The paper addresses the nature of seemings in light of their role in inquiry. Seemings are mental states or events with propositional content that have a specific phenomenology often referred to as “felt truth”. In epistemology, seemings are mainly discussed as possible (non-inferential) justifications for belief. Yet, epistemology has recently taken a zetetic turn, that is, a turn toward the study of inquiry. I will argue that the role of seemings in epistemology should be re-assessed from the perspective of inquiry (...) and deliberation. Seemings may fall short of justifying beliefs, but there is an important role for seemings in the zetetic realm, which may also explain why seemings lack direct justificatory force for beliefs. Seemings, so I will suggest, can provide normative reasons for performing certain zetetic tasks, but they cannot provide normative reasons for making up one’s mind about the inquired question. In this sense, the zetetic role of seemings can be described as guiding rational inquiry. I will suggest that a modified version of the so-called Taking Evidence View about the nature of seemings is best fitted to accommodate their zetetic role. Yet, contra existing versions of the Taking Evidence View, my modified account acknowledges that seemings are genuine experiences (of one’s evidential standing during inquiry) that are accompanied by the characteristic phenomenology of what is called a “feeling of truth”. By doing so, my modified version of the Taking Evidence View incorporates the (as I take it) most important feature of the rival Experience View of seemings. (shrink)

In this paper, I will examine the notion of an epistemic dilemma, its characterizations in the literature, and the different intuitions prompted by it. I will illustrate that the notion of an epistemic dilemma is expected to capture various phenomena that are not easily unified with one concept: while some aspects of these phenomena are more about the agent in a certain situation, other aspects seem to be more about the situation as such. As a consequence, incompatible intuitions emerge concerning (...) the transparency of epistemic dilemmas as well as regarding the role that doxastic suspension plays in resolving cases of epistemic dilemma. I suggest to distinguish between the mental state of agents who find themselves in an epistemic dilemma and the normative situation that gives rise to a dilemma. I will refer to the agent’s mental state as epistemic conflict and will reserve the term epistemic dilemma for evidential situations in which epistemic principles either recommend incompatible doxastic responses or render all options impermissible. The concept of epistemic conflict not only captures the mental state of agents who find themselves in a genuine epistemic dilemma but also applies to agents who face difficult epistemic choices that they cannot resolve without substantial cognitive (and often pragmatic) effort, for example, via doxastic suspension. (shrink)

When studying the feasibility and justice of basic income, researchers usually assume that policymakers would be introducing the unconditional benefit to a closed economic entity. When contemplating the introduction of a universal policy, few researchers take into consideration the fact that citizens and foreigners migrate, and that this movement alters the size and skill structure of the population. This article addresses this oversight by analyzing how basic income schemes based on residence or citizenship may affect tax base, wages, and employment (...) while incorporating migration incentives. The discussion is based upon neoclassical labor supply and migration theory and informed by the conjectured economic effects from a normative perspective. This research suggests that a basic income would create migration incentives that reduce the tax base, leading us to question this policy’s feasibility. Moreover, the flow-on effects of migration call into question the justice of both residence-based and citizenship-based basic income schemes. Therefore, this article sheds light on how basic income’s feasibility and justice relate to each other and identifies the benefits and further opportunities for interdisciplinary social policy research. (shrink)

From a socio-theoretical and media-theoretical perspective, this article analyses exemplary practices and structural characteristics of contemporary digital political campaigning to illustrate a transformation of the public sphere through the platform economy. The article first examines Cambridge Analytica and reconstructs its operational procedure, which, far from involving exceptionally new digital campaign practices, turns out to be quite standard. It then evaluates the role of Facebook as an enabling ‘affective infrastructure’, technologically orchestrating processes of political opinion-formation. Of special concern are various tactics (...) of ‘feedback propaganda’ and algorithmic-based user engagement that reflect, at a more theoretical level, the merging of surveillance-capitalist commercialization with a cybernetic logic of communication. The article proposes that this techno-economic dynamic reflects a continuation of the structural transformation of the public sphere. What Jürgen Habermas had analysed in terms of an economic fabrication of the public sphere in the 1960s is now advancing in a more radical form, and on a more programmatic basis, through the algorithmic architecture of social media. As the authors argue, this process will eventually lead to a new form of ‘infrastructural power’. (shrink)

