Results for 'Political Violence'

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  1. Political Violence in Nigeria and Its Implication for National Development.Anweting Kevin Ibok & Ogar Anthony Ogar - 2018 - GNOSI: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Human Theory and Praxis 1 (1):87-94.
    Political violence is a major impediment to Nigeria's national development. With the restoration to democratic rule in May 1999, high expectations were raised that the new democratic dispensation would resolve the risk of Nigeria's political violence, while speeding the country's economic and social transformation. It's worrying that since democratic rule returned, Nigeria has experienced a degree of unprecedented political violence that has crippled the efforts of national development. The fundamental thrust of this paper is (...)
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  2. Political Violence as Bad Faith in Beauvoir's The Blood of Others - English Version.Donovan Miyasaki - 2008 - In Julia Kristeva (ed.), (Re) découvrir l’œuvre de Simone de Beauvoir – Du Deuxième Sexe à La Cérémonie des adieux. Lormont, France: pp. 367-73.
    The Blood of Others begins at the bedside of a mortally wounded Résistance fighter named Hélène Bertrand. We encounter her from the point of view of Jean Blomart, her friend and lover, who recounts the story of their relationship : their first meeting, unhappy romance, bitter breakup, and eventual reunion as fellow fighters for the liberation of occupied France. The novel invites the reader to interpret Hélène and Jean’s story as one of positive ethical development. On this progressive reading, although (...)
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  3. “I Dare Not Mutter a Word”: Speech and Political Violence in Spinoza.Hasana Sharp - 2021 - Crisis and Critique 1 (8):365-386.
    This paper examines the relationship between violence and the domination of speech in Spinoza’s political thought. Spinoza describes the cost of such violence to the State, to the collective epistemic resources, and to the members of the polity that domination aims to script and silence. Spinoza shows how obedience to a dominating power requires pretense and deception. The pressure to pretend is the linchpin of an account of how oppression severely degrades the conditions for meaningful communication, and (...)
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  4.  71
    The Concept of Security in Political Violence.Jessica Wolfendale - 2012 - In Marie Breen-Smyth (ed.), The Ashgate Research Companion to Political Violence. Abingdon, UK: Ashgate. pp. 99-118.
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  5. Uncivil Disobedience: Political Commitment and Violence.N. P. Adams - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (4):475-491.
    Standard accounts of civil disobedience include nonviolence as a necessary condition. Here I argue that such accounts are mistaken and that civil disobedience can include violence in many aspects, primarily excepting violence directed at other persons. I base this argument on a novel understanding of civil disobedience: the special character of the practice comes from its combination of condemnation of a political practice with an expressed commitment to the political. The commitment to the political is (...)
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  6. PACIFISM AS AN ETHICAL RESPONSE TO WAR AND POLITICAL VIOLENCE.Duško Peulić - 2017 - Facta Universitatis, Series: Linguistics and Literature 16 (1):13-24.
    Abstract. An early perception of pacifism was known even in Latium, a small area in Ancient Rome. Its meaning, in the language then spoken, arose from the word (ficus) that personifies the very coming into being of harmonious relations between nations (pax). In other words, the term portrays creation of peace on a continuum from complete to moderate resistance to armed conflict while different arguments of abstract, spiritual and scriptural nature defend its core. Pacifism maxim that war is wrong as (...)
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  7. Violence and the Materiality of Power.Torsten Menge - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (6):761-786.
    The issue of political violence is mostly absent from current debates about power. Many conceptions of power treat violence as wholly distinct from or even antithetical to power, or see it as a mere instrument whose effects are obvious and not in need of political analysis. In this paper, I explore what kind of ontology of power is necessary to properly take account of the various roles that violence can play in creating and maintaining power (...)
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  8.  41
    Review of Violence and Political Theory, by Elizabeth Frazer and Kimberly Hutchings. [REVIEW]Lantz Fleming Miller - 2021 - Philosophy in Review 41 (2):65-67.
    Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a (...)
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  9.  95
    Étienne Balibar, Equaliberty: Political Essays, Translated by James IngramÉtienne Balibar, Violence and Civility: On the Limits of Political Philosophy, Translated by G.M. Goshgarian.Thomas Clément Mercier - 2018 - Derrida Today 11 (2):230-237.
