianity in Europe and the West. They diverged regarding the need or not of a common cultural background prior to the existence of the polity. Their diverging point becomes all the more fascinating to the (...)
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  20. Should Current Generations Make Reparation for Slavery? [REVIEW]Thomas Mulligan - 2019 - Australasian Journal of Philosophy 97 (4):847-847.
    A brief review of Janna Thompson's *Should Current Generations Make Reparation for Slavery?* (2018, Polity Press).
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  21.  17
    Is Europe Still Worth Fighting For? Allegiance, Identity, and Integration Paradigms Revisited.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2014 - In Fiona Jenkins, Mark Nolan & Kim Rubenstein (eds.), Allegiance and Identity in a Globalised World. Cambridge University Press. pp. 94-114.
    The paper reviews the foundational ideals that gave “Europe”, an integration project with continental ambitions, its initial meaning or identity. “Europe” meant reconciliation and peace, reconstruction and widespread prosperity, and the mitigation of nationalism through the creation of supranational communities. A broad cultural consensus made it easier to trust each other and work together. The enterprise received a tacit approval from Europeans throughout the initial stages. More than 60 years and 20 member states later the project is under strain in (...)
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  22. A Framework for Analyzing and Comparing Privacy States.Alan Rubel & Ryan Biava - 2014 - JASIST: The Journal of the American Society for Information Science and Technology 65 (12):2422-2431.
    This article develops a framework for analyzing and comparing privacy and privacy protections across (inter alia) time, place, and polity and for examining factors that affect privacy and privacy protection. This framework provides a method to describe precisely aspects of privacy and context and a flexible vocabulary and notation for such descriptions and comparisons. Moreover, it links philosophical and conceptual work on privacy to social science and policy work and accommodates different conceptions of the nature and value of privacy. (...)
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  23. Legitimacy, Democracy and Public Justification: Rawls' Political Liberalism Versus Gaus' Justificatory Liberalism.Enzo Rossi - 2014 - Res Publica 20 (1):9-25.
    Public justification-based accounts of liberal legitimacy rely on the idea that a polity’s basic structure should, in some sense, be acceptable to its citizens. In this paper I discuss the prospects of that approach through the lens of Gerald Gaus’ critique of John Rawls’ paradigmatic account of democratic public justification. I argue that Gaus does succeed in pointing out some significant problems for Rawls’ political liberalism; yet his alternative, justificatory liberalism, is not voluntaristic enough to satisfy the desiderata of (...)
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  24.  38
    The Lex of the Earth? Arendt’s Critique of Roman Law.Shinkyu Lee - forthcoming - Journal of International Political Theory:175508821989823.
    How political communities should be constituted is at the center of Hannah Arendt’s engagement with two ancient sources of law: the Greek nomos and the Roman lex. Recent scholarship suggests that Arendt treats nomos as imperative and exclusive while lex has a relationship-establishing dimension and that for an inclusive form of polity, she favors lex over nomos. This article argues, however, that Arendt’s appreciation occurs within a general context of more reservations about Rome than Roman-centric interpretations admit. Her writings (...)
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  25.  49
    How to Play the Platonic Flute: Mimêsis and Truth in Republic X.Gene Fendt - 2018 - In Heather L. Reid & Jeremy C. DeLong (eds.), The Many Faces of Mimēsis: Selected Essays from the Third Interdisciplinary Symposium on the Heritage of Western Greece,. Sioux City, IA, USA: Parnassos Press. pp. 37-48.
    The usual interpretation of Republic 10 takes it as Socrates’ multilevel philosophical demonstration of the untruth and dangerousness of mimesis and its required excision from a well ordered polity. Such readings miss the play of the Platonic mimesis which has within it precisely ordered antistrophes which turn its oft remarked strophes perfectly around. First, this argument, famously concluding to the unreliability of image-makers for producing knowledge begins with two images—the mirror (596e) and the painter. I will show both undercut (...)
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  26.  13
    EU Analogical Identity – Or the Ties That Link (Without Binding).Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2010 - ANU Centre for European Studies Briefing Paper Series 1 (2).
