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  1. Must the Subaltern Speak Publicly? Public Reason Liberalism and the Ethics of Fighting Severe Injustice.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - forthcoming - Journal of Politics.
    The victims of severe injustice are allowed to employ disruption and violence to seek political change. This article argues for this conclusion from within Rawlsian political liberalism, which, however, has been criticised for allegedly imposing public reason’s suffocating norms of civility on the oppressed. It develops a novel view of the applicability of public reason in non-ideal circumstances – the “no self-sacrifice view” – that focuses on the excessive costs of following public reason when suffering from severe injustice. On this (...)
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  2. Privileged Citizens and the Right to Riot.Thomas Carnes - 2024 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 26 (3):633-640.
    Avia Pasternak’s account of permissible political rioting includes a constraint that insists only oppressed citizens, and not privileged citizens, are permitted to riot when rioting is justified. This discussion note argues that Pasternak’s account, with which I largely agree, should be expanded to admit the permissibility of privileged citizens rioting alongside and in solidarity with oppressed citizens. The permissibility of privileged citizens participating in riots when rioting is justified is grounded in the notions that it is sometimes necessary, in accordance (...)
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  3. Heckling, Free Speech, and Freedom of Association.Emily McTernan & Robert Mark Simpson - 2023 - Mind 133 (529):117-142.
    People sometimes use speech to interfere with other people’s speech, as in the case of a heckler sabotaging a lecture with constant interjections. Some people claim that such interference infringes upon free speech. Against this view, we argue that where competing speakers in a public forum both have an interest in speaking, free speech principles should not automatically give priority to the ‘official’ speaker. Given the ideals underlying free speech, heckling speech sometimes deserves priority. But what can we say, then, (...)
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  4. Can Utilitarianism Ground Human Rights?Leslie Allan - manuscript
    Leslie Allan demonstrates how human rights are unproblematic for utilitarian moral theory and how, upon consideration, utilitarianism turns out to be the best theory for justifying human rights. Using case studies of historical and contemporary human rights conventions and recent psychological research, he argues how our concept of human rights is founded on the satisfaction of fundamental human needs and the consequences for human happiness.
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  5. The Nature of Rights and the History of Empire.Duncan Ivison - 2006 - In David Armitage (ed.), British Political Thought in History, Literature, and Theory 1500-1800. Cambridge University Press. pp. 91-2011.
    My aim in this chapter is to take the complexity of our histories of rights as seriously as the nature of rights themselves. Let me say immediately that the point is not to satisfy our sense of moral superiority by smugly pointing out the prejudices found in arguments made over three hundred years ago. We have more than our own share of problems and prejudices to deal with. Rather, in coming to grips with this history, and especially how early-modern political (...)
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  6. La démocratie et la sélection: tirage au sort, élections et l'égalité.Annabelle Lever - 2023 - In La démocratie; une idée force. Paris: Mare et Martin.
    Devrions-nous remplacer les élections par des loteries ? Le célèbre livre de Bernard Manin sur le gouvernement représentatif a appris à beaucoup que les Grecs considéraient les élections comme un moyen aristocratique, et non démocratique, de sélectionner des personnes pour le pouvoir et l'autorité politique, en comparaison avec le tirage au sort, où chacun a une chance égale d'être sélectionné. (Manin 1997) Jusqu'à récemment, cependant, l'idée qu'un engagement envers la démocratie nécessite de remplacer les élections par le tirage au sort (...)
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  7. Algorithms and the Individual in Criminal Law.Renée Jorgensen - 2022 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 52 (1):1-17.
    Law-enforcement agencies are increasingly able to leverage crime statistics to make risk predictions for particular individuals, employing a form of inference that some condemn as violating the right to be “treated as an individual.” I suggest that the right encodes agents’ entitlement to a fair distribution of the burdens and benefits of the rule of law. Rather than precluding statistical prediction, it requires that citizens be able to anticipate which variables will be used as predictors and act intentionally to avoid (...)
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  8. Liberalism and the Right to Strike.Stephen K. McLeod & Attila Tanyi - 2022 - Public Ethics Blog.
    Within the small body of philosophical work on strikes, to participate in a strike is commonly seen as to refuse to do the job while retaining one’s claim upon it. What is the relationship, though, between liberalism and the right to strike? This is our main question.
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  9. The ballot and the wallet: Self-respect and the fair value of political liberties.Jahel Queralt & Iñigo González-Ricoy - 2020 - European Journal of Philosophy 29 (2):410-424.