    This essay examines Étienne Balibar's readings of Jacques Derrida and deconstruction. The text is framed as a review of two books by Balibar: 'Equaliberty' and 'Violence and Civility'. After describing the context of those readings, I propose a broader reflection on the ambiguous relationship between 'post-Marxism' and 'deconstruction', focusing on concepts such as 'violence', 'cruelty', 'sovereignty' and 'property'. I also raise methodological questions related to the 'use' of deconstructive notions in political theory debates.
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  10. Law and violence or legitimizing politics in Machiavelli.J. L. Ames - 2011 - Trans/Form/Ação 34 (1):21-42.
    One of the Machiavelli's most famous and innovative thesis states that good laws arise from social conflicts, according to the Roman Empire example of the opposition between plebs and nobles. Conflicts are able to bring about order in virtue of the characteristic constrictive force of necessity, which prevents the ambition to prevail. Nonetheless, law does not neutralize the conflict; just give it a regulation. So, law is subjected to history, to the continuous change, which means that it is potentially corruptible. (...)
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  11. Identity and the Politics of Civility: A Review Essay of Étienne Balibar’s Violence and Civility and Marie-Claire Caloz-Tschopp’s Violence, Politique Et Civilité Aujourd’Hui. [REVIEW]Bryan Lueck - 2016 - SCTIW Review 1:1-9.
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  12.  66
    Wisdom and Violence: The Legacy of Platonic Political Philosophy in Al-Fārābī and Nietzsche.Peter S. Groff - 2006 - In Douglas Allen (ed.), Comparative Philosophy in Times of Terror. Lanham, MD 20706, USA: pp. 65-81.
    A vast historical, cultural and philosophical chasm separates the thought of the 10th century Islamic philosopher al-Farabi and Friedrich Nietzsche, the progenitor of postmodernity. However, despite their significant differences, they share one important commitment: an attempt to resuscitate and reappropriate the project of Platonic political philosophy, particularly through their conceptions of the “true philosopher” as prophet, leader, and lawgiver. This paper examines al-Farabi and Nietzsche’s respective conceptions of the philosopher as commander and legislator against the background of their Platonic (...)
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  13.  87
    Religion and Violence in the Horn of Africa: Trajectories of Mimetic Rivalry and Escalation Between ‘Political Islam’ and the State.Jon Abbink - 2020 - Politics, Religion, and Ideology 21 (2):194-215.
    Religiously inspired violence is a global phenomenon and connects to transnational narratives, necessitating comparative analysis of socio-historical context and patterns of ideological mobilization. Northeast Africa hosts several radical-extremist and terrorist groups, mostly of Muslim persuasion, tuned in to these global narratives while connecting to local interests. Christian radicalism and violence also occur but are less ideologically consistent and less widespread. I examine key aspects of the current role and ideological self-positioning of Islamist radicalism in state contexts, comparing Somalia, (...)
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  14. The Violence of Silencing.Barrett Emerick - 2019 - In Jennifer Kling (ed.), Pacifism, Politics, and Feminism: Intersections and Innovations. Brill.
    I argue that silencing (the act of preventing someone from communicating, broadly construed) can be an act of both interpersonal and institutional violence. My argument has two main steps. First, I follow others in analyzing violence as violation of integrity and show that undermining someone’s capacities as a knower can be such a violation. Second, I argue that silencing someone can violate their epistemic capacities in that way. I conclude by exploring when silencing someone might be morally justifiable, (...)
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  15.  57
    Violence and Human Development: A Perspective From Amartya Sen.Gerry Arambala - manuscript
    Political violence is a broad term that is often identified with acts of violence perpetuated by individuals or the state with the lone purpose of achieving political goals. Political violence may come in two modes, either as political terrorism or counter terrorism. The former is determined as the aggressive manipulation of an individual’s judgments by threats and intimidations to achieve political change. Such intimidations are often perpetuated by non-governmental agents who act on (...)
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  16. VIOLENCE: The Indispensable Condition of the Law.Katerina Kolozova - 2014 - Angelaki 19 (2):99-111.
