A wide variety of sources, including the Huntington literature and popular mass media, show that Huntington’s “clash of civilizations” idea actually has very little value in understanding the current global political context. The central assumption of Huntington’s view, that cultural kinship ties influence loyalties and agreements on a global scale, has little to do with the daily lives of American citizens and little to do with the decisions made by the current presidential administration. The mass media evidence (...) from the United States shows that the most important “kinship” ties are not religious or cultural, but economic. The argument involves a deeper analysis of the current trend towards religious programs on American television, a timeline of events relating to the Halliburton – Cheney relationship, and views expressed by members of the United States military in Stars and Stripes. (shrink)

In the article 'The Clash of Civilizations?' by the American political scientist Samuel Huntington, Huntington poses the question of what factor will determine future conflicts on a global scale, now that the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War have brought the era of ideological struggles to a close. He immediately provides a clear but controversial answer: it will be the conflicts between different cultures that will play the leading role in the further (...) history of humanity. This thesis has faced much criticism, including from Amartya Sen. In this essay, Sen's critique of Huntington will be explored and evaluated. First, we will examine Huntington's assumptions about identity and the role that the concepts of 'culture' and 'civilization' play within them. Then, we will see that this is a far more complex matter than Huntington suggests. To do so, we will shift the focus from the global level (on which Huntington's hypothesis is situated) to the individual level, to what constitutes the concrete identity of individuals. Here, we will employ the concept of intersectionality, which is well-known in gender studies. We will then return to the global level to demonstrate that Huntington's position is untenable, precisely because it relies on a concept of identity that does not align with the actual way it is experienced by concrete individuals. A more dynamic and nuanced understanding of 'identity' is necessary in order to do justice to reality. In this way, it will finally become clear that Sen's criticism of Huntington is justified when he argues that humanity cannot be categorized based on a single criterion. (shrink)

This article, based on a case study, examines issues of confidentiality and family impact in a diagnosis of Huntington's disease. Genetic-based illness transcends individualistic models of patient autonomy because it also involves other family members, requiring a new approach to patient confidentiality.

Mindreading is the ability to attribute mental states to other individuals. According to the Theory-Theory (TT), mindreading is based on one's possession of a Theory of Mind. On the other hand, the Simulation Theory (ST) maintains that one arrives at the attribution of a mental state by simulating it in one's own mind. In this paper, I propose a ST-TT hybrid model of the ability to attribute disgust on the basis of visual stimuli such as facial expressions, body postures, etc. (...) More precisely, while I defend Goldman's (2006) thesis that the ability to attribute disgust based on observing disgusted facial expressions stems from a mirror-based simulation process, I argue that ST is unable to account for the ability to attribute disgust based on non-facial visual stimuli; I propose, rather, that this latter ability is theory-based. My model is grounded in evidence from individuals suffering from Huntington's Disease. (shrink)

El trabajo, escrito originalmente en octubre de 1994, propone un análisis crítico del ensayo del norteamericano Samuel Huntington titulado “El conflicto entre civilizaciones, próximo campo de batalla”, difundido en el año 1993 y precursor de su libro El choque de civilizaciones (1996). El texto confronta sobre todo la idea de Huntington de que en el futuro los conflictos no serán ideológicos ni económicos, ni tendrán otro sustento que no sean las culturas y las religiones.

Is there a political philosophy of conservatism? A history of the phenomenon written along sceptical lines casts doubt on the existence of a transhistorical doctrine, or even an enduring conservative outlook. The main typologies of conservatism uniformly trace its origins to opposition to the French Revolution. Accordingly, Edmund Burke is standardly singled out as the ‘father’ of this style of politics. Yet Burke was de facto an opposition Whig who devoted his career to assorted programmes of reform. In restoring Burke (...) to his original milieu, the argument presented here takes issue with 20th-century accounts of conservative ideology developed by such figures as Karl Mannheim, Klaus Epstein and Samuel Huntington. It argues that the idea of a conservative tradition is best seen as a belated construction, and that the notion of a univocal philosophy of conservatism is basically misconceived. (shrink)

Against several recent interpretations, I argue in this paper that Immanuel Kant's support for enlightened absolutism was a permanent feature of his political thought that fit comfortably within his larger philosophy, though he saw such rule as part of a transition to democratic self-government initiated by the absolute monarch himself. I support these contentions with (1) a detailed exegesis of Kant’s essay "What is Enlightenment?" (2) an argument that Kantian republicanism requires not merely a separation of powers but also a (...) representative democratic legislature, and (3) a demonstration that each stage of a democratic transition can potentially be in an absolute monarch’s short-run self-interest. I conclude the paper by defending Kant's theory of democratization against charges of consequentialism and paternalism and by pointing out its similarity to other accounts of democratic transitions (for example, those of Samuel Huntington and Guillermo O'Donnell), suggesting a previously unnoticed opportunity for cross-fertilization between political philosophy and comparative politics. (shrink)

