Constitutionalism

Efficiency requires legislative political institutions. There are many ways efficiency can be promoted, and so an ongoing legislative institution is necessary to resolve this choice in a politically sustainable and economically flexible way. This poses serious problems for classical liberal proposals to constitutionally protect markets from government intervention, as seen in the work of Ilya Somin, Guido Pincione & Fernando Tesón and others. The argument for the political nature of efficiency is set out in terms of both Pareto optimality and (...) aggregate welfare maximisation, and similar arguments can be generalised to other social values. (shrink)

Поводом для составления очередного сборника моих публикаций являются две знаменательные даты: первая из них — двадцатилетие основания моего журнала, покончившего с академическим абсолютизмом, и вторая — десятилетие Конституции общности Русь, отменившей политический деспотизм демократии. Всё остальное, написанное, сказанное, и показанное публике индустрией массового оглупления в этом году, произведено лишь с целью сокрытия истины. Поскольку это в принципе невозможно, то злоумышленникам остаётся только лгать, посредством чего производимый ими мусор они выдают за заслуживающую доверия и жизненно важную информацию, позиционируя себя в качестве (...) неподкупных эталонов достоверности и этичности. Если же отбросить несомый ими в массы вздор, то открывающуюся взору неприглядную картину происходящего можно описать следующим образом: потребители информационного мусора предстают в ней нищебродами на мусорной свалке, в производство которого они вовлечены средствами массового обмана. В продолжении этих двух декад, о которых здесь идёт речь, к прежним фабрикам мусора добавились новые, среди которых TikTok и Telegram Messenger, а с недавних пор в производстве мусора произошёл настоящий технологический прорыв, так что дело, начатое лжецами, теперь продолжают разговорные машины (chatbots). -/- Конечно, позорная профессия мусорщика, навязанная искусственному интеллекту, вряд ли может считаться его призванием. Поскольку ложъ — самое разрушительное оружие, то злоупотребление плодами человеческого разума для лжи и разрушения не ново. В продолжение дурной традиции прошлого, бездари и дураки и на этот раз намереваются превратить благо во зло. Но я не позволю им осуществить их намерения, и в этом мне поможет искусственный интеллект, пусть ещё несовершенный, но уже способный содействовать достижению поставленной цели — очищению Авгиевых конюшен по методу, предложенному уже в античные времена. -/- Автор. (shrink)

Duties constitute an integral part of the constitutional scheme of values. The nature and influence of duties is of great interest to practitioners and scholars. The literature on the subject is primarily concerned with the exactness of duties as operational values within constitutions. In general, Bauer and Bolsinger attribute three functions to constitutional values. Namely, they regulate by directing human action at the desired target, enabling legitimation and justification of actions, and simplifying decision-making. While debating whether duties have a functional (...) quality, several questions gain prime importance. To name a few- do constitutional duties enable positive action? Is there a universal binding framework on duties? How are duties related to other constitutional values within constitutions? Are duties within constitutions interpreted in light of international standards? Are there unenumerated or un-written duties? etc. (shrink)

ecientemente hemos podido asistir a una revitalización del debate sobre la primacía del Derecho de la Unión Europea y los eventuales límites de la misma que algunos tribunales constitucionales defienden para preservar la identidad constitucional y otros principios esenciales del orden jurídico interno. -/- El Tribunal Constitucional Federal alemán ha declarado, en sentencia de 5 de mayo de 2020, que la sentencia Weiss y otros del Tribunal de Justicia de la UE es ultra vires. La reacción mayoritaria institucional y doctrinal (...) ha sido la de cuestionar la decisión del Tribunal alemán, así como el pluralismo constitucional que entienden está detrás de la misma. -/- Este trabajo, desde una perspectiva abierta y plural, trata de aproximarse al debate constitucional, identificar algunos de los problemas existentes en el orden jurídico multinivel europeo, y defender que, no siendo las cosas fáciles, se hace más necesario que nunca huir de posiciones absolutas y buscar el diálogo entre tribunales. (shrink)