    Economic disparities often translate into disparities in political influence, rendering political liberties less worthy to poor citizens than to wealthier ones. Concerned with this, Rawls advocated that a guarantee of the fair value of political liberties be included in the first principle of justice as fairness, with significant regulatory and distributive implications. He nonetheless supplied little examination of the content and grounding of such guarantee, which we here offer. After examining three uncompelling arguments in its favor, we complete a more (...)
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  10. A Sense of Proportion: Some Thoughts on Equality, Security and Justice.Annabelle Lever - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (3):357-371.
    This article develops an intuitive idea of proportionality as a placeholder for a substantive conception of equality, and contrasts it with Ripstein’s ideas, as presented in an annual guest lecture to the Society of Applied Philosophy in 2016. It uses a discussion of racial profiling to illustrate the conceptual and normative differences between the two. The brief conclusion spells out my concern that talk of ‘proportionality’, though often helpful and, sometimes, necessary for moral reasoning, can end up concealing, rather than (...)
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  11. Flow My Tears, Rick Deckard Said.M. Blake Wilson - 2019 - In Robin Bunce & Trip McCrossin (eds.), Blade Runner 2049 and Philosophy. Chicago: Open Court. pp. 103-110.
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  12. Reflections on Brown vs. Board of Education and School Integration Today.Lawrence Blum - 2019 - The Harvard Review of Philosophy 26:37-57.
    The Brown vs. Board of Education decision of 1954 mandated school integration. The decision also to recognize that inequalities outside the schools, of both a class- and race-based nature, prevent equality in education. Today, the most prominent argument for integration is that disadvantaged students benefit from the financial, social, and cultural “capital” of middle class families when the children attend the same schools. This argument fails to recognize that disadvantaged students contribute to advantaged students’ educational growth, and sends demeaning messages (...)
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  13. Cultural Appropriation and the Limits of Identity: A Case for Multiple Humanity(es).Michael Onyebuchi Eze - 2018 - Chiedza 20 (1):8-31.
    examine the dominant conversations on cultural appropriation. The first part of the essay will examine the ideological configuration of what constitutes cultural appropriation (hereafter as CA) first, as the politics of the diaspora and second, within a normative understanding of culture and its diachronic contradictions. This will be followed by a critical reevaluation of our subject theme as primarily a discourse of power with multiple implications. Framed as a discourse of power, CA is equally exposed to ideological distortions, and its (...)
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  14. privacy, democracy and freedom of expression.Annabelle Lever - 2015 - In Beate Roessler & Dorota Mokrosinska (eds.), The Social Dimensions of Privacy. Cambridge University Press.
    this paper argues that people are entitled to keep some true facts about themselves to themselves, should they so wish, as a sign of respect for their moral and political status, and in order to protect themselves from being used as a public example in order to educate or to entertain other people. The “outing” - or non-consensual public disclosure - of people’s health records or status, or their sexual behaviour or orientation is usually unjustified, even when its consequences seem (...)
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  15. Democracy and Security.Annabelle Lever - 2015 - In Adam D. Moore (ed.), Privacy, Security and Accountability: Ethics, Law and Policy. New York: Rowman & Littlefield International.
    This chapter is concerned with the role of democracy in preventing terrorism, identifying and apprehending terrorists, and in minimizing and alleviating the damage created by terrorism.1 Specifically, it considers the role of democracy as a resource, not simply a limitation, on counterterrorism.2 I am mainly concerned with the ways in which counterterrorism is similar to more familiar forms of public policy, such as the prevention of crime or the promotion of economic prosperity, and so nothing that I say turns on (...)
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  16. Is It Ethical To Patent Human Genes?Annabelle Lever - 2008 - In Axel Gosseries, Alain Marciano & Alain Strowel (eds.), Intellectual Property and Theories of Justice. Basingstoke & N.Y.: Palgrave McMillan. pp. 246--64.
    This paper examines the claims that moral objections to the patenting of human genes are misplaced and rest on confusions about what a patent is, or what is patented by a human gene patent. It shows that theese objections rest on too simple a conception of property rights, and the connections betwteen familiar moral objections to private property and moral objections to the patenting of human genes. Above all, the paper claims, objections to HGPs often reflect worries about the lack (...)
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  17. Are Schools Suppressing The Constitution?John Altmann - manuscript
    This is an essay discussing how schools seem to be suppressing the Constitution and the very political philosophy of this country through the actions of their educators. I discuss how the Teleological designs of these institutions ultimately has changed.