    From the political point of view, European Union (EU) integration implies some kind of unity in the community constituted by EU citizens. Unity is difficult to attain if the diversity of citizens (and their nations) is to be respected. A thick bond that melts members' diversity into a 'European pot' is therefore out of the question. On the other hand, giving up unity altogether makes political integration impossible. Through a meta-theoretical analysis of normative positions, this paper proposes a composed notion (...)
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  27.  13
    Exploring an Analogical Citizenship for Europe.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2010 - Open Citizenship 1 (1):28-49.
    The cultural, economic and political crisis affecting the European Union (EU) today is manifested in the political community’s lack of enthusiasm and cohesion. An effort to reverse this situation – foster ‘EU identity’ – was the creation of EU citizenship. Citizen- ship implies a people and a polity. But EU citizens already belong to national polities. Should EU citizenship override national citizenship or coexist with it? Postnationalists like Habermas have suggested EU citizenship can overcome nationalisms, grounding political belonging on (...)
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  28.  12
    EU Citizenship and Political Identity: The Demos and Telos Problem.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2012 - European Law Journal 18 (4):504-517.
    Citizenship is the cornerstone of a democratic polity. It has three dimensions: legal, civic and affiliative. Citizens constitute the polity's demos, which often coincides with a nation. European Union (EU) citizenship was introduced to enhance ‘European identity’ (Europeans’ sense of belonging to their political community). Yet such citizenship faces at least two problems. First: Is there a European demos? If so, what is the status of peoples (nations, demoi) in the Member States? The original European project aimed at (...)
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  29. Chantal Mouffe's Agonistic Project: Passions and Participation.Matthew Jones - 2014 - Parallax 20 (2):14-30.
    It is Chantal Mouffe’s contention that the central weakness of consensus-driven forms of liberalism, such as John Rawls’ political liberalism and Jurgen Habermas’ deliberative democracy, is that they refuse to acknowledge conflict and pluralism, especially at the level of the ontological. Their defence for doing so is that conflict and pluralism are the result of attempts to incorporate unreasonable and irrational claims into the public political sphere. In this context, unreasonable and irrational claims are those that cannot be translated into (...)
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  30.  11
    Exploring Cosmopolitan Communitarianist EU Citizenship - An Analogical Reading.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2011 - Open Insight 2 (2):145-168.
    Postnationalists like Habermas have suggested EU citizenship as a way to overcome nationalisms, grounding political belonging on the body of laws that members of the postnational polity generate in the public sphere. Cosmopolitan communitarianist like Bellamy think that EU citizens should form a mixed-commonwealth, with political belonging based on their nations. I will argue that the second option is more desiderable and submit the analogical character of the ensuing ideas of the citizenship, identity and polity. Cosmopolitan communitarianist citizenship (...)
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  31. Acquiring Universal Values Through a Particular Tradition: A Perspective on Judaism and Modern Pluralism.Jacobs Jonathan - 2013 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 5 (2):1--22.
    Religious traditions can be sources of values and attitudes supporting the liberal polity in ways that political theorizing and conceptions of public reason often fail to recognize. moreover, religious traditions can give support through the ways reason is crucial to their self-understanding. one understanding of Judaism is examined as an example. Also, the particularism of traditions can encourage commitment to universally valid values and ideals. reason’s role in Judaism and other religious traditions makes possible constructive interaction between those traditions (...)
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  32. Confucian Family-State and Women: A Proposal for Confucian Feminism.Ranjoo S. Herr - 2014 - In Ashley Butnor & Jen McWeeny (eds.), Liberating Traditions: Essays in Feminist Comparative Philosophy. New York, USA: Columbia University Press. pp. 261–282.
    I shall argue that, with a proper realignment of core Confucian values, an explicitly feminist reading of Confucianism—a conception of Confucian feminism—could be constructed to promote the feminist goal of gender equality in contemporary Confucian societies. My paper proceeds in the following order: first, I shall identify two aspects of Confucianism implicated in the Confucian subjugation of women: li and family. Given the centrality of both li and family in Confucianism, it may seem that Confucianism is inherently antagonistic to the (...)
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  33. The Pathways of Politogenesis and Models of the Early State Formation.Leonid Grinin - 2009 - Social Evolution and History 8 (1):92-132.