This paper examines whether, and how, Foucauldian genealogy travels to contexts and problematizations beyond the method's European site of articulation. Our particular focus is on the work of Colombian philosopher Santiago Castro-Gómez, whose work includes both a systematic defense of the usefulness of Foucauldian inquiry for decolonial study and genealogical inquiry in a Foucauldian spirit but in a context beyond Foucault's own horizon of study. We show that taking up Foucault's work in the context of Latin America leads Castro-Gómez to (...) significantly change Foucauldian concepts, categories, and methods. We further survey the potential synergies of decolonial thought and Foucauldian critique, while also highlighting how their joint mobilization requires a revision and problematization of key commitments of both approaches. (shrink)

In this article, we investigate how Big Tech companies have used the novel coronavirus disease (COVID-19) pandemic to increase their social, political, infrastructural, and epistemic power. We focus on four companies that were outspoken in their efforts to combat the virus: Alphabet (also known as Google), Apple, Facebook, and Amazon (GAFA). During the crisis, these companies evolved as adaptive entities that responded to the state of emergency by promptly rolling out various technological solutions, exemplifying what we call ‘pandemic solutionism’, that (...) is, the belief in the potential to solve the complex virological crisis of COVID-19 through the integration of digital tools. We identify the activities of GAFA in pandemic solutionism in five key areas that can be defined as the dominant realms of Big Tech’s involvement: (1) mapping COVID-19, (2) researching COVID-19, (3) tracing COVID-19, (4) treating COVID-19, and (5) managing COVID-19. In this context, we provide the first comprehensive overview of Big Tech’s multifaceted engagement in researching COVID-19 based on wearable technologies, which have been actively promoted as potentially beneficial tools for detecting the coronavirus since the beginning of the crisis. Additionally, through a critical mapping of the multiple activities of selected Big Tech players during the pandemic, it becomes evident how unexpected societal disruptions can lead to the increased dominance by these players. As we demonstrate, Big Tech companies have been able to present themselves as saviours capable of acting more promptly than the state, pushing pandemic solutionism and taking up tasks without being burdened by democratic deliberations. In doing so, they have manifested their infrastructural power, which frequently (such as with contact tracing) establishes the normative framework in which political and social actions take place. (shrink)

Following media-theoretical studies that have characterized digitization as a process of all-encompassing cybernetization, this paper will examine the timely and critical potential of Günther Anders’s oeuvre vis-à-vis the ever-increasing power of cybernetic devices and networks. Anders has witnessed and negotiated the process of cybernetization from its very beginning, having criticized its tendency to automate and expand, as well as its circular logic and ‘integral power’, including disruptive consequences for the constitution of the political and the social. In this vein, Anders’s (...) works, particularly his magnum opus Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen [The Obsolescence of Man], sheds new light on the technologically organized milieus of the contemporary digital regime and also highlights a new form of cybernetic ‘conformism’. The goal of the essay is therefore, not only to emphasize the contemporary nature of Anders’s thought but also to use it to frame a critique of current neo-technocratic and, ultimately, post-political concepts, such as ‘algorithmic regulation’, ‘smart states’, ‘direct technocracy’, and ‘government as platform’. This essay argues that cybernetic capitalism is causing what Anders terms ‘ Unfestgelegtheit’ to disappear; that is, we are losing the originary possibility of technologically (re-)structuring our world in alternative ways, particularly given the determinist character of current technologies. (shrink)

Silicon Valley pretende ofrecer un mundo de «soluciones» tecnológicas a problemas sociales complejos. Atentas a la desconfianza social sobre esa posibilidad, algunas empresas apuestan ahora por el metaverso, una realidad virtual en la que todo es fantasía: incluso las soluciones que promueven.