    Revolutionary violence stems from the conatus of survival, from the appetite for life and joy rather than from the desire to destroy and the hubristic pretension to punish. It is an incursion of one's desire to affirm life and annihilate pain. Following Laruelle's methodology of nonstandard philosophy, I conclude that revolutionary violence is the product of an intensive expansion of life. Pure violence, conceived in non-philosophical terms, is a pre-lingual, presubjective force affected by the “lived,; analogous to (...)
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  17.  81
    Sovereignty and its Other: Toward the Dejustification of Violence.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2013 - New York: Fordham University Press.
    Dimitris Vardoulakis asks how it is possible to think of a politics that is not commensurate with sovereignty. For such a politics, he argues, sovereignty is defined not in terms of the exception but as the different ways in which violence is justified. Vardoulakis shows how it is possible to deconstruct the various justifications of violence. Such dejustifications can take place only by presupposing an other to sovereignty, which Vardoulakis identifies with agonistic democracy. In doing so, Sovereignty and (...)
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  18. The Dark Side of Morality – Neural Mechanisms Underpinning Moral Convictions and Support for Violence.Clifford I. Workman, Keith J. Yoder & Jean Decety - 2020 - American Journal of Bioethics Neuroscience 11 (4):269-284.
    People are motivated by shared social values that, when held with moral conviction, can serve as compelling mandates capable of facilitating support for ideological violence. The current study examined this dark side of morality by identifying specific cognitive and neural mechanisms associated with beliefs about the appropriateness of sociopolitical violence, and determining the extent to which the engagement of these mechanisms was predicted by moral convictions. Participants reported their moral convictions about a variety of sociopolitical issues prior to (...)
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  19.  44
    Kant’s Four Political Conditions.Helga Varden - 2022 - Norsk Filosofisk Tidsskrift 57 (3-4):194-207.
    In Kant’s “Doctrine of Right” there is a philosophical and interpretive puzzle surrounding the translation of a key concept: Gewalt. Should we translate it as “force,” “power,” or “violence”? This raises both general questions in Kant’s legal-political philosophy as well as puzzles regarding Kant’s definitions of “barbarism,” “anarchy,” “despotism,” and “republic” as the four possible political conditions. First, I argue that we have good textual reasons for translating Gewalt as “violence”—a translation which has the advantage that (...)
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  20. Texts on Violence: Of the Impure (Contaminations, Equivocations, Trembling).Thomas Clément Mercier - 2020 - Oximora 17:1-25.
    This article interrogates a certain philosophical scene – one which constitutes itself through the position of what Jacques Derrida calls “the ethical instance of violence.” This scene supposes a certain “style” of writing or doing philosophy, and perhaps even a certain philosophical “genre” or “subgenre”: the philosophical discourse on violence. In the course of the essay, I analyze this quasi-juridical scene through readings of Aristotle, Walter Benjamin, Giorgio Agamben, Judith Butler, Slavoj Žižek, Werner Hamacher, Rodolphe Gasché, and Martin (...)
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  21. La Violence Politique Comme Mauvaise Foi Dans Le Sang des Autres (French Version).Donovan Miyasaki - 2008 - In Julia Kristeva, Pascale Fautrier, Anne Strasser & Pierre-Louis Fort (eds.), (Re) découvrir l’œuvre de Simone de Beauvoir – Du Deuxième Sexe à La Cérémonie des adieux. Éditions Le Bord de l’Eau.
    [English version also available] The Blood of Others begins at the bedside of a mortally wounded Résistance fighter named Hélène Bertrand. We encounter her from the point of view of Jean Blomart, her friend and lover, who recounts the story of their relationship : their first meeting, unhappy romance, bitter breakup, and eventual reunion as fellow fighters for the liberation of occupied France. The novel invites the reader to interpret Hélène and Jean’s story as one of positive ethical development. On (...)
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  22.  86
    Violence and Democracy, by John Keane. [REVIEW]Edmund F. Byrne - 2005 - Teaching Philosophy 28 (4):376-378.
    John Keane’s book is an important intervention in the debate on the persistent proliferation of violence and its role in political life, especially in democracies.
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  23. "How America Disguises its Violence: Colonialism, Mass Incarceration, and the Need for Resistant Imagination".Shari Stone-Mediatore - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 2019 (5):1-20.