The chapter tackles the complex, tension-ridden, and often paradoxical relationship between relativism and conservatism. We focus particularly on radical conservatism, an early twentieth-century German movement that arguably constitutes the climax of conservatism’s problematic relationship with relativism. We trace the shared genealogy of conservatism and historicism in nineteenth-century Counter-Enlightenment thought and interpret radical conservatism’s ambivalent relation to relativism as reflecting this heritage. Emphasizing national particularity, historical uniqueness, and global political plurality, Carl Schmitt and Hans Freyer moved in the tradition of historicism, (...) stopping short of full relativism. Yet they utilized relativistic elements – such as seeing irrational decisions or the demands of “life” as the basis of politics – to discredit notions of universal political morality and law, thereby underpinning their authoritarian agendas. Oswald Spengler, by contrast, took the relativistic impulses to the extreme, interweaving his conservative authoritarianism and nationalism with full-fledged epistemic, moral, and political relativism. Martin Heidegger has recently been perceived as the key philosopher of radical conservatism, and his thought arguably channeled antimodern aspects of historicism into contemporary political thought. We conclude by analyzing how some radical conservative arguments involving cultural relativism and plurality still reverberate in contemporary theorists such as Samuel Huntington, Aleksandr Dugin, and Alain de Benoist. (shrink)

In the 1960s Mancur Olson and Samuel Huntington suggested that the positive correlation between per capita income and the level of sociopolitical destabilization that they detected for low and middle income countries might be partly accounted for by the growth of the inequality associated with the economic and technological development in these countries. The empirical tests we perform generally support this hypothesis, but they also identify certain limits for such an explanation. Our tests reveal for low and middle income (...) countries a statistically significant correlation between GDP per capita and the economic inequality levels, but this correlation is not particularly strong. Earlier we found for the same countries significantly stronger positive correlations between GDP per capita and some important components of sociopolitical destabilization, such as the intensity of political assassinations, general strikes and anti-government demonstrations. It is quite clear that the strong association between the increase in the intensity of these components of sociopolitical destabilization and GDP per capita growth, can be explained by a much weaker tendency toward the growth of economic inequality only partly. In addition, our empirical tests suggest the presence of a certain threshold level of about 40 points on the Gini scale, after crossing which one can expect a radical increase in levels of sociopolitical destabilization in general, and the intensity of terrorist acts / guerrilla warfare and anti-government demonstrations in particular. According to the World Bank, the value of the Gini coefficient for Russia is now just in this zone, which suggests that the further growth of inequality in Russia could lead to an abrupt increase in political destabilization. (shrink)

Besides dialogue with the Jews, Christians were most involved in the dialogue with Muslims. This dialogue was accentuated and became visible especially in modern and contemporary times, with the increase in violence, which had often religious justifications on the part of those involved. The dialogue between Christians and Muslims took a new direction after the attacks of September 11, 2001, in New York and after those that followed in Europe and all over the world. It was discussed in those days (...) and immediately after about the validation of the well know theory of clashes of civilizations, formulated by Samuel Huntington, in his book written in 1996. Starting from these events, within the dialogue between representatives of Christianity and of Islam, there were many other intensive moments that had to be resolved through a profound theological analysis and with understanding and respect from the followers of the two monotheistic religions. (shrink)

Francis Collins had an impressive track record as a gene hunter (cystic fibrosis, neurofibromatosis, Huntington’s disease) when he was appointed Director of the Human Genome Project (HGP) in 1993. In June 2000, together with Craig Venter and President Bill Clinton, he presented the draft version of the human genome sequence to a worldwide audience during a famous press conference. And in 2009, President Barack Obama nominated him as director of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the largest Tfunding agency (...) for biomedical research in the world. s The In 2006, Collins published his book The Language of God,3 an autobiographical account of the HGP and its scientific, historical, and societal significance, with special attention paid to the impact of the human sequence on the way we see our world and ourselves.4 Now, by way of a sequel, he has written The Language of Life. Wherea Language of God focused on the genome sequence of mankind in general, and on the HGP as a “revolution” in biomedicine, the new book, as indicated by its subtitle, is oriented towards “the revolution in personalized medicine”, the impact of the genomics revolution on the personal lives of individuals. Before subjecting Collins’ book to a closer reading, I first of all would like to explain how I will read it and from what perspective. Why is genomics in general, and the HGP and its aftermath in particular, a subject of interest to a philosopher like me? Why did I become interested in assessing the HGP and in studying the work and views of some of its key contributors? (shrink)