Felix Maschewski und Anna-Verena Nosthoff untersuchen Facebook als Beispiel einer besonders eindringlichen Form „kybernetischer Gouvernementalität“ und nehmen das „soziale“ Netzwerk dazu als psychopolitisches System von Affekten und Aktivierungen in den Blick. Dabei analysieren sie v.a. die zugrundeliegende »Sozialphysik des Anstoßes« und ihre implizite kybernetische Logik, um den so forcierten (behavioristischen) Subjektbegriff zu beleuchten. In diesem Konnex wird nicht nur dargestellt, wie das gouvernementale Unternehmen qua feedbacklogischer Programmatik die Entscheidungen, das Verhalten oder gar die Wünsche seiner Nutzer_innen antizipiert und auf (...) diese Weise indirekt ‚regiert‘, sondern auch, welche Konsequenzen die konsumtive Plattformlogik für das Politische selbst zeitigt. Letztlich zeigt sich, dass digitale Apparaturen entgegen dem insb. im Silicon Valley populären Narrativ von einer technologischen Neutralität keineswegs bloße Mittel, sondern zuallererst Machtinstrumente sind. (shrink)

This article discusses the theological implications of Adorno’s writings on Beckett by specifically examining their constellative motifs of death, reconciliation and redemption. It addresses not only their content but also their form, suggesting a mutually stimulating relationship between the two as based both on a negative-dialectical approach and an inverse-theological trajectory. Focusing on Adorno’s discussion of Beckett’s oeuvre as a “metaphysical entity,” I argue that Adorno’s reading of Beckett is peculiar because it is inextricably tied to his own critical-theological venture. (...) The essay claims that Adorno’s reflections on Beckett contour, at their most basic level, meditations on theology in the age of its impossibility. (shrink)

Various media-theoretical studies have recently characterized the fourth industrial revolution as a process of all-encompassing technicization and cybernetization. Against this background, this paper seeks to show the timely and critical potential of Günther Anders’s magnum opus Die Antiquiertheit des Menschen vis-à-vis the ever-increasing power of cybernetic devices and networks. Anders has both witnessed, and negotiated, the process of cybernetization from its very beginning, having criticised not only its tendency of automatization and expansion, but also the circular logic and the “integral (...) power” it rests upon, including the destructive consequences for the constitution of the political and the social. In this vein, Anders’s oeuvre can indeed shed new light on the techno-logically organized milieus of the contemporary digital regime. The aim of the essay is, thus, not only to emphasize the contemporariness of Anders’s critical thought, but also use it to frame a critique vis-à-vis current neo-technocratic and, ultimately, post-political concepts, such as “algorithmic regulation”, “smart states”, “direct technocracy”, and “government as platform”. The essay finally seeks to, through Anders’s lens, address the question of the position and role of the critic in relation to ever expanding technical environments. (shrink)

In einem diskursiv ausgeruhten Beitrag zu einem kurzzeitig viral hocherhitzten Artikel zur ‚Big-Data-Bombe’ beobachtet Jan Lietz vor einigen Wochen eine problematische Diskursverknappung: Blinde Annahme auf der einen und unausgewogene Kritik auf der anderen Seite hätten zum Ausbleiben eines produktiven Dissenses geführt. Mit dieser Diagnose hat Lietz sicherlich recht. Doch scheint sich in den Reaktionen auf den Artikel und ihrer Dynamik nicht allein eine ‚Verknappung’ des Diskurses abzuzeichnen; mehr noch handelt es sich um dessen ‚systematische’ Einebnung. Es wurde vor allem deutlich, (...) dass im Milieu einer fragwürdigen Techno-logie die Möglichkeit zur Kritik selbst prekär wird. (…) An dieser Stelle ließe sich schlussfolgern, dass es neben einer demokratischen Debatte um die Urheberschaft und Verfügungsmacht über unsere Daten (bzgl. WählerInnen-Targetings) einerseits und die Zukunft der EU-Datenschutzgrundverordnung andererseits, heute auch einer Auseinandersetzung mit der ‚kritischen’ Frage bedarf, wie „die Digitalisierung den Charakter des Politischen überhaupt affiziert.“ Vor diesem Horizont wäre es schließlich essentiell, Netzwerke nicht mit einem per se politisch tragfähigen Gesellschaftskonzept zu verwechseln, sondern vielmehr über das Verhältnis zwischen Technik und Politik – jenseits der Pole blinder Technophilie auf der einen und unproduktivem Ressentiment auf der anderen Seite – zu diskutieren. Das hieße dann aber auch, über ‚revolutionäre’ Entwicklungen und Verschiebungen zu beraten, die Günther Anders schon Anfang der 1980er Jahre diagnostizierte; dass, sofern die Technik nämlich erst einmal in die politischen Strukturen Einzug gehalten hat, „von Tag zu Tag weniger“ gelte, „daß sie sich innerhalb des politischen Rahmens entwickelt. Vielmehr tritt dann eine wirkliche Umwälzung ein, das heißt: dann nimmt die Bedeutung der Technik so überhand, daß sich das politische Geschehen schließlich in deren Rahmen abspielt.“. (shrink)