Vor wenigen Tagen hat das Hamburger Kabarett-Theater Schmidts Tivoli die Zusammenarbeit mit dem Komiker Kay Ray beendet, offenbar weil rassistische Witze in der Show einen zentralen Platz einnehmen. Kurz nach der Cancel-Affäre zwischen Lisa Eckhart und dem Hamburger Nochtspeicher sieht sich nun auch Ray als Opfer von „Cancel Culture“, die die Kunstfreiheit immer weiter einschränke. Um die Kunst und Kunstfreiheit geht es dabei aber eigentlich gar nicht. Sie ist nur der Austragungsort gesellschaftspolitischer Auseinandersetzungen um Sexismus, Rassismus und Transphobie. Dabei sind (...) Kunstfreiheit und Meinungsfreiheit zentrale Argumente – oder besser: Waffen – des konservativen politischen Projekts geworden, mit dem emanzipative Änderungen abgewehrt werden (s. auch Schubert, in: Leviathan, 48 (1), S. 29–51). Dieser machtpolitische Missbrauch muss klar von der grundrechtlichen Dimension unterschieden werden. Dafür ist zwischen drei Ebenen Kunstfreiheit zu differenzieren: im nichtstaatlichen, parastaatlichen und staatlichen Bereich. Die Neuregelungen von Diskurs, Kultur und Kunst durch „Politische Korrektheit“, „Cancel Culture“ oder „Identitätspolitik“ bedeuten nicht den Zerfall der Demokratie, sondern sind ein Schritt in Richtung ihrer vollständigeren Realisierung. (shrink)

The principle of self-determination, like Janus, has two faces: negative and positive. Often understood as enabling the fracture of states into national components, the principle is better seen as facilitating the creation of multinational frameworks that foster toleration and human rights.

In the wake of high profile and recent events of blatant privacy violations, which also raise issues of democratic accountability as well as, at least potentially, undermining the legitimacy of current local and international governance arrangements, a rethinking of the justification of the right to privacy is proposed. In this paper, the case of the violation of the privacy of a bullied autistic youngster and the consequent prosecution of 3 Google executives will be discussed first. We will then analyse the (...) arguments made by both academic experts and pundits who agree with Google’s claim that if the first sentence had been left unchallenged, it would have opened the floodgates to several other jurisdictions that would as a consequence have used it as a pretext to increase control on the internet, jeopardising in such a way free speech, which has been seen so far as an inalienable right which should not be censored. Finally, by going beyond the sentences and their immediate contexts, we will propose a theoretical justification of our analysis. Our main claim is that the value of the right to privacy is based on the argument that its violation would undermine citizens’ capacity to participate effectively in democratic politics. (shrink)

This paper explicates the influential Confucian view that “people” and not “institutional rules” are the proper sources of good governance and social order, as well as some notable Confucian objections to this position. It takes Xunzi 荀子, Hu Hong 胡宏, and Zhu Xi 朱熹 as the primary representatives of the “virtue-centered” position, which holds that people’s good character and not institutional rules bear primary credit for successful governance. And it takes Huang Zongxi 黃宗羲 as a major advocate for the “institutionalist” (...) position, which holds that institutional rules have some power to effect success independently of improvements in character. Historians have often called attention to this debate but left the major arguments and positions relatively unspecified. As I show, the Confucian virtue-centered view is best captured in two theses: first, that reforming people is far more demanding than reforming institutional rules; second, that once the rules have reached a certain threshold of viability, further improvements in those rules are unlikely to be effective on their own. Once we specify the theses in this way, we can catalogue the different respects and degrees to which the more virtue-centered political thinkers endorse virtue-centrism in governance. Zhu Xi, for example, turns out to endorse a stronger version of virtue-centrism than Hu Hong. I also use this account of the major theses to show that Huang Zongxi, who is sometimes regarded as historical Confucianism’s foremost institutionalist, has more complicated and mixed views about the power of institutional reform than scholars usually assume. (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to discuss Kant’s concept of juridical state as the foundation of the contemporary rule of law. Therefore, the article tries to answer two questions: (1) what character can be attributed to Kant’s concept of juridical state taking into account the obligations arising from it; (2) can the analysis of the Kantian juridical state have any impact on the contemporary understanding of the rule of law and if so, what can this impact be. In order (...) to accomplish this task, moral presuppositions of Kant’s juridical state are discussed, according to the commonly accepted view that Kant’s political philosophy is closely linked with his moral and ethical reflection. Then, two interpretations of Kant’s juridical state – the liberal one and the authoritarian one – are analysed. The crucial difference between these interpretations lies in establishing the circumstances in which the duty of obedience to state power should be carried out. Then, Kantian juridical state is compared with two ways of understanding the rule of law – the material one and the formal one – in order to evaluate whether the rule of law should be considered as continuity of or rupture with the Kantian concept. (shrink)