    This article considers concrete manifestations of the politogenesis multilinearity and the variation of its forms; it analyzes the main causes that determined the politogenetic pathway of a given society. The respective factors include the polity's size, its ecological and social environment. The politogenesis should be never reduced to the only one evolutionary pathway leading to the statehood. The early state formation was only one of many versions of development of complex late archaic social systems. The author designates various complex (...)
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  34. Economic Participation Rights and the All-Affected Principle.Annette Zimmermann - 2017 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2):1-21.
    The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle, according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if (...)
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  35.  55
    Exile the Rich!Thomas R. Wells - 2016 - Krisis 2016 (1):19-28.
    The rich have two defining capabilities: independence from and command over others. These make being wealthy very pleasant indeed, but they are also toxic to democracy. First, I analyse the mechanisms by which the presence of very wealthy individuals undermines the two pillars of liberal democracy, equality of citizenship and legitimate social choice. Second, I make a radical proposal. If we value the preservation of democracy we must limit the amount of wealth any individual can have and still be a (...)
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  36. Responsibility, Authority, and the Community of Moral Agents in Domestic and International Criminal Law.Ryan Long - 2014 - International Criminal Law Review 14 (4-5):836 – 854.
    Antony Duff argues that the criminal law’s characteristic function is to hold people responsible. It only has the authority to do this when the person who is called to account, and those who call her to account, share some prior relationship. In systems of domestic criminal law, this relationship is co-citizenship. The polity is the relevant community. In international criminal law, the relevant community is simply the moral community of humanity. I am sympathetic to his community-based analysis, but argue (...)
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  37.  97
    Should the State Fund Religious Schools?Michael S. Merry - 2007 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 24 (3):255–270.
    In this article, I make a philosophical case for the state to fund religious schools. Ultimately, I shall argue that the state has an obligation to fund and provide oversight of all schools irrespective of their religious or non-religious character. The education of children is in the public interest and therefore the state must assume its responsibility to its future citizens to ensure that they receive a quality education. Still, while both religious schools and the polity have much to (...)
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  38.  57
    Are Strong States Key to Reducing Violence? A Test of Pinker.Ryan Murphy - 2016 - Libertarian Papers 8:311-317.
    This note evaluates the claim of Steven Pinker in The Better Angels of Our Nature that the advent of strong states led to a decline in violence. I test this claim in the modern context, measuring the effect of the strength of government in lower-income countries on reductions in homicide rates. The strength of government is measured using Polity IV, Worldwide Governance Indicators, and government consumption as a percentage of GDP. The data do not support Pinker’s hypothesis.
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  39.  11
    Normative Conceptions of European Identity-A Synthetic Approach.Pablo Jiménez Lobeira - 2010 - Australian Journal of Professional and Applied Ethics 12 (1).
    The European project was aimed from the outset, alongside reconciliation (peace) and economic reconstruction (prosperity), at a degree of political integration too. Political integration has progressed modestly. Not everybody is convinced of its benefits. Besides, the notion of a European polity opens the question about its sources of cohesion. Those sources are more or less evident in the member states – language, history, legal, political and religious traditions, for instance. They give, say, Latvia, Italy or Hungary a certain degree (...)
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  40. The Retrieval of Liberalism in Policing.Luke William Hunt - 2019 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    There is a growing sense that many liberal states are in the midst of a shift in legal and political norms—a shift that is happening slowly and for a variety of reasons relating to security. The internet and tech booms—paving the way for new forms of electronic surveillance—predated the 9/11 attacks by several years, while the police’s vast use of secret informants and deceptive operations began well before that. On the other hand, the recent uptick in reactionary movements—movements in which (...)
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  41.  40
    Why Not a Philosopher King and Other Objections to Epistocracy.Dragan Kuljanin - 2019 - Phenomenology and Mind 16:80-89.
    In this paper, I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems (...)
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  42.  20
    Duterte's Presidency: New Politics, Same Politicians.Noe Santillan - 2018 - Social Ethics Society Journal of Applied Philosophy 2018 (Special Issue):161-180.