La atención relativamente escasa que los estudiosos del filósofo y científico norteamericano Charles S. Peirce (1839-1914) han prestado a lo largo de los años a la dimensión religiosa de su pensamiento siempre me ha resultado un tanto sorprendente. Desde mis primeras lecturas de Peirce me impresionó profundamente la ubicuidad de las referencias religiosas en sus escritos, especialmente en los años de madurez. En mis encuentros con reconocidos estudiosos peirceanos solía preguntarles acerca de Dios y la religión en Peirce, y la (...) respuesta que recibí casi siempre era que efectivamente había una gran cantidad de cuestiones religiosas en su obra, pero que no estaban interesados en ello. Dentro del espacio disponible, mi exposición está organizada en cuatro secciones: 1) Una presentación del artículo de 1908; 2) La noción de realidad; 3) ¿Cuál es realmente el Argumento Olvidado?, y 4) Una discusión de su alcance destacando el poder de la abducción. Citaré a algunos de los comentaristas más relevantes y aportaré un texto del propio Peirce interpretando su artículo que no he visto hasta ahora citado: se trata de la carta de Peirce del 28 de noviembre de 1908 (L 212) en la que explica a su amiga Mary Huntington el artículo publicado en el Hibbert Journal poco tiempo antes. (shrink)

Der von Kathrina Talmi herausgegebene Band enthält praxisbezogene Essays von drei Autoren des Sprachanalytischen Forums: von Kai Pege über philosophische Essays, von Kathrina Talmi über wirtschaftliches Verhalten und von Reinhard Matern über den aktuellen Stand im Konflikt mit dem Nahen Osten. Im Zentrum des Bandes stehen sozialphilosophische Themen, die aus analytischer Sicht behandelt werden. Kai Pege kritisiert die anhaltende Verschulung, Formalisierung und Erstarrung, die von universitärer Seite aus betrieben wird und prüft, welche Kriterien tatsächlich erforderlich sind, um ein Abfassen von (...) philosophisch wissenschaftlichen Essays gewährleisten zu können. Reinhard Matern nimmt Huntingtons Wendung hin zu einer politikwissenschaftlichen Zivilisationstheorie auf und prüft in der Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nahen Osten, inwieweit der Ansatz geschichtsphilosophisch brauchbar ist. Im Zentrum des Bandes stehen aber wirtschaftliche Fragen, die von Kathrina Talmi aufgeworfen werden: In drei Essays, wobei einer für den Band titelgebend war, wird aus einer Verhaltensperspektive philosophisch auf die Wirtschaft eingegangen, auch auf relativ neue Ereignisse im Zusammenhang mit digitalen Produkten. (shrink)

THE EXISTENTIAL CONDITION OF THE IJAWS IN THE EMERGING SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL MILIEU OF NIGERIA. By Ebo Socrates, PhD. -/- Nigeria is a hybrid nation of over two hundred and fifty ethnic nationalities. The Ijaws as a people among the multitude of peoples that have come to constitute the geographic expression and sovereign entity known as Nigeria, find themselves enmeshed in the fluctuating socio-economic milieu of Nigeria. They as well as other ethnic nationalities that constitute Nigeria, found themselves bound to (...) the contingencies and exigencies of the nation-state called Nigeria not by act of will or treaty but by the Lugardian fiat which in itself was a full expression of the British imperialist will to power. By fiat and history, a country was made; the country is Nigeria, its people simply are; a fact of history. Their mode of being however, is a confluence of contraction and progress. So many models of nationhood explicates Nigeria. But Nigeria, is undeniably a “torn” nation. In the words of Samuel Huntington, a nation of conflicting civilizations: the Islamic civilization and the Judeo-Christian civilization. The Ijaws, an oil rich minority tribe found themselves entwined and involved in the destiny of this phenomenal nation called Nigeria. Has such an entwinement been a curse or blessing? Have the Ijaws significant power in the organogram of the Nigerian nationhood? Are they tossed about by the tide and flow of events or are they active movers in the making of the Nigerian history? This paper critically looks at these existential realities and elucidates the existential condition of the Ijaws in the contemporary Nigeria . (shrink)