The debate on the argumentative turn in Public Policy and Administration (PPA), as reflective of the influence of politico-legal theory on the discipline, is reviewed with a thorough and indepth engagement with the Argumentation Theory (AT) literature. The focus in this article is in fact of a methodological nature since we argue that critical scholars - who have contributed to the general and specialized (i.e. political discourse analysis and critical contextualism) literature of AT as well as politico-legal theory - pave (...) the way to a novel methodology which will be exemplified through the analysis of the transparency concept. (shrink)

This is a short introduction to a book symposium on Paul Gowder's recent book, _The Rule of Law in thee Real World_ (Cambridge University Press, 2016). The book symposium will appear in the St. Luis University Law Journal, 62 St. Louis U. L.J., -- (2018), with commentaries on Gowder's book by colleen Murphy, Robin West, Chad Flanders, and Matthew Lister, along with replies by Paul Gowder.

Abstract: The New Latin-American Constitutionalism (NCL) is a new theory represented by the last-two decades constitutions of Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Bolivia. These constitutional texts share special characteristics in their originality and their comprehension of the features of their societies, which have originated new mechanism and institutions in constitutional theory, in order to advance the development of their nations. This paper analyzes the aspects of democracy, economic regulation, and peace building, as fundamental elements of NCL, in order to prove the (...) advance in social development of those States. -/- Resumen: El Nuevo Constitucionalismo Latinoamericano (NCL) es una teoría que enmarca las cartas políticas surgidas en las últimas décadas en Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador y Bolivia. Estas constituciones comparten características especiales respecto a la originalidad y apropiación de los elementos particulares de sus sociedades, dando paso a nuevos mecanismos y figuras innovadoras en la teoría constitucional, buscando un avance en el desarrollo de sus naciones. El artículo analiza los postulados en la democracia, la regulación económica y la construcción de paz, como elementos fundamentales del NCL, buscando evidenciar el avance presentado por los Estados en su desarrollo social. (shrink)

In this essay I first set out the advantages the " multivariate democratic polity " framework proposed by Ferrara offers in comparison to other more consensus-based notions of democratic legitimacy. Secondly, I highlight some ambiguities concerning the meta-theoretical status of this frame, since it is not clear whether it consists of an adaptive realistic description, or otherwise is a normative argument. Thirdly, I cast some doubts on the compatibility between the multivariate frame and the " dualist conception of democratic constitutionalism (...) " adopted by Ferrara, since the latter seems too indebted to the domestic analogy, and to a consensus-based model of legitimacy. Finally, I argue that the dualist approach does not seem a convenient way to include citizenship in deliberative processes, and the question of the emergence of a transnational demos should rather be reconsidered as crucial for this purpose. (shrink)

The paper is focused on the criticisms that theorists of political constitutionalism raise against legal constitutionalism, especially with regard to the idea of representation and political sovereignty. At the same time, the intention is to reconstruct the debate between legal and political constitutionalism in contemporary liberalism, starting from the so-called counter-majoritarian difficulty. This debate concerns two different approaches: the political one rejects the idea of judicial review by the Supreme Court because it may establish a possible rule of the judges (...) (Michelman; Dworkin). It defends the role of Parliament in constitutional matters, in contrast with the role of the Supreme Court, inasmuch as – according to them – it is not open to political participation. Parliament is considered the only place in which we can exercise our constitutional power and in which our rights could be adequately protected (Bellamy; Waldron; Tushnet; Goldoni). On the other hand, legal constitutionalism upholds the idea of judicial review, defending the role of the Supreme Court as “exemplar of public reason” (Rawls 1993). This article tries to answer to three fundamental questions about constitutional democracy under the banner of political liberalism: 1. What do we mean by counter-majoritarian difficulty? 2. What is the answer that legal and political model of constitutionalism give to this question? 3. What is the role of constitutional courts in democratic regimes and what is their authority within the State? (shrink)