    This paper examines how a delusive social imaginary of criminal-justice has underpinned contemporary U.S. mass incarceration and encouraged widespread indifference to its violence. I trace the complicity of this criminal-justice imaginary with state-organized violence by comparing it to an imaginary that supported colonial violence. I conclude by discussing how those of us outside of prison can begin to resist the entrenched images and institutions of mass incarceration by engaging the work and imagining the perspective of incarcerated people.
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  24. "All The Things We Could [Se]E by Now [Concerning Violence & Boko Haram], If Sigmund Freud's Wife Was Your Mother": Psychoanalysis, Race, & International Political Theory.Babajide I. Ajishafe - 2017 - International Journal of Political Theory 2 (1):11-37.
    In response to the sonic media and ludicrosity of her time, Hortense J. Spillers' paradigmatic essay ""All the Things You Could Be by Now, If Sigmund Freud's Wife Was Your Mother": Psychoanalysis and Race," transfigures Charles Mingus' melodic, cryptic, and most puzzling record title into a workable theoretical cacophony. Closely written within the contexts and outside the confines of "some vaguely defined territory between well established republics," Spillers is able to open up the sarcophagus of meaning(s) within the Black occupation (...)
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  25. On the Politicization of Violence Within Reductive and Non-Reductive Accounts of Violence.Gregory McCreery - 2020 - Human Studies 43 (2):269-289.
    In this paper, I reference a Paradigm Case Core Conception of Violence, which each individual has, and can share with others to various degrees. This is shown to imply that because we cannot get at violence itself, and can only interpret violence in relationships that involve humans, we cannot avoid politicizing our conceptions of violence in our empathic, intersubjective relationships. This is demonstrated by outlining various claims concerning violence, and by utilizing Edith Stein's phenomenological account (...)
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  26. Christian Military Chaplains as Promoters of the Gospel of Non-Violence and Mutual Co-Existence in Contemporary Nigerian Society: An Ethical Study.Emmanuel Orok Duke - 2018 - Journal for Inculturation Theology 5 (1):258-271.
    Contemporary Nigerian society is in its doldrums as regards the culture of violence and distrust among peoples from various ethnic groups that make-up this nation. To an extent, religio-political reasons are fueling this culture of violence and distrust. The thrust of this paper is that: Christian military chaplains are stakeholders as promoters of peace and mutual co-existence in Nigeria with regard to controlling the culture of violence and disunity. The core of this thesis remains Jesus’ convictions (...)
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  27. Reflections on Understanding Violence.Jeffrey Benjamin White - 2012 - Biosemiotics 5 (3):439-444.
    Lorenzo Magnani’s Understanding Violence: The Intertwining of Morality, Religion and Violence is a big 23 book. Not big in the sense of page count or prepublication advertisement, but big in the sense of pregnant 24 with potential application. Professor Magnani is explicit in his intentions, “to show how violence is de facto 25 intertwined with morality, and how much violence is hidden, and invisibly or unintentionally performed" 26 (page 273) while confessing a personal motivation, “warning myself (...)
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  28.  26
    Violence in Congo: Plans for Analysis in Advance.Trang Thuy - 2020 - EPRA International Journal of Economics, Business and Management Studies 8 (9).
    This article investigates the impact of political violence on the health of young children in Congo. Within the framework of differences in differences, we found negative effects of exposure to violence on children's health. Political violence also increases the likelihood that children will be underweight and underweight. Children who have faced such difficulties tend to be disproportionately affected.
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  29. The Depersonalization of Violence: Reflections on the Future of Personal Responsibility.Edmund F. Byrne - 1973 - Journal of Value Inquiry 7 (3):161-172.
    The intent of this article is to discredit the much used concept (often unstated) of virtuous violence. To begin with, it is a paradox hence in need of not easily achieved justification. Here author's critique focuses on the political myth of prophetic righteousness, the ethical myth of a common good, and the myth of the infinite, which is utilized all too often to bypass finite systems. (Article sharply criticized when first presented to a faculty group.).
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  30. Political Life: Giorgio Agamben and the Idea of Authority.Steven DeCaroli - 2013 - Research in Phenomenology 43 (2):220-242.