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  18. Political rights, republican freedom, and temporary workers.Alex Sager - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (2):189-211.
    I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.
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  19. Dürfen wir Kindern das Wahlrecht vorenthalten?Benjamin Kiesewetter - 2009 - Archiv für Rechts- und Sozialphilosophie 95 (2):252-273.
    Up to a certain age, young people are denied the right to vote. In this paper, it is argued that this general exclusion from democratic participation is unjustified and should be abandoned. After a short survey of some of the pedagogic, legal, and political arguments that have been brought forward to support a liberalisation of electoral law in favour of children, the essay presents a basic moral argument against any age limit with respect to voting rights. First of all, it (...)
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  20. Copyright and Freedom of Expression: a Philosophical Map.Alexandra Couto - 2008 - In Axel Gosseries, Alain Marciano & Alain Strowel (eds.), Intellectual Property and Theories of Justice. Basingstoke & N.Y.: Palgrave McMillan.
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Freedom of Contract
  1. Informants, Police, and Unconscionability.Luke William Hunt - 2018 - Institute of Art and Ideas (IAI Online Magazine).
    Essay exploring the extent to which certain agreements between the police and informants are an affront (both procedurally and substantively) to basic tenets of the liberal tradition in legal and political philosophy.
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Right to Political Participation
  1. Without a Voice of One's Own: Aphonia as an Obstacle to Political Freedom.Joonas S. Martikainen - 2021 - Acta Philosophica Fennica 97:105–128.
    In this article I use Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s existential phenomenology as a method for presenting a disclosing critique of aphonia as the loss of a political voice of one’s own. I claim that aphonia is a phenomenon that is qualitatively different from a lack of opportunities for democratic participation and a lack of the communicative capabilities required for effective political participation. I give examples from sociological literature on social exclusion and political apathy, and then diagnose them using Merleau-Ponty’s concepts of operative (...)
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  2. Klimaaktivismus als ziviler Ungehorsam.Benjamin Kiesewetter - 2022 - Zeitschrift für Praktische Philosophie 9 (1):77-114.
    Political actions by Fridays for Future, Extinction Rebellion, and other climate activists often involve violations of legal regulations – such as compulsory education requirements or traffic laws – and have been criticized for this in the public sphere. In this essay, I defend the view that these violations of the law constitute a form of morally justified civil disobedience against climate policies. I first show that these actions satisfy the criteria of civil disobedience even on relatively strict conceptions of civil (...)
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  3. Odwrócenie perspektywy: poddany jako obywatel w monarchii absolutnej, czyli o wieloznaczności pojęć lub ich różnym rozumieniu.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2004 - Przegląd Politologiczny 3:93-106.
    Artykuł, choć traktuje głównie o statusie jednostki w realiach i myśli politycznej monarchii absolutnej doby Bodinusa i Pufendorfa, odnosi się – toutes proportions gardées – do następującej kwestii: Czy członków państw niedemokratycznych, pozbawionych pełni praw i wolności politycznych, można określać mianem obywateli? Krzysztof Trzciński, Odwrócenie perspektywy: poddany jako obywatel w monarchii absolutnej, czyli o wieloznaczności pojęć lub ich różnym rozumieniu, „Przegląd Politologiczny” 3/2004, s. 93-106.
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  4. Zmierzch obywatelstwa patriarchalnego w nowożytnej Europie. Szkic do badań procesu.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2005 - Szkice Humanistyczne 1:235-244.
    Poprzez wieki ewolucji idei i instytucji obywatelstwa w Europie, płeć (obok wolności osobistej, wieku, pochodzenia, miejsca urodzenia, domicylu czy majętności ) należała do głównych kryteriów posiadania pełnoprawnego statusu obywatelskiego w państwie. Obywatelstwo aż do XX wieku miało charakter patriarchalny, jednak jego współczesna definicja implikuje równouprawnienie obu płci. Egalitaryzacja dostępu do pełnego obywatelstwa w nowożytnej Europie następowała wieloetapowo. Proces ten wiązał się ze zmianami mentalności społecznej i stopniowym znoszeniem prawnego upośledzenia kobiet w różnych dziedzinach życia.