The debate over the merits of originalism has advanced considerably in recent years, both in terms of its intellectual sophistication and its practical significance. In the process, some prominent originalists—Lawrence Solum and Jeffrey Goldsworthy being the two discussed here—have been at pains to separate out the linguistic and normative components of the theory. For these authors, while it is true that judges and other legal decision-makers ought to be originalists, it is also true that the communicated content of the constitution (...) is its original meaning. That is to say: the meaning is what it is, not what it should be. Accordingly, there is no sense in which the communicated content of the constitution is determined by reference to moral desiderata; linguistic desiderata do all the work. In this article, I beg to differ. In advancing their arguments for linguistic originalism, both authors rely upon the notion of successful communications conditions. In doing so they implicitly open up the door for moral desiderata to play a role in determining the original communicated content. This undercuts their claim and changes considerably the dialectical role of linguistic originalism in the debate over constitutional interpretation. (shrink)

After the emergence of a popular resistance movement to direct rule by an absolutist monarchy, and several years of civil war, King Gyanendra of Nepal yielded power to an elected Congress in 2006. Within one year, Nepali citizens saw the signing of a Comprehensive Peace Accord, the establishment of a Constituent Assembly, the declaration of the Nepali state, and the declaration of the Nepali Republic a year after that. An Interim Constitution was adopted by 2007, which endowed the Constituent Assembly (...) with the authority to draft Nepal’s permanent Constitution, and established the limitations under which the Assembly must operate — all apparently legitimate steps in establishing a Constitutional order. What initially appeared to adhere to an established model of post-sovereign constitution-making failed in its first attempt. Indeed, the drafting and ratification of a permanent constitution is no easy task. Why did the first Constituent Assembly fail? Where did the constitution-making process divert from the post-sovereign model, and what caused it? I examine the process from the establishment of Nepal’s first Constituent Assembly to the short-lived deliberations of the Assembly, followed by the dissolution of the Assembly for failing to achieve its mandate. I also trace Nepal’s constitution-making process along the post-sovereign model, and assess whether they adhered to or diverted from the model. It is understood that no political models are fixed in the sense that adherence or divergence is necessarily incompatible with success or failure. However, I use Andrew Arato’s post-sovereign model as a guide for identifying the stages in the constitution-making process, and for a background to the discussion on where the first Assembly failed. (shrink)

La protección de los derechos fundamentales en el sistema multinivel europeo exige de criterios hermenéuticos que posibiliten la delimitación del contenido y extensión del derecho fundamental en juego. Así, debemos considerar los derechos fundamentales reconocidos a nivel nacional (Constituciones), internacional (Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos) y de la Unión Europea (Carta de Derechos Fundamentales de la Unión Europea). -/- Es necesario delimitar los criterios de interconexión más adecuados para llegar a los criterios de interpretación de los que se deriven las (...) exigencias y garantías de los derechos fundamentales. En el marco de los países miembros de la Unión Europea, que son a su vez parte del Consejo de Europa, es donde se da este sistema multinivel a tres bandas, donde será necesario analizar los criterios de interconexión desde el derecho de la Unión Europea, que es el que consagra el criterio del máximo nivel de protección aplicable, tras la entrada en vigor del Tratado de Lisboa el 1 de diciembre de 2009, y que como veremos es compatible con los límites constitucionales consagrados en la doctrina constitucional de los Estados miembros, así como con el Convenio Europeo de Derechos Humanos (teniendo en consideración la futura adhesión de la UE), puesto que este criterio implica que a la hora de tutelar los derechos fundamentales habrá que buscar el nivel más alto de protección de los mismos. (shrink)