Leadership is certainly a central concept that the contemporary society now requires to increase the chances of survival and prosperity. As the contemporary politics guides, the world now see a greater turn to the kind of strategic paradigm heavily departing from the previous adherence to the ideological tenet. The strategy is a vital way of approach to address the needs of followers, subordinates, stakeholders and shareholders although there are other strands of influence including the culture (For political discourse, it is (...) also interesting to read the Huntington’s viewpoint about the clash of civilization), ideology though (still heavily on the global politics), shared comradeship and intelligence, and others. The leadership, in the contemporary framework, is likely to be analyzed as several points of evolution. The leadership, as we set aside the assumed status of peaceful coexistence in the ancient communal society unlike the Marxism circle, can be seen as one of interactive products about some form of organization. For example, ancient Chinese leaders, through its imperial history, almost always have been concerned about the integration of his subject against the foreign threat of ingression. While we realistically see the phenomenon of world as a split nature, the organization, even most simple form for the state, has to find their leadership as one kind of interactive context. That is, without any submission, surely the case if we talk about a for-profit organization and also non-profit organization. We can see an idealistic organization that may be perceived as monopolistic, such as UN and NGOs. These organizations, however, are also facing the realistic challenge to interact with outside actors and other organizations. For the UN, a terrorist state or organization might be a good example which it needs to interact. In some cases, the states in the dispute and hostile confrontation may be concerned interactively. For the NGOs, the state and conservatists’ group of WTO can be the actor or organization that they have to deal with. Then we can reach the deep structure or environmental element which the leaders of organization have to deliberate on his true nature of leadership. (shrink)

The "second-generation indigenization" hypothesis of Huntington's phenomenological observations on totalitarianism in Cold War regime collapse subtly portrayed the realpolitik interest groups' political influences with autocracy disbandment processes. The research puts democratization as the premise and globalization as purpose for the analysis, with the cultural anthropological psychopathology & criminological elements of genocide and crime against humanity explained, underlying some of the Communist Party of China (CPC)’s organizational behaviors. With the regionalism purposes & approaches to multilateralism by People's Republic of China (...) (PRC), the end of democratization is leveraged against the procedural means with power politics of declared “decmocracy”. Between quantitative autocratic controls and realpolitik local-regional interest groups, the connotation of democratization in liberal international globalization has either been used for militant purposes or pushed the landscape of regime collapse into realpolitik local groups and autocratic controls in the process of globalization, with a case study on a local branch of Argricultural Bank of China on supply-side hijacking by the State-owned Assets Supervision and Administration Commission of the State Council (SASAC). With the industrial interests omposed on realpolitik local groups, autocratic regionalism becomes of the "best interest scenario" for the realpolitik local groups with psychopathological spread of the criminological behaviors, by the cyber organizational criminal operations correlated with PRC’s approaches to international relations and multilateralism through bilateral trade & finance in monetary and currency domains, developed into the digitization of economies with criminological schemes in telecommunication, information, and informatics systems. However, the diminishing autonomy & freedom of the territorial population in turn derogated the real economy that wielded the prisoners' dilemma between autocracy and totalitarianism in a negative sum game deterioration cycle, with the censorship practices by the illicit regimes for propaganda controls sustaining "ideology security". In the democratization process of the dictatorial regime, "second-generation indigenization" is thus mapped to the sectarian interests respondent to dictatorial propaganda generation, other than a natural phenomenon out of autonomy and freedom premises in decision theory. The article recaps the coup d'état between Xi Jinping and Bo Xilai before Xi took the autocratic power, and analyzes the human rights situation in the obstacle of democratization and by the coercion mechanism imposed on the mainland China civil society for the militant purposes, with its behaviral spread of censorship to the “internet platforms” in liberal democratic countries by financial interest incentives and avoidance from war threats, whereby military backends in the cyber systems already indicate otherwise. (shrink)

This paper seeks to examine the thought of philosophers about the influence of the environment on humans' physical, mental and moral habits, as well as how these philosophers used this influence to categorise individuals according to their habitat. As such this research begins with Herodotus and Hippocrates, and briefly discusses Plato, Aristotle, and seven medieval philosophers belonging to Jewish, Christian, and Islamic religions (Al-Kindi, Eriugena, Al-Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ibn Tufail, Averroes, and Moses Maimonides). Also, this study investigates Montesquieu from the (...) seventh century, eight modern thinkers from the 19th through the 21st centuries, determinism (Carl Ritter, Ellen Churchill Semple, and Ellsworth Huntington), geography of possibilism (Vidal de Blacche, Lucian Febwer, and Cari Sauer), bioregionalism (Richard Evanoff), and meteorology (Frederik Nebeker). Lastly, this study concludes that all aforementioned 19th philosophers agreed that the environment influences human behaviour and physical condition. -/- . (shrink)