    A new hope has sprouted from the southern part of the Philippines. Politicians outside the Manila-circle felt that they were vindicated when Duterte won the presidency. Of course, the entire nation rejoices with the coming of a “non- traditional” politician, and self-proclaimed leftist and socialist president. But the first two years of Duterte's presidency compel Filipinos to ponder what's going on with the country. Thus, this paper focuses on the incongruity of Duterte's promises with his implementing policies: first, his being (...)
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  43. Natural Unity and Paradoxes of Legal Persons.James Goetz - 2014 - Journal Jurisprudence 21:27-46.
    This essay proposes an ontological model in which a legal person such as a polity possesses natural unity from group properties that emerge in the self-organization of the human population. Also, analysis of customary legal persons and property indicates noncontradictory paradoxes that include Aristotelian essence of an entity, relative identity over time, ubiquitous authority, coinciding authorities, and identical entities. Mathematical modeling helps to explain the logic of the paradoxes.
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  44. An ‘Anti-Utopian Age?’: Isaiah Berlin’s England, Hannah Arendt’s America, and Utopian Thinking in Dark Times.Kei Hiruta - 2017 - Journal of Political Ideologies 22 (1):12-29.
    This essay challenges the influential view that Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt played a central role in inaugurating an ‘anti-utopian age’. While the two thinkers certainly did their share to discredit the radical utopian inclination to portray a political blueprint in the abstract, I show that neither was straightforwardly anti-utopian. On the contrary, both thinkers’ writings display a different kind of utopian thinking, consisting in an imaginative and idealized reconstruction of existing polities. Schematically put, Berlin’s utopia was England reconstructed as (...)
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  45. Education for World Citizenship: Beyond National Allegiance.Muna Golmohamad - 2009 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 41 (4):466-486.
    A resurgence of national and international interest in citizenship education, citizenship and social cohesion has been coupled with an apparent emergence of a language of crisis. Given this background, how can or should one consider a subjective sense of membership in a single political community? What this article hopes to show is that confining the subject of citizenship or patriotism to a national framework is inadequate in as much as there are grounds to argue for a more expansive and, at (...)
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  46.  42
    Julius Nyerere's Philosophy of Education: Implication for Nigeria's Educational System Reforms.Diana-Abasi Ibanga - 2016 - Africology: The Journal of Pan African Studies 9 (3):109-125.
    Nyerere’s philosophy of education is one of the most influential and widely studied theories of education. Policy-makers have continued to draw from it for policy re-engineering. In this paper, the Nigerian educational system is examined in the light of the philosophy. This approach is predicated on the informed belief that there are social and historical commonalities between Nigeria and the target-society of Nyerere’s philosophy. To this end, it argues that the philosophy holds some important lessons for Nigeria’s education. For this (...)
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  47. Zum Problem der Bürgerbestimmung in der Aristotelischen Politik.Jakub Jinek - 2016 - ΠΗΓΗ / FONS 1:123-144.
    The paper disproves the widely held interpretation of Aristotle’s statement that the concept of the citizen varies with the constitution. I claim that it gives no evidence for any positivism or constitutional relativism. What Aristotle truly intends here is to put emphasis on his idea of the good life in a city that consists of a variety of forms and ways. This variety is generally desirable and thus prescriptive. It is only under these conditions that the constitution is „the Form (...)
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  48. Obywatelska wolnosc w ujęciu Lorda Actona.Christopher Lazarski - 2012 - Politeia (Krakow, Poland)2012 No. 1 (23): 5-31 (3 (21)):5-31.
    The article presents Lord Acton’s notion of liberalism and citizenship. Liberalism, as ordinarily understood, treats the individual as the founding stone of civil society and the measure of political order – man and woman and their rights are supreme. In the past, this allowed liberalism to delegitimize society of estates and absolutism, yet it raised the insoluble dilemma of how to reconnect the self‑sufficient individual with the society and the state. Furthermore, social engineering employed in service of equality and individual (...)
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  49.  14
    Věda Jako Morální Volba. [REVIEW]Libor Benda - 2017 - Teorie Vědy / Theory of Science 39 (1):120-129.
    Recenze: Harry Collins & Robert Evans, Why Democracies Need Science. Cambridge: Polity Press 2017, viii + 194 pp.
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  50.  79
    Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that these (...)
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