From the scholarship available we can gather that fraternity has been subjected to several interpretations and linked with several virtues. For a few, it stands close to the actualities of solidarity, humanity, compassion, companionship, and brotherhood. For others, it is the “glue that binds equality and liberty to the civil society” and “presents a sense of continuity with the past and the future”. Omvedt replaces the word fraternity with “community” as an important component of a human vision for the new (...) millennium along with equality and justice. Historically, ‘liberty, equality, and fraternity became a major influence on political thought since the French Revolution. The Revolution marked the triumph of the people and pronounced the Declaration on Rights of Man and of the Citizen in 1789. In modern societies, although there are many differences in interpretation, the idea of fraternity is less directly accepted, but the principles of collective action and social responsibility are widely recognized’. According to Johnston, 'fraternity' was rather less central to the preconceptions of the enlightenment predecessors of the revolutionary era, their emphasis being given rather to the 'rights of man' and to the equality of entitlement to those rights. To date, our pre-occupation with liberty and equality has left vacant a conceptual upbringing of fraternity in the postcolonial context. (shrink)

In this chapter, a reprinted article from Southern African Public Law (2010), I argue that, even supposing substantive principles of distributive justice entail that animals warrant constitutional protection, there are other, potentially weightier forms of injustice that would probably be done by interpreting a Bill of Rights as implicitly applying to animals, namely, formal injustice and compensatory injustice. Formal injustice would result from such a reading of the Constitution in that the state would fail to speak with one voice upon (...) newly according legal rights to animals. Compensatory injustice would likely result from such a reading, at least in a South African context, in that the law would not only suppress facets of culture that many Africans deem important to their self-conception, but also require spending scarce resources on animals that could have gone toward saving African lives and livelihoods. If the state must choose between acting for the sake of the urgent interests of animals and those of humans, humans must take priority, even assuming that animals have a worth that morally forbids harming them in our private lives. (shrink)

Raymond Geuss asserts that there are fragmented views on what human rights are and that there is no unifying principle underlying such notion. I think that this view has its merits. It conveys the particularity of our perspectives, attitudes, desires and selfunderstandings. It rejects abstractness and is committed to a thick, perspectivist, historical understanding of personhood. To understand who we are, is to understand how we arrive at being who we are. By contrast, the notion of human rights deploys abstractness, (...) unification of agency, necessity and a thin view of personhood. In this paper, I attempt to bring into focus these two aspects of the notion of human rights. I will first analyse the genealogical method advocated by Geuss and argue that it has the merit of elucidating our historical contingencies; however, it is argued that any view in favour of the genealogical method relies on the idea that evaluative or normative concepts cannot be defined in terms of a common denominator. We reconstruct the Aristotelian idea of ‘focal meaning’ as core-resemblance and show that there is a unifying concept of human rights. We conclude that the perspectivist spirit of genealogy is not far from the Aristotelian tradition. Aristotle’s inquiry into a concept that could grasp different perspectives and contingencies as opposed to a Platonic understanding of abstract and universal forms shows that genealogical worries are germane to the tradition. (shrink)

Alison L. LaCroix is Assistant Professor of Law at the University of Chicago Law School, where she specializes in legal history, federalism, constitutional law and questions of jurisdiction. She has written a fine, scholarly volume on the intellectual origins of American federalism. LaCroix holds the JD degree (Yale, 1999) and a Ph.D. in history (Harvard, 2007). According to the author, to fully understand the origins of American federalism, we must look beyond the Constitutional Convention of 1787 and range over the (...) colonial, revolutionary, and founding periods including developments in the early republic. LaCroix questions both the idea that American federalism originated, all at once, at the Constitutional Convention of 1787 and the idea that republican ideology (with its strong emphasis on legislative power) was the single dominant framework of eighteenth-century American political thought. Versions and elements of federalist or con-federative ideas were also long present and in a process of development. (shrink)

Como es sabido el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea ha precisado que las relaciones entre el Derecho de la Unión Europea y el Derecho de los Estados miembros están regidas por el principio de primacía del primero sobre los segundos. Sin embargo, la autoridad formal que puede ostentar el Derecho de la Unión Europea en los sistemas jurídicos nacionales no va a depender en exclusiva de la jurisprudencia de dicho tribunal, sino que está condicionada, en gran medida, por (...) las características de cada ordenamiento nacional, y la jurisprudencia de los tribunales constitucionales o supremos nacionales. -/- De hecho, en gran parte de los Estados miembros, fundamentalmente en la jurisprudencia de los tribunales constitucionales o supremos de los mismos, se pueden encontrar ciertas reservas o límites a la aceptación de la primacía del Derecho de la Unión. El propósito de este trabajo es estudiar el origen y desarrollo de estas reservas como límites constitucionales a la integración europea para que, consiguiendo un pequeño esbozo de la situación actual de estos límites, podamos comprender mejor las relaciones entre las más altas cortes de los Estados miembros y el Tribunal de Justicia en un sistema jurídico multinivel. (shrink)