    This article explores the relation between biological life and political life, placing it in the context of the ancient Greek distinction between the life of the home and the realm of politics. In contrast with the oikos, the life of the polis was characterized by attempts to exclude from its sphere both the constraints of necessity that oblige human action to conform to the exigencies of survival as well as the violence that accompanies this pursuit. Although this exclusion (...)
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  31. From Indignation to Norms Against Violence in Occupy Geneva: A Case Study for the Problem of the Emergence of Norms.Frédéric Minner - 2015 - Social Science Information 54 (4):497-524.
    Why and how do norms emerge? Which norms emerge and why these ones in particular? Such questions belong to the ‘problem of the emergence of norms’, which consists of an inquiry into the production of norms in social collectives. I address this question through the ethnographic study of the emergence of ‘norms against violence’ in the political collective Occupy Geneva. I do this, first, empirically, with the analysis of my field observations; and, second, theoretically, by discussing my findings. (...)
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  32. Maurice Merleau-Ponty on Violence and Marxism.Mihnea Chiujdea - 2013 - Opticon1826 15 (7):01-15.
    This article aims to examine the main tenets of Merleau-Ponty’s political thought. To this end, his early Marxism and his later support for Liberalism are contextualised within Merleau-Ponty’s philosophical work, put into relation and both criticised. The focus of the discussion is shifted onto the role and locus of the political thinker in order to evaluate the scope of a political project such as Marxism might have. It is divided into three sections. The first explores the themes (...)
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  33.  30
    Nonviolent Protesters and Provocations to Violence.Shawn Kaplan - 2022 - Washington University Review of Philosophy 2:170-187.
    In this paper, I examine the ethics of nonviolent protest when a violent response is either foreseen or intended. One central concern is whether protesters, who foresee a violent response but persist, are provoking the violence and whether they are culpable for any eventual harms. A second concern is whether it is permissible to publicize the violent response for political advantage. I begin by distinguishing between two senses of the term provoke: a normative sense where a provocateur knowingly (...)
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  34.  32
    Vigilantism and Political Vision.Susanna Siegel - 2022 - Washington University Review of Philosophy 2:1-42.
    Vigilantism, commonly glossed as “taking the law into one’s own hands,” has been analyzed differently in studies of comparative politics, ethnography, history, and legal theory, but has attracted little attention from philosophers. What can “taking the law into one’s hands” amount to? How does vigilantism relate to mobs, protests, and self-defense? I distinguish between several categories of vigilantism, identify the questions they are most useful for addressing, and offer an analysis on which vigilantism is a kind of political initiative (...)
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  35.  90
    Prediction, History and Political Science.Robert Northcott - forthcoming - In Harold Kincaid & Jeroen Van Bouwel (eds.), Oxford Handbook of Philosophy of Political Science. Oxford University Press.
    To succeed, political science usually requires either prediction or contextual historical work. Both of these methods favor explanations that are narrow-scope, applying to only one or a few cases. Because of the difficulty of prediction, the main focus of political science should often be contextual historical work. These epistemological conclusions follow from the ubiquity of causal fragility, under-determination, and noise. They tell against several practices that are widespread in the discipline: wide-scope retrospective testing, such as much large-n statistical (...)
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  36.  60
    The Psycho-Political Mechanism of Harnessing the Power of Disinformation-Induced Hysteria Employed by a Dictator.Quan-Hoang Vuong - 2022 - OSF Preprints.
    This conceptual paper represents my first attempt to tackle a difficult research problem (at least for me), employing the mindsponge concept facilitated by the BMF analytical approach. These ‘weapons’–as we at AISDL usually call them–have shown usefulness and capabilities to shed light on numerous challenging research problems in social sciences and humanities.
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  37. Religious and Political Crises in Nigeria: A Historical Exploration.Ekpenyong Nyong Akpanika - 2017 - IOSR Journal Of Humanities And Social Science (IOSR-JHSS) 22 (9).
    Nigeria is constitutionally a secular state but underneath, religion plays a fundamental role in the socio-political governance of the people. The integration of religion and politics in Nigerian political history by her founding fathers is believed to be one major problem behind the current religious violence and political instability bedevilling the country today. The aim of this paper is to understand why the political history of Nigeria is shrouded in religious bigotry by providing the historical (...)