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  5. From despotism to constitutionalism: Building constitutional order in Russia.Andrej Poleev - manuscript
    The historical roots of despotism in Russia are long, the tradition of arbitrariness seems to be unbreakable. But this status quo can't persist endless: Growing mass protests indicate that the time nears when Russia will unhorse the self-constituted disposers and will demonstrate again its re-invention potential. -/- This expected and hoped egression from despotism into a new phase of Russian history needs to be carefully elaborated and arranged. Starting with the writing and publishing of my essays following mass political protests (...)
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  6. Wizja państwa pozapartyjnego w myśli Kwasi Wiredu, czyli o utopii zrodzonej z doświadczeń rzeczywistości.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Ugrupowania polityczne i ruchy społeczne w Afryce. pp. 43-71.
    Wywodzący się z Ghany, a tworzący w Stanach Zjednoczonych Kwasi Wiredu należy do grona najwybitniejszych współczesnych filozofów afrykańskich. W swych rozprawach politycznych obnaża wady demokracji liberalnej i postuluje, by demokracja w Afryce była budowana w oparciu o rodzime tradycje polityczne, które mają, w jego opinii, charakter demokratyczny. Wiredu negatywnie ocenia kondycję współczesnych demokracji liberalnych przede wszystkim z powodu charakteryzującej je dalece antagonistycznej praktyki uprawiania polityki, która kontrastuje z typową dla niektórych społeczeństw afrykańskich tradycją koncyliacyjną. Ghański filozof optuje za wykorzystaniem w (...)
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  7. Źródła legitymacji tradycyjnego władztwa we współczesnej Afryce jako przyczynek do lepszego zrozumienia jego roli i fenomenu trwania.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - Afryka 29 (30):47-70.
    Legitymacja należy do kluczowych zagadnień myśli politycznej i jest nierozerwalnie powiązana między innymi z takimi terminami jak państwo, władza, obywatele, poddani, prawa i obowiązki. Pojęcie legitymacji jest niezwykle ważne i być może właśnie z tego powodu jego istota stanowi temat wielu dyskusji. W tym artykule nie będziemy jednak analizować sporów definicyjnych. Ograniczymy się do podejścia, jakie proponuje Roger Scruton, unikając przedstawienia ścisłej definicji. Termin ‘legitymacja’ określa, jego zdaniem, to samo, co pojęcia ‘prawomocność władzy’ bądź ‘prawowite panowanie’. Gdy rządzący dzierżą władzę (...)
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  8. Why Not a Philosopher King and Other Objections to Epistocracy.Dragan Kuljanin - 2019 - Phenomenology and Mind 16:80-89.
    In this paper, I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems epistocracy (...)
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  9. The Morality of Price/Quality and Ethical Consumerism.Julian Fink & Daniel Schubert - 2019 - Res Publica 25 (3):425-438.
    Hussain claims that ethical consumers are subject to democratic requirements of morality, whereas ordinary price/quality consumers are exempt from these requirements. In this paper, we demonstrate that Hussain’s position is incoherent, does not follow from the arguments he offers for it, and entails a number of counterintuitive consequences.
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  10. Citizenship, Structural Inequality and the Political Elite.Michael Merry - 2018 - On Education 1 (1).
    Whatever the merits idealized liberal accounts of citizenship education may have in the seminar room, in this essay I argue that they are both unpersuasive and ineffectual. This is the case, because they are insufficiently attentive to the empirical realities, first (a) with respect to how real – versus imaginary – school systems function; and second, (b) with respect to the broader political context in which citizenship education policies are implemented. Because so much is already known about the former, I (...)
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  11. WIsdom and Governance (Hekmat va Hokumat).Mehdi Haeri Yazdi - 1994 - Londan: Shadi Press.
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  12. Participation and organizational commitment during change: From utopist to realist perspectives.Rune Lines & Marcus Selart - 2013 - In Skipton Leonard, Rachel Lewis, Arthur Freedman & Jonathan Passmore (eds.), Handbook of the psychology of leadership, change, and organizational development. Wiley-Blackwell. pp. 289-313.
    Trust has a great potential for furthering our understanding of organizational change and learning. This potential however remains largely untapped. It is argued that two reasons as for why this potential remains unrealized are: (i) A narrow conceptualization of change as implementation and (ii) an emphasis on direct and aggregated effects of individual trust to the exclusion of other effects. It is further suggested that our understanding of the effects of trust on organizational change, should benefit from including effects of (...)