En Europa vivimos inmersos dentro de una pluralidad de sistemas constitucionales: tanto los sistemas estatales como el sistema de la Unión Europea. Esto podía llevar a ciertas situaciones de conflicto, al menos en una perspectiva teórica en principio, y por ello se ha tratado de explicar y solucionar la tutela de los derechos fundamentales en la Unión Europea mediante la teoría llamada «pluralismo constitucional». Sin embargo, se plantean dudas que pueden llevarnos a considerar dicha teoría como una mera «construcción artificial» (...) que no haría sino ocultar los verdaderos problemas de la tutela de los derechos fundamentales en la Unión Europea. (shrink)

Religious freedom is often thought to protect, not only religious practices, but also the underlying religious beliefs of citizens. But what should be said about religious beliefs that oppose religious freedom itself or that deny the concept of equal citizenship? The author argues here that such beliefs, while protected against coercive sanction, are rightly subject to attempts at transformation by the state in its expressive capacities. Transformation is entailed by a commitment to publicizing the reasons and principles that justify the (...) basic rights of citizens. (shrink)

Pretendemos acercarnos a la posición que el Tribunal Constitucional ha desarrollado en su jurisprudencia respecto al Derecho de la Unión Europea. -/- La postura del Tribunal Constitucional español es compleja en sí misma por las dudas que plantea, dejando traslucir, se podría decir, cierta indecisión en cuanto a su propia naturaleza de juez comunitario. -/- Considerando la diferente perspectiva que mantiene el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea, se puede deducir una especie de relación en la arquitectura judicial europea (...) que está llamada a ser dialéctica y de equilibrio, máxime en una Unión Europea donde también el poder político reside en un sistema de equilibrios en diferentes direcciones. (shrink)

The theory and practice of constitutionalism is tightly interwoven with references and appeals to values. However, these references and appeals frequently remain undertheorized and are seldom connected directly to philosophical theories of value. This chapter outlines some ways in which such connections might be established.

In this paper, we argue that to properly understand our commitment to a principle of free speech, we must pay attention to what should count as speech for the purposes of such a principle. We defend the view that ‘speech’ here should be a technical term, with something other than its ordinary sense. We then offer a partial characterization of this technical sense. We contrast our view with some influential views about free speech , and show that our view has (...) distinct advantages. Finally, we consider racist hate speech. Here, we argue that if certain theorists are right about what some racist hate speech does, then such speech should fall outside the scope of the free speech principle, and so, should be as regulable as any non-speech action. (shrink)

En diversas ocasiones se han producido tensiones entre el Tribunal Constitucional y el Tribunal Supremo, que han trascendido a la opinión pública y que han sido motivo de debates, tanto en la doctrina como en la arena política. -/- Estas tensiones se agudizaron con ocasión de la famosa condena por responsabilidad civil de los Magistrados del Tribunal Constitucional por parte de la Sala Primera del Tribunal Supremo; y que ha sido causa de que el legislador haya introducido en la reforma (...) de la Ley Orgánica del Tribunal Constitucional una serie de medidas tendentes a fortalecer la posición institucional del máximo intérprete de la Constitución. -/- En este trabajo tratamos de acercarnos a estas tensiones, tanto cuando interviene la Sala Primera del Tribunal Supremo, como cuando interviene la Sala Segunda y la relevancia que tiene cada episodio. -/- A esta situación, se une la fuerza jurídica con la que se acaba de dotar al Tribunal Constitucional con motivo de la reciente reforma de su ley orgánica. El Tribunal Constitucional dispone ahora del instrumento del artículo 4 de la Ley Orgánica del Tribunal Constitucional, que pretende garantizar la fuerza vinculante de su jurisprudencia que ya se desprendía de la Constitución y su ley orgánica. -/- Es necesario estudiar si esta reforma va a ser o no suficiente para garantizar de forma definitiva la supremacía del Tribunal Constitucional en nuestro sistema jurídico-constitucional; y en qué medida esta reforma afecta al equilibrio institucional existente. -/- También se reflexiona, en último lugar, sobre la conveniencia de una articulación distinta del sistema de responsabilidad de los Magistrados constitucionales, que, sin restarles independencia, les dote de una mayor legitimidad en el ejercicio de su función. (shrink)