Im Beitrag wird die Apple-Watch vor dem Hintergrund ihrer „Ästhetik der Existenz“ als biopolitisches Artefakt und kontrollgesellschaftliches Dispositiv, vor allem aber als kybernetische Black Box aufgefasst und analysiert. Ziel des Aufsatzes ist es, aufzuzeigen, dass sich in dem feedbacklogischen Rückkopplungsapparat nicht nur grundlegende Diskurse des digitalen Zeitalters (Prävention, Gesundheit, bio- und psychopolitische Regulierungsformen etc.) verdichten, sondern dass dieser schon ob seiner inhärenten Logik qua Opazität Transparenz, qua Komplexität Simplizität (d.h. Orientierung) generiert und damit nicht zuletzt ein ganz spezifisches Menschenbild forciert. (...) In methodischer Hinsicht sollen zur Aufschlüsselung der für die digitale Gesellschaft repräsentativen Black Box „Apple-Watch“ wirksame Begriffskonstellationen der Kybernetik – d.h. Feedback, Regulierung, Selbstkontrolle und nicht zuletzt das Prinzip des „schwarzen Kastens“ selbst (Wiener/ Ashby), in dem sich schon die Funktion des Apparats als (Selbst-)Regulierungstool zwischen In- und Outputs reflektiert – in den Blick genommen und mit behavioristischen Konzepten (besonders solche der Gegenwart, d.h. nudging-Konzepte etc.) kontextualisiert werden. Auf dieser Grundlage lässt sich schließlich, so die These, nicht nur ein Subjektivierungsmodell ableiten, sondern auch eine (durchaus realpolitisch wirksame) Regierungskunst („kybernetische Gouvernementalität“) dekodieren. In diesem Zusammenhang ist schließlich die These zu plausibilisieren, dass das zeitgenössische „Sicherheitsregime“ des ‚new dark age‘ (Bridle) respektive der ‚Black-Box-Society‘ (Pasquale) sich nicht auf „die Unterdrückung von Subjektivität [bezieht], sondern vor allem auf ihre ‚(Selbst)-Produktion‘, […] auf die […] Förderung von Selbsttechnologien, die an Regierungsziele gekoppelt werden können.“ (Lemke) Entsprechend fragt der Aufsatz, welche – auch politischen – Auswirkungen die exzessive Verbreitung dieser und ähnlicher „smart devices“ zeitigt: Denn nicht zuletzt lässt sich, mediiert über derartige datengenerierende schwarze Kästen, eine Form der Regierung und des Regierbar-Machens erkennen, die weniger explizit-imperativisch auf Subjekte als vielmehr implizit-suggestiv auf Datenpunkte und -profile einwirkt. (shrink)

The paper outlines critical aspects concerning the increasing use of big data in agriculture and farming. In particular, the aim is to shed light on the emerging dominance of the platform economy in the field of agriculture and food production. To analyze those power structures shaping this dynamic, we start with brief observations on the general relationship between digitization and agriculture and explain the platform economy, its general business model, and the proprietary forms of market power emerging from it. Subsequently, (...) we analyze the implications of the involvement of platform-economic companies in the agricultural sector. To do so, we critically examine several key examples that illuminate the strategies and ultimate objectives of those key tech players involved in this transition––particularly, two of the most dominant cloud providers, Alphabet and Amazon. Finally, we identify the main problems that can potentially emerge, and that can already be observed, from Big Tech’s involvement in agriculture and food production: (1) epistemic asymmetry (2) the erosion of privacy (3) potential harms to smaller farms and farmers, and (4) systemic dependencies on a monopolist data infrastructure. As we argue, these four dimensions are not only essential to take into account, but they also ultimately need to be responded to politically. From a policy perspective, to maintain data justice and epistemic symmetry, and to avoid the risks highlighted, we suggest––next to stressing the need for critical scholarship––to establish a democratically governed data trust, rely on open source technology, and fundamentally commit to the principle of collective data sovereignty. -/- Keywords: big tech, data sovereignty, digital farming, digital agriculture, surveillance capitalism, platform economy. (shrink)

Anmerkungen zur aktuellen Aufregung um Cambridge Analytica & Co. (2018).