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  38. Asylum, Credible Fear Tests, and Colonial Violence.Elena Ruíz & Ezgi Sertler - manuscript
    A credible fear test is an in-depth interview process given to undocumented people of any age arriving at a U.S. port of entry to determine qualification for asylum-seeking. Credible fear tests as a typical immigration procedure demonstrate not only what structural epistemic violence looks like but also how this violence lives in and through the design of asylum policy. Key terms of credible fear tests such as “significant possibility,” “evidence,” “consistency,” and “credibility” can never be neutral in the (...)
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  39.  52
    Genealogical Solutions to the Problem of Critical Distance: Political Theory, Contextualism and the Case of Punishment in Transitional Scenarios.Francesco Testini - 2022 - Res Publica 28 (2):271-301.
    In this paper, I argue that one approach to normative political theory, namely contextualism, can benefit from a specific kind of historical inquiry, namely genealogy, because the latter provides a solution to a deep-seated problem for the former. This problem consists in a lack of critical distance and originates from the justificatory role that contextualist approaches attribute to contextual facts. I compare two approaches to genealogical reconstruction, namely the historiographical method pioneered by Foucault and the hybrid method of pragmatic (...)
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  40. Systematically Unsystematic Violence: On the Definition and Moral Status of Terrorism.Michael Baur - 2006 - In Kem Crimmins & Herbert De Vriese (eds.), The Reason of Terror: Philosophical Responses to Terrorism. Louvain and Dudley, MA: pp. 3-32.
    Shortly after the bus and subway bombings in London on July 7, 2005, United Nations Secretary General Kofi Annan called upon world leaders to reach consensus on a definition of terrorism, one that would facilitate 'moral clarity' and underwrite the United Nations convention against terrorism. The Secretary General's plea to world leaders help to highlight the practical significance and urgency of having a workable definition of terrorism. For the task of defining terrorism is not only theoretically or academically important; it (...)
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  41. A Colloquy on Violence and Non-Violence: Towards a Complementary Conflict Resolution.Diana-Abasi Ibanga - 2017 - American Journal of Social Issues and Humanities 7 (2):137-150.
    In conflict resolution discourse the two challenging and contrasting concepts, violence and non-violence, are often presented as opposites and contradictory. On the basis of this, one is affirmed against the other. In this article, we aimed to present violence and non-violence as complementary phenomena toward a complementary process of conflict resolution. The objective was to provide an analysis to show that the two concepts can contribute meaningfully to conflict management and resolution. To achieve this aim and (...)
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  42. An Ethic of Plurality: Reconciling Politics and Morality in Hannah Arendt.Alice MacLachlan - 2006 - History and Judgment: IWM JVF Conference Vol. 21.
    My concern in this paper is how to reconcile a central tension in Hannah Arendt’s thinking, one that – if left unresolved – may make us reluctant to endorse her political theory. Arendt was profoundly and painfully aware of the horrors of political evil; in fact, she is almost unparalleled in 20 th century thought in her concern for the consequences of mass political violence, the victims of political atrocities, and the most vulnerable in (...) society – the stateless, the pariahs, the outcasts. At least, this is the case in her discussions of concrete, historical political situations. Yet in her philosophical writings, she continues to argue that the political realm ultimately redeems human existence, and furthermore, that politics should remain distinct and autonomous from moral evaluation. Political action must be evaluated according to “greatness,” not goodness or any other explicitly moral or even ethical standard. She goes so far as to suggest that politics and morality may be deeply hostile to one another, and can only be reconciled in situations of extreme emergency. This can leave many feeling both perplexed and deeply uncomfortable with the theory of human action that Arendt proposes. Drawing on her notions of political conscience, judgment and - in particular - her account of forgiveness, in this paper I argue that Arendt offers an ethics of plurality, in which what is good is developed from what is most politically important: amor mundi, or love of our shared political world. (shrink)
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  43. Muslims and Violence.Fathi ZERARI - manuscript
    This paper tries to explain the relationship between Muslims' problems and violence in the light of a clear distinction between Islam and Islamic political thought. This research emphasizes on the fact that Koran and Sunnah aim at guiding mankind to the right path of knowing and worshipping God; they are not political treatises; Islam could live without a Muslim State even before the instauration of the prophet's State; nowadays, millions of Muslims live under the rule of non (...)