Criminal law theory made a significant advance roughly thirty years ago when George Fletcher popularized the important conceptual distinction between justifications and excuses. In the intervening years, however, very little progress has been made in exploring the structure and function of justification defenses. The reason for this failure, I suggest, is a widely shared misconception about their place within the criminal law’s institutional structure. Contrary to what is generally believed, it is not up to trial courts to decide ex post (...) facto what conduct is justified and what is not. This determination is made ex ante by other institutional actors such as private fiduciaries, public officials, and sometimes, ordinary citizens caught in extraordinary circumstances. The court’s role is simply to review the validity of that prior exercise of decision-making discretion. More broadly, my study is intended to serve as a reminder of the importance of institutional structure in criminal law. It is almost always misleading to address issues in criminal law by way of abstract moral theorizing, as is often done, because this leaves out the crucial question of institutional division of labor. Before addressing the substantive aspect of particular questions—what conduct should be prohibited, justified, or excused—we must first address ourselves to the institutional questions that I have called the problems of authority, discretion, and legality. These institutional questions receive their most thorough treatment in two other areas of law: the private law of fiduciaries and public administrative law. If we wish to make progress in understanding justification defenses—and the institutional structure of criminal law more generally—I argue that it is to these areas of law that we should attend. (shrink)

Democratic theorists often distinguish between two views of democratic procedures. ‘Outcomes theorists’ emphasize the instrumental nature of these procedures and argue that they are only valuable because they tend to produce good outcomes. In contrast, ‘proceduralists’ emphasize the intrinsic value of democratic procedures, for instance, on the grounds that they are fair. In this paper. I argue that we should reject pure versions of these two theories in favor of an understanding of the democratic ideal that recognizes a commitment to (...) both intrinsically valuable democratic procedures and democratic outcomes. In instances in which there is a conflict between these two commitments, I suggest they must be balanced. This balancing approach offers a justification of judicial review on the grounds that it potentially limits outcomes that undermine democracy. But judicial review is not justifiable in any instance in which a bad democratic outcome results from democratic procedures. When the loss that would result from overturning a democratic procedure is greater than the gain to democracy that would result from ensuring against an undemocratic outcome; judicial review is not justifiable. Loss or gain to democracy is defined by the negative or positive impact of each action on the core democratic values of equality and autonomy, aspects of the democratic ideal. Even when judicial review is justified, the fact that it overturns intrinsically valuable procedures suggests that such review is never ideal from the standpoint of democracy. (shrink)

El ensayo analiza tres tipos de neoconstitucionalismos, teórico, ideológico y metodológico, y sus contrastes con el positivismo jurídico. Se presenta también una apreciación crítica del neoconstitucionalismo.

The historical roots of despotism in Russia are long, the tradition of arbitrariness seems to be unbreakable. But this status quo can't persist endless: Growing mass protests indicate that the time nears when Russia will unhorse the self-constituted disposers and will demonstrate again its re-invention potential. -/- This expected and hoped egression from despotism into a new phase of Russian history needs to be carefully elaborated and arranged. Starting with the writing and publishing of my essays following mass political protests (...) in the former Soviet Union, namely, in the Russian Federation in fall and winter of the year 2012, I work permanently on redesigning political system. One year later, i.e. 2013, I released a book dedicated those events, and in the same year I wrote the draft of a new constitution, now revised and adopted by the community Rus’ whose member I am since 12.12.2018. -/- 2017 I registered an internet domain reserved for the Foundation intended to promote the constitutional order in Russia. Since that time, I designed the site of the Foundation, fashioned the identity card, and published several documents related to promotion and establishing of the constitutional order (CO). -/- All skilled designers and creative thinkers are invited to take part in this process as co-workers and creators of a new political system. (shrink)