Towards a Critical Theory of Digitality: Günther Anders in the Age of Platform Capitalism and Smart Technocracies -/- Diversos estudios teóricos sobre los medios de comunicación han caracterizado recientemente la cuarta revolución industrial como un proceso de tecnificación y cibernetización omniabarcante. En este contexto, este artículo pretende mos-trar el potencial pertinente y crítico de la obra magna de Günther Anders La obsolescencia del hombre frente al poder cada vez mayor de los dispositivos y las redes cibernéticas. Anders ha sido testigo (...) y ha gestionado el proceso de ciber-netización desde sus inicios, y ha criticado no sólo su tendencia a la automa-tización y a la expansión, sino también la lógica circular y el “poder integral” en el que se basa, incluidas las consecuencias destructivas para la constitución de lo político y lo social. En este sentido, la obra de Anders puede arrojar nueva luz sobre los medios organizados tecnológicamente del régimen digital contem-poráneo. El objetivo del ensayo es, por tanto, no sólo enfatizar la contempora-neidad del pensamiento crítico de Anders y destacar su avanzada comprensión de la tecnología en comparación con los representantes de la teoría crítica tem-prana, sino también utilizarlo para enmarcar una crítica frente a los conceptos neotecnocráticos actuales y, en última instancia, postpolíticos, como la “regula-ción algorítmica”, los “estados inteligentes”, la “tecnocracia directa” y el “gobier-no como plataforma”. Por último, el ensayo pretende abordar, a través de la lente de Anders, la cuestión de la posición y el papel del crítico en relación con los entornos técnicos en constante expansión. Palabras clave: Günther Anders, cibernética, teoría crítica, tecnopolítica, tec-nocracia, digitalización, post-política, crítica a la tecnología. (shrink)

Der Aufsatz diskutiert das Steuerungs- und Regelungsdenken zeitgenössischer neokybernetischer Governance-Ansätze (Pentland/ Khanna/ Noveck/ Thaler & Sunstein) unter besonderer Berücksichtigung früher Modelle politischer Kybernetik. Erstere werden dabei als Weiterentwicklung kybernetischer Staatstheorien charakterisiert, wobei insbesondere deren implizite kybernetische Grundannahmen problematisiert werden: Das Paradigma einer kontrollierbaren Freiheit, die Fixierung auf systemische Ultrastabilität und die Prozesse dynamischer, selbstregelnder Anpassung im Zusammenhang der anthropologischen Prämisse des Homo imitans, grundieren, so die These, eine umfassende „algorithmische Gouvernementalität“ und damit die Potentiale einer integralen Herrschaft. -/- In this (...) paper, contemporary notions of steering and regulation as they occur in neocybernetic approaches of governance are discussed. Accordingly, the focus is placed on earlier models of political cybernetics in particular. Neocybernetic approaches are characterised as a refined continuation of its earlier predecessors. One may argue that it is specifically the cybernetic premises, which they still rely on, that ought to be criticised. The paradigm of a controllable freedom including the aim of systemic ultrastability, which is based on the processes of self-regulating adaptation in light of the new anthropological picture of the Homo Imitans, gives rise to an encompassing “algorithmic governmentality,” and thus, one may claim, the potential for a new form of integral domination. (shrink)