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  13. Vernünftige Existenz als Weltbewältigung. Eine Kritik der weltanschaulichen Neutralität säkularer Vernunft bei Jürgen Habermas.Maximilian Runge - 2015
    Since Jürgen Habermas' speech for the Peace Price of the German Book Trade in October 2001, secular reason – personified by one of its main protagonists – has been able to debate with religion anew. For the purpose of an unbiased encounter between philosophy and religion, Habermas introduced the term “postsecular” back then in order to emphasize that this dialogue was inevitably necessary, all the more in the face of religiously motivated terrorism. Nonetheless, this willingness to debate was accompanied by (...)
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Constitutional Rights
  1. La protección de la salud, la vida y la integridad física en tiempos de pandemia en la doctrina constitucional.: A propósito del atc 40/2020 de 30 de abril.Joaquin Sarrión - 2021 - Actualidad Jurídica Iberoamericana 14:1026-1039.
    El presente trabajo analiza el reciente Auto del Tribunal Constitucional sobre la posibilidad de prohibir y limitar el derecho fundamental de reunión y manifestación para tutelar la salud, la vida y la integridad de las personas.
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  2. Vida privada y protección de datos en relación con la polémica de los libros de bautismo.Joaquín Sarrión - 2012 - Ceflegal. Revista Práctica de Derecho 135:71-96.
    La protección de datos constituye un derecho fundamental que, si bien vinculado a la esfera privada de los individuos, goza de entidad propia, y se entiende como un haz de facultades que implican el poder de disposición de los datos, esto es, el derecho a que se solicite el previo consentimiento para su recogida y uso, así como el derecho de acceso, rectificación y cancelación de los mismos. Derecho que en España está basado en el artículo 18.4 de la Constitución (...)
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  3. El pluralismo constitucional en la Unión Europea: ¿una construcción artificial?Joaquin Sarrión - 2011 - Ceflegal. Revista Práctica de Derecho, 124:73-90.
    En Europa vivimos inmersos dentro de una pluralidad de sistemas constitucionales: tanto los sistemas estatales como el sistema de la Unión Europea. Esto podía llevar a ciertas situaciones de conflicto, al menos en una perspectiva teórica en principio, y por ello se ha tratado de explicar y solucionar la tutela de los derechos fundamentales en la Unión Europea mediante la teoría llamada «pluralismo constitucional». Sin embargo, se plantean dudas que pueden llevarnos a considerar dicha teoría como una mera «construcción artificial» (...)
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  4. El planteamiento de la cuestión prejudicial por un órgano jurisdiccional español desde la perspectiva europea y nacional.Joaquin Sarrión - 2012 - Ceflegal. Revista Práctica de Derecho 138:35–50.
    La función de los órganos jurisdiccionales nacionales como jueces ordinarios del Derecho de la Unión Europea es una de las cuestiones jurídicas fundamentales del proceso de integración europea. -/- En el ámbito de dicha función, la cuestión prejudicial es un instrumento esencial para garantizar una interpretación y aplicación homogénea del Derecho de la Unión además de coadyuvar a la cooperación entre los jueces nacionales y el Tribunal de Justicia. -/- Vamos a tratar de estudiar este instrumento del planteamiento de la (...)
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  5. En búsqueda de los límites constitucionales a la integración europea.Joaquin Sarrión - 2011 - Ceflegal. Revista Práctica de Derecho 131:81-142.
    Como es sabido el Tribunal de Justicia de la Unión Europea ha precisado que las relaciones entre el Derecho de la Unión Europea y el Derecho de los Estados miembros están regidas por el principio de primacía del primero sobre los segundos. Sin embargo, la autoridad formal que puede ostentar el Derecho de la Unión Europea en los sistemas jurídicos nacionales no va a depender en exclusiva de la jurisprudencia de dicho tribunal, sino que está condicionada, en gran medida, por (...)
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  6. Reconceptualizing American Democracy: The First Principles.Angelina Inesia-Forde - 2023 - Asian Journal of Basic Science and Research 5 (4):01-47.
    An outstanding group of leaders left evidence that a richer and more sustainable democracy could be achieved with American independence and democratic principles integrated into a new republican form of government. They were moved by principles that are the very spirit of democracy. These principles are needed to enhance democracy and improve well-being. Using the constructivist tradition of grounded theory and Aristotle’s conception of abstraction, the article proposes a theory of the first principles of democracy based on substantive data: the (...)
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  7. Godność jako cecha podmiotów zbiorowych lub cecha ugruntowana instytucjonalnie. Typy godności – propozycja systematyzacji (część 2) [Dignity as an Attribute of Collective Entities and Dignity as an Institutionally Grounded Attribute: Types of Dignity – a Proposed Systematisation (Part 2)].Marek Piechowiak - 2022 - Przegląd Konstytucyjny 2022 (4):73-93.
