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  1. added 2020-07-13
    The Ashgate Research Companion to Multiculturalism.Duncan Ivison (ed.) - 2010 - London: Ashgate.
    The Ashgate Research Companion to Multiculturalism brings together a collection of new essays by leading and emerging scholars in the humanities and social sciences on some of the key issues facing multiculturalism today. It provides a comprehensive and cutting-edge treatment of this important and hotly contested field, offering scholars and students a clear account of the leading theories and critiques of multiculturalism that have developed over the past twenty-five years, as well as a sense of the challenges facing multiculturalism in (...)
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  2. added 2019-07-05
    Космополітизм: українська версія.Ivan Lysyi - 2018 - NaUKMA Researh Papers. Literary Studies 1:74-86.
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  3. added 2019-03-03
    Cosmopolitan Right, Indigenous Peoples, and the Risks of Cultural Interaction.Timothy Waligore - 2009 - Public Reason 1 (1):27-56.
    Kant limits cosmopolitan right to a universal right of hospitality, condemning European imperial practices towards indigenous peoples, while allowing a right to visit foreign countries for the purpose of offering to engage in commerce. I argue that attempts by contemporary theorists such as Jeremy Waldron to expand and update Kant’s juridical category of cosmopolitan right would blunt or erase Kant’s own anti-colonial doctrine. Waldron’s use of Kant’s category of cosmopolitan right to criticize contemporary identity politics relies on premises that upset (...)
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  4. added 2019-01-21
    The European Public(s) and its Problems.Axel Mueller - 2015 - In Hauke Brunkhorst, Charlotte Gaitanides & Gerhard Grözinger (eds.), Europe at a Crossroad. From Currency Union to Political and Economic Governance? Baden-Baden, Germany: pp. 19-59.
    I present three versions –Grimm, Offe and Streeck—of a general argument that is often used to establish that the EU-institutions meets a legitimacy-disabling condition, the so called “no demos” argument (II), embedding them in the context of the notorious “democratic deficit” suspicions against the legal system and practice of the EU (I). After examining the logical structure behind the no-demos intuition considered as an argument (III), I present principled reasons by Möllers and Habermas that show why the “no demos” argument (...)
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  5. added 2019-01-18
    Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  6. added 2019-01-16
    Introduction.Attila Tanyi - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):1-7.
    Volume 48, Issue 1, March 2019, Page 1-7.
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  7. added 2017-07-09
    Identita v liberální politické teorii a dilema kosmopolitismu [Identity in Liberal Political Theory and the Cosmopolitan Dilemma].Sylvie Bláhová & Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Filosoficky Casopis 66 (3, 4):383–399, 505–517.
    In this article we address the question of individual identity and its place – or rather omission – in contemporary discussions about the cosmopolitan extension of liberalism as the dominant political theory. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part we show that if we consistently emphasise the complementarity of the “inner” and “outer” identity of a person, which is essential to liberalism from its very beginnings, then a fundamental flaw in the liberal cosmopolitan project becomes apparent. (...)
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  8. added 2017-07-09
    Why Strong Moral Cosmopolitanism Requires a World-State.Pavel Dufek - 2013 - International Theory 5 (2):177–212.
    The article deals with a pivotal conceptual distinction employed in philosophical discussions about global justice. Cosmopolitans claim that arguing from the perspective of moral cosmopolitanism does not necessarily entail defending a global coercive political authority, or a "world-state", and suggest that ambitious political and economic (social) goals implied in moral cosmopolitanism may be achieved via some kind of non-hierarchical, dispersed and/or decentralised institutional arrangements. I argue that insofar as moral cosmopolitans retain "strong" moral claims, this is an untenable position, and (...)
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  9. added 2017-07-09
    Reading, Implementing and Theorising Global Justice: On Some Recent Work in the Political Philosophy of Cosmopolitanism.Pavel Dufek - 2013 - Cosmopolis: A Review of Cosmopolitics 4 (4):84–98.
    In the last fifteen years or so, political philosophers have been increasingly busy nurturing their latest darling, global justice (hereinafter GJ). There are many reasons why justice, the centrepiece of much political theorising since the 1970s, has spilled beyond the confines of the (nation-)state – from certain inherent features of prominent philosophical accounts of justice to the seemingly morally arbitrary nature of state borders to the perceived or assumed effects of globalisation. In any case, the previously rather scattered reflections on (...)
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  10. added 2017-02-19
    Kant's Second Thoughts on Colonialism.Pauline Kleingeld - 2014 - In Katrin Flikschuh & Lea Ypi (eds.), Kant and Colonialism: Historical and Critical Perspectives. Oxford University Press. pp. 43-67.
    Kant is widely regarded as a fierce critic of colonialism. In Toward Perpetual Peace and the Metaphysics of Morals, for example, he forcefully condemns European conduct in the colonies as a flagrant violation of the principles of right. His earlier views on colonialism have not yet received much detailed scrutiny, however. In this essay I argue that Kant actually endorsed and justified European colonialism until the early 1790s. I show that Kant’s initial endorsement and his subsequent criticism of colonialism are (...)