Ziel des Beitrages ist die differenzierende Beschreibung des Projekts Cybersyn sowie die anschließende kritische Perspektivierung ausgewählter neokybernetischer Governance-Konzepte, die in den letzten Jahren verstärkt im Policy-Kontext diskutiert wurden. Die „Entscheidungsmaschine“ Stafford Beers, die der Management-Kybernetiker unter Salvador Allende in den frühen Siebzigern konzipierte, wird zumeist als Projekt eines technisch avancierten, ökonomischen Organisationskonzepts, eines „dritten Wegs“ beschrieben. Der Beitrag diskutiert die Grundkonzeption des „sozialistischen Internets“, seine fortschrittlichen, ökonomischen Ideen und Ästhetiken wie auch die Person Stafford Beer, legt den Fokus aber vor (...) allem auf ein eher selten beschriebenes Teilkonzept, namentlich „Cyberfolk“, eine Art binäres, affektives Echtzeit-Stimmungsbarometer der Bevölkerung zur Live-Bewertung von politischen Reden. In diesem Konnex werden gerade die demokratietheoretischen Implikationen von Cybersyn und seine Vorstellung „totaler Transparenz“ genauer untersucht. Im Anschluss wird expliziert, wie sich in unterschiedlichen gegenwärtigen Konzeptionen fluider Techno- bzw. technoider Expertokratien – von den „smart states“ Beth Novecks bis zur „direct technocracy“ Parag Khannas – die „Kybernetisierung des Politischen“ auch im digitalen Zeitalter – gewissermaßen unter umgekehrtem, d.h. neoliberalen Vorzeichen – revitalisiert und dabei sowohl problematische Partizipations- als auch Emanzipationskonzepte umreisst. Zu untersuchen sind in dieser Hinsicht so auch die reduktiven Aspekte der Beerschen letztlich feedbacklogischen Konzeption des Politischen. (shrink)

Der Beitrag untersucht den plattformökonomischen Infrastrukturwandel der Öffentlichkeit und damit die affektökonomischen Strukturmerkmale sozialer Medien. In diesem Rahmen analysieren die Autor:innen in medientechnischer Perspektive die Programmatik von News-feed-Algorithmen wie auch des User-Engagements von Facebook und Co. und damit einher-gehend eine „Infrastruktur der Affizierung“, die es proprietären Plattformen einerseits ermöglicht, in einer Kultur der Visualität große Datenmengen der Nutzer:innen abzuschöpfen, um andererseits für diese selbst weitestgehend opak zu bleiben. In diesem (Un-)Sichtbarkeitsverhältnis manifestiert sich schließlich eine epistemische bzw. „infrastrukturelle Macht“, der die (...) Autor: innen sowohl eine Reihe von Plattform-Alternativen entgegnen als auch den Appell, mehr demokratische Experimente mit ihnen zu wagen. (shrink)

A biographical and philosophical portrait of the Hungarian philosopher Agnes Heller.

Apple, Facebook und Google geben sich dieser Tage als Retter in der Not, die ihre Daten­hoheit für das Gute nutzen. Damit verbuchen sie enormen Macht­zuwachs – und bauen das System für eine datafizierte Biopolitik weiter aus.

Apple CEO Tim Cook claimed in 2019 that his company’s greatest achievement will be “about health.” But the pandemic has shown that Big Tech’s involvement in health care is all about data collection.

Facebook, Google und Co. spielen sich nach zahlreichen Skandalen neuerdings als moralische Musterschüler auf. Warum wir auf diese Masche nicht hereinfallen sollten.

The article introduces the concept of "surveillance-capitalist biopolitics" to problematize the recent expansion of "data extractivism" in health care and health research. As we show, this trend has accelerated during the ongoing Covid pandemic and points to a normalization and institutionalization of self-tracking practices, which, drawing on the "quantified self", points to the emergence of a "quantified collective". Referring to Foucault and Zuboff, and by analyzing key examples of the leading "Big Tech" companies (e.g., Alphabet and Apple), we argue that (...) contemporary forms of digital biopolitics are privatized, opaque, flexible, and not limited to the state. Instead, especially through the integration of wearable technologies, the biopolitical regulation of bodies is increasingly mediated by private tech companies. These companies rely on a questionable narrative of participation, responsibility, and care despite owning, and ultimately controlling, access to intimate health data and the proprietary algorithms mediating this data. The article shows that the proliferation of "surveillance-capitalist biopolitics" ultimately strengthens not only market power but also the epistemic and infrastructural power of the dataowning and gadget-producing firms. Finally, against an exclusively repressive and negative reading of biopolitics, and to effectively counter the forms of power emerging from surveillance-capitalist biopolitics, we propose four dimensions that are central to its democratizationnamely privacy/individual sovereignty, democratic deliberation, pluralism, and epistemic equality. -/- DOI: 10.1007/s41358-021-00309-9. (shrink)