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  44. The Lived Revolution: Solidarity With the Body in Pain as the New Political Universal (Second Edition).Katerina Kolozova - 2016 - Skopje: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities.
    The book explores the themes of a) “radical concepts” in politics (inspired by François Laruelle’s “non-Marxism” and “non-philosophy,” developed in accordance with Badiouan and Žižekian “realism”); b) politically relevant and applicable epistemologies of “Thought’s Correlating with the Real” (Laruelle), inspired by Laruelle, Badiou and Žižek and c) the possibility of hybridization of the epistemic stance of “radical concept” with the politics of grief and “identification with the suffering itself” proposed by Judith Butler. Radical concepts, the political vision and the (...)
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  45. Difference, Boundaries and Violence : A Philosophical Exploration Informed by Critical Complexity Theory and Deconstruction.Lauren Hermanus - unknown
    ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This thesis is a philosophical exposition of violence informed by two theoretical positions which confront complexity as a phenomenon. These positions are complexity theory and deconstruction. Both develop systemsbased understandings of complex phenomena in which relations of difference are constitutive of the meaning of those phenomena. There has been no focused investigation of the implications of complexity for the conceptualisation of violence thus far. In response to this theoretical gap, this thesis begins by distinguishing complexity theory (...)
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  46. Enrique Dussel and Liberation Theology: Violence or Dialogue?Miguel Ángel Quintana Paz - 2014 - Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 26:135-146.
    For centuries, several disciplines have tried to tackle the topic of how legitimate it is to use violence in order to solve social problems. One of the most recent interdisciplinary approaches (and one of the most successful in present-day Latin America) is the so-called “Ethics of Liberation,” designed by Enrique Dussel. Based on the Theology of Liberation, this theory goes beyond the limits of theology as a discipline and pleads for three ethical criteria that every political revolution must (...)
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  47.  89
    At the Outer Limits of Democratic Division: On Citizenship, Conflict and Violence in the Work of Chantal Mouffe and Étienne Balibar.Christiaan Boonen - 2020 - International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 33 (4):529-544.
    This article’s guiding thesis is that the theory of radical democratic citizenship is built on a tension between a radical, conflictual element and a democratic element. As radical democrats, these philosophers point to the intimate relation between conflict and both emancipation and democracy. But as radical democrats, they also propose different methods that prevent conflict from breaking up the polis—the common ground that makes democratic conflict possible. I look at two radical democrats’ way of dealing with this tension: Chantal Mouffe (...)
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  48.  37
    Rorty’s Aversion to Normative Violence: The Myth of the Given and the Death of God.Carl B. Sachs - 2017 - Contemporary Pragmatism 14 (3):277-291.
    Among the deeper strata of Rorty’s philosophy is what I call his aversion to normative violence. Normative violence occurs when some specific group presents itself as having a privileged relation to reality. The alternative to normative violence is recognizing that cultural politics has priority over ontology. I trace this Rortyan idea to its origins in Nietzsche and Sellars. Rorty’s contribution is to combine Nietzsche on the death of God and Sellars on the Myth of the Given. However, (...)
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  49.  95
    Are Strong States Key to Reducing Violence? A Test of Pinker.Ryan Murphy - 2016 - Libertarian Papers 8:311-317.
    This note evaluates the claim of Steven Pinker in The Better Angels of Our Nature that the advent of strong states led to a decline in violence. I test this claim in the modern context, measuring the effect of the strength of government in lower-income countries on reductions in homicide rates. The strength of government is measured using Polity IV, Worldwide Governance Indicators, and government consumption as a percentage of GDP. The data do not support Pinker’s hypothesis.
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  50.  54
    Anti-Terrorism Politics and the Risk of Provoking.Franz Dietrich - 2014 - Journal of Theoretical Politics 3 (26):405-41.
    Tough anti-terrorism policies are often defended by focusing on a fixed minority of the population who prefer violent outcomes, and arguing that toughness reduces the risk of terrorism from this group. This reasoning implicitly assumes that tough policies do not increase the group of 'potential terrorists', i.e., of people with violent preferences. Preferences and their level of violence are treated as stable, exogenously fixed features. To avoid this unrealis- tic assumption, I formulate a model in which policies can 'brutalise' (...)
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