The issue of the relation of the sacred to the secular has become paramount in virtually every country in the world. From church-state relations in the US, with the debates around abortion and same-sex marriage, to the vitriolic discussions in France over the veil (hijab) sacred-secular, faith-reason, transcendence-imminence -- impacts every aspect of personal, social, and political life. Indeed, the questions often asked are whether Huntington s, Clash of Civilizations is today s reality? Is clash and conflict inevitable? This (...) volume collects papers from scholars from all around the globe and digs into that question. Do the sacred and the secular necessarily end in conflict? Building on scholars such as Charles Taylor, Hans-Georg Gadamer, Jurgen Habermaus, and John Rawls, as well as the world s great religious traditions, the authors assembled here respond with a nuanced, but resounding, NO. A deeper read demands the possibility, indeed, necessity, of complementarity. It has become ever more urgent to discover the proper and complementary relation between the two so that both can be promoted through mutual collaboration. The deeper implications of the discussion can be perceived in many current global problems: cultural identity, multiculturalism, pluralism, nationalism, economic inequality, race, terrorism, migration, public education, and climate change. The volume unfolds in seven sections: Foundations; Sacred and Secular; Complement or Conflict; Hermeneutics; African traditions; South Asian Traditions; Chinese Traditions; and Islamic Traditions. It is fascinating to observe how the various authors grapple with unfolding the relation of sacred/secular, faith/reason, church-mosque/state, transcendence/imminence. The section on Islam illustrates this. These chapters deal with the thorny, usually misunderstood debate between the scholars and those, westerners refer to as fundamentalists or radicals. In the latter, there is no space left to reason, interpretation, or historical criticism. This ugly divide usually emerges in the hot-button issues like the treatment of women and religion-related terrorism. However, these oversimplifications betray the intellectual roots of Islamic tradition. Here the argument is advanced that there are common and multiple meanings of rationality in the Islamic primary sources and that doctrine, the Qur an, and the Sunnah, open considerable space for the rational and the secular in Islamic teachings. Unknown to most in the West, the grappling within Islam goes on. Moreover, the grappling seems to be heating up in all traditions. We are all called to the discussion. Our globe needs it! (shrink)

This paper shall begin by exploring the work of R. Bourne and his concept of transnationalism. The case shall be made for its advantages in contrast to the melting-pot theory but this essay shall further argue that it alone is not a sufficient alternative. Instead, the paper shall shift its focus to H. Kallen and his notions of cultural pluralism. In conjunction with one another, they will be used to argue against the melting-pot theory and more specifically, against Samuel (...) class='Hi'>Huntington and his assertions regarding contemporary Mexican and Latino immigrants. (shrink)

The article intends to analyse the problem of the coexistence of opposite and alternative “comprehensive doc- trines” in today's Western society, on the basis of a comparison between the thought of Schmitt, Böckenförde, Habermas, Rawls and Charles Taylor. In this regard the article proposes a possible solution to avoid, on the one hand, the intolerant goal of a total homogeneity, and on the other a naive and aproblematic acceptance of a relativistic multiculturalism.

El libro constituye una compilación de trabajos escritos todos en la primera mitad de la década de los 90. Se refieren a importantes acontecimientos y debates de aquel momento que ponían en evidencia la turbulencia y el dinamismo de aquellos años que imponían al pensamiento progresista insoslayables retos. Sobre algunos de esos retos trata el libro, compuesto por siete ensayos, escritos con distintas finalidades y en una secuencia cronológica que no coincide con el orden en que se presentan. Son trabajos (...) que, a pesar de mantener una unidad temática, expresada en el título genérico de la obra, poseen entre sí cierta independencia, permitiendo la lectura aislada de cualesquiera de ellos en función de los intereses del lector. Los títulos de los ensayos incluidos son expresión clara de los contenidos que abordan: "Valores universales y problemas globales", "Tolerancia y valores", "A propósito de un anunciado conflicto entre civilizaciones", "América Latina en la encrucijada entre los valores universales y propios", "Hacia una refundamentación valorativa del paradigma emancipador latinoamericano", "El marxismo en los umbrales del siglo XXI", "Valores y juventud en la Cuba de los años noventa". (shrink)