The article critically investigates various approaches to “smart” governance, from algorithmic regulation (O’Reilly), fluid technocracy (P. Khanna), “smart states” (Noveck), nudge theory (Thaler/ Sunstein) and social physics (Alex Pentland). It specifically evaluates the cybernetic origins of these approaches and interprets them as pragmatic actualisations of earlier cybernetic models of the state (Lang, Deutsch) against the current background of surveillance capitalism. The authors argue that cybernetic thinking rests on a reductive model of participation and a limited concept of “the political” (whereby (...) the systemic focus is on adaptive behaviour, stability and self-preservation instead of antagonism and dissensus). This limitation becomes particularly articulate in the aforementioned neocybernetic models of governance, and is even intensified in the contemporary monopolistic digital infrastructure. (shrink)

This essay explores the works of German artist Gustav Metzger as a potential response to Theodor W. Adorno’s dictum “Nach Auschwitz ein Gedicht zu schreiben, ist barbarisch” (“To write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric”). It argues that culture, as understood in the Adornian sense, is inextricably barbaric as a result of simply being after Auschwitz. Culture must acknowledge the finitude in its own ability to live up to an ethical demand in response to justice, whose arrival is infinitely deferred. In (...) spite of this, culture, and art in particular, must not refrain from the very act of writing. Metzger’s works are discussed as aesthetic responses to the “new categorical imperative” of Adorno, who addresses art’s failure in light of Auschwitz by pointing to aporias that constitute the inescapable condition of “barbarism.” This essay suggests that Metzger’s aesthetic articulations are nonbarbaric ruptures, in that they challenge our living on irresponsibly within the condition of barbarism via a constant confrontation with complicity. (shrink)

This study seeks to critically explore the link between sovereignty, violence and war in Giorgio Agamben’s Homo Sacer series and Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan. From a brief rereading of Leviathan’s main arguments that explicitly revolves around the Aristotelian distinction between actuality/ potentiality, it will conclude that Hobbesian pre-contractual violence is primarily based on what Hobbes terms “anticipatory reason” and the problem of future contingency. Relying on Foucauldian insights, it will be emphasized that the assumption of certain potentialities suffices in leading to (...) Hobbes’s well-known conclusion that the state of nature is a “condition of Warre.” In a second step, this study considers some of Agamben’s arguments to account for how pre-contractual violence as envisioned by Hobbes cannot be rendered impotent through the integration of a sovereign. In specific, Agamben’s claims shed light on an irreducible, inextricable entwining between the state of nature and the state of law as “Siamese twins” (Virno). On a meta-level, Agamben thus implicitly shows how the “Hobbesian problem” cannot be merely reduced to a “problem of order” (Parsons). With regard to the current functioning of the stratagems of financial markets and the mechanisms of future-colonization underpinning global politics, this study finally argues that Hobbes ought to be reevaluated in particular regarding the problem of the future in his account. Partly responding to Agamben’s critical investigations, I suggest that a careful exploration of what will be coined “the prospects of an actualization of the potentiality not-to-be” might serve as a first theoretical step towards a productive form of criticism. (shrink)

Adorno’s use of the term “barbarism” has probably been most often referred to in the context of his much- cited dictum that “to write poetry after Auschwitz is barbaric” (Adorno 1983: 34). While, nowadays, the term is usually and fortunately presented within the broader context of his works, his intended meaning was frequently misunderstood particularly after Adorno had articulated it for the first time. For clarity, the aforementioned dictum was not a verdict intended to silence poets or artists. It was (...) rearticulated a few times by Adorno — specifically in response to Celan’s poetry — who calls for arts and culture to respond from within and in the face of an inescapable aporetic condition. Namely, to write poetry after Auschwitz means to write from within a differend—a radical chasm between the signifier and the signified that one neither ought nor could overcome via writing or aesthetic means in general. Yet, poetry (and also art and thinking, per se) as a form of active engagement with sociopolitical realities, has to respond to the ungraspable (i.e., the Holocaust); it cannot simply avoid doing so. It permanently has to speak whilst knowing that it will never reach the addressee; that it must fail in speaking. -/- . (shrink)

Introduction to a collection of essays that celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of Quine's paper "Two Dogmas of Empiricism". Contributor: Herbert Schnädelbach, Paul A. Boghossian, Kathrin Glüer, Verena Mayer, Christian Nimtz, Åsa Maria Wikforss, Hans-Johann Glock, Peter Pagin, Tyler Burge, Geert Keil und Donald Davidson.