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  11. added 2014-08-25
    La liberté républicaine et la démocratisation du régime international.Dave Anctil - 2009 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 4 (2):65-80.
    L’idéal républicain de la liberté comme non-domination promu par P. Pettit possède un potentiel intéressant pour penser l’évolution de l’internationalisme. Cet article examine l’enjeu éthique et politique de l’application institutionnelle de la liberté comme non-domination à l’échelle supranationale. Il discute en particulier la thèse de J. Bohman, qui a récemment proposé une interprétation délibérative et cosmopolitique de la conception de la liberté républicaine. Mais le passage de la citoyenneté démocratique nationale à la citoyenneté cosmopolitique, tel que défendu par Bohman, nous (...)
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  12. added 2014-04-01
    Can There Be a Global Demos? An Agency-Based Approach.Christian List & Mathias Koenig-Archibugi - 2010 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 38 (1):76-110.
    Can there be a global demos? The current debate about this topic is divided between two opposing camps: the “pessimist” or “impossibilist” camp, which holds that the emergence of a global demos is either conceptually or empirically impossible, and the “optimist” or “possibilist” camp, which holds that the emergence of a global demos is conceptually as well as empirically possible and an embryonic version of it already exists. However, the two camps agree neither on a common working definition of a (...)
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  13. added 2014-03-21
    Approaching Perpetual Peace: Kant’s Defence of a League of States and His Ideal of a World Federation.Pauline Kleingeld - 2004 - European Journal of Philosophy 12 (3):304-325.
    There exists a standard view of Kant’s position on global order and this view informs much of current Kantian political theory. This standard view is that Kant advocates a voluntary league of states and rejects the ideal of a federative state of states as dangerous, unrealistic, and conceptually incoherent. This standard interpretation is usually thought to fall victim to three equally standard objections. In this essay, I argue that the standard interpretation is mistaken and that the three standard objections miss (...)
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  14. added 2014-03-12
    Open Borders and the Right to Immigration.Peter Higgins - 2008 - Human Rights Review 9 (4):525-535.
    This paper argues that the relevant unit of analysis for assessing the justice of an immigration policy is the socially-situated individual (as opposed to the individual simpliciter or the nation-state, for example). This methodological principle is demonstrated indirectly by showing how some liberal, cosmopolitan defenses of "open borders" and the alleged right of immigration fail by their own standards, owing to the implicit adoption of an inappropriate unit of analysis.
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  15. added 2013-02-28
    A Role for Coercive Force in the Theory of Global Justice?Endre Begby - forthcoming - In Thom Brooks (ed.), New Waves in Gobal Justice. Palgrave-MacMillan.
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  16. added 2012-11-24
    Achieving Global Justice: Why Failures Matter More Than Ideals.David Wiens - 2015 - In Kate Brennan (ed.), Making Global Institutions Work: Power, Accountability and Change. Routledge.
    My aim in this paper is twofold. First, I challenge the view that ideal normative principles offer appropriate guidelines for our efforts to identify morally progressive institutional reform strategies. I shall call this view the "ideal guidance approach." Second, I develop an alternative methodological approach to specifying nonideal normative principles, which I call the "failure analysis approach." I contrast these alternatives using examples from the global justice literature.
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  17. added 2012-03-22
    Understanding the Political Defensive Privilege.Patrick Emerton & Toby Handfield - 2014 - In Cecile Fabre & Seth Lazar (eds.), The Morality of Defensive War. Oxford University Press. pp. 40-65.
    Nations are understood to have a right to go to war, not only in defense of individual rights, but in defense of their own political standing in a given territory. This paper argues that the political defensive privilege cannot be satisfactorily explained, either on liberal cosmopolitan grounds or on pluralistic grounds. In particular, it is argued that pluralistic accounts require giving implausibly strong weight to the value of political communities, overwhelming the standing of individuals. Liberal cosmopolitans, it is argued, underestimate (...)
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  18. added 2011-10-06
    The Motivation Question: Arguments From Justice, and From Humanity.Holly Lawford-Smith - 2012 - British Journal of Political Science 42:661-678.
    Which of the two dominant arguments for duties to alleviate global poverty, supposing their premises were generally accepted, would be more likely to produce their desired outcome? I take Pogge's argument for obligations grounded in principles of justice, a "contribution" argument, and Campbell's argument for obligations grounded in principles of humanity, an "assistance" argument, to be prototypical. Were people to accept the premises of Campbell's argument, how likely would they be to support governmental reform in policies for international aid, or (...)
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  19. added 2011-06-02
    Cosmopolitan Global Justice: Brock Vs. The Feasibility Sceptic.Holly Lawford-Smith - 2011 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric (4).
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  20. added 2009-10-29
    Global Warming and Our Natural Duties of Justice.Aaron Maltais - 2008 - Dissertation, Uppsala University
    Compelling research in international relations and international political economy on global warming suggests that one part of any meaningful effort to radically reverse current trends of increasing green house gas (GHG) emissions is shared policies among states that generate costs for such emissions in many if not most of the world’s regions. Effectively employing such policies involves gaining much more extensive global commitments and developing much stronger compliance mechanism than those currently found in the Kyoto Protocol. In other words, global (...)
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