    This study aims to identify various meanings of the expression (name) “dignity”, with particular emphasis on the meanings of this expression as it appears in the text of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The meaning of the name “dignity” is the concept of dignity; in turn, the different concepts of dignity encompass dignity of particular types. Twelve different meanings of the expression “dignity” are indicated – twelve different concepts of dignity, and thus twelve types of dignity. Half of (...)
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  8. Godność jako właściwość osoby. Typy godności – propozycja systematyzacji (część 1) [Dignity as a Quality of Person: Types of Dignity – a Proposed Systematisation (Part 1)].Marek Piechowiak - 2022 - Przegląd Konstytucyjny 2022 (2):7-30.
    "Dignity as a Quality of Person: Types of Dignity – a Proposed Systematisation" This study aims to identify various meanings of the expression (name) “dignity”, with particular emphasis on the meanings of the expression as it appears in the text of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland. The meaning of the name “dignity” is the concept of dignity; in turn, the concept of dignity encompasses dignity of particular types. Twelve different meanings of the expression “dignity” are indicated – twelve (...)
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  9. Political liberalism and the false neutrality objection.Étienne Brown - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (7):1-20.
    One central objection to philosophical defences of liberal neutrality is that many neutrally justified laws and policies are nonetheless discriminatory as they unilaterally impose costs or confer unearned privileges on the bearers of a particular conception of the good. Call this the false neutrality objection. While liberal neutralists seldom consider this objection to be a serious allegation, and often claim that it rests on a misunderstanding, I argue that it is a serious challenge for proponents of justificatory neutrality. Indeed, a (...)
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  10. Odwrócenie perspektywy: poddany jako obywatel w monarchii absolutnej, czyli o wieloznaczności pojęć lub ich różnym rozumieniu.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2004 - Przegląd Politologiczny 3:93-106.
    Artykuł, choć traktuje głównie o statusie jednostki w realiach i myśli politycznej monarchii absolutnej doby Bodinusa i Pufendorfa, odnosi się – toutes proportions gardées – do następującej kwestii: Czy członków państw niedemokratycznych, pozbawionych pełni praw i wolności politycznych, można określać mianem obywateli? Krzysztof Trzciński, Odwrócenie perspektywy: poddany jako obywatel w monarchii absolutnej, czyli o wieloznaczności pojęć lub ich różnym rozumieniu, „Przegląd Politologiczny” 3/2004, s. 93-106.
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  11. Policing, Brutality, and the Demands of Justice.Luke William Hunt - 2021 - Criminal Justice Ethics 40 (1):40-55.
    Why does institutional police brutality continue so brazenly? Criminologists and other social scientists typically theorize about the causes of such violence, but less attention is given to normative questions regarding the demands of justice. Some philosophers have taken a teleological approach, arguing that social institutions such as the police exist to realize collective ends and goods based upon the idea of collective moral responsibility. Others have approached normative questions in policing from a more explicit social-contract perspective, suggesting that legitimacy is (...)
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  12. Правовая оценка перестройки в СССР (1985 – 1991).Andrej Poleev - 2020 - Enzymes 18.
    Поскольку до сих пор нет никакого судебного решения в отношении правомерности совершённых в прошлом и совершаемых в настоящем деяний, квалифицируемых как подлог и предательство, правовая оценка перестройки адресуется как юристам, так и всем прочим гражданам.
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  13. From despotism to constitutionalism: Building constitutional order in Russia.Andrej Poleev - manuscript
    The historical roots of despotism in Russia are long, the tradition of arbitrariness seems to be unbreakable. But this status quo can't persist endless: Growing mass protests indicate that the time nears when Russia will unhorse the self-constituted disposers and will demonstrate again its re-invention potential. -/- This expected and hoped egression from despotism into a new phase of Russian history needs to be carefully elaborated and arranged. Starting with the writing and publishing of my essays following mass political protests (...)
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  14. Transparency in internet regulation and governance: Arguments and counter-arguments with some methodological reflections.Gianluca Andresani & Natalina Stamile - 2018 - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Políticos 117:443-476.
    The debate on the argumentative turn in Public Policy and Administration (PPA), as reflective of the influence of politico-legal theory on the discipline, is reviewed with a thorough and indepth engagement with the Argumentation Theory (AT) literature. The focus in this article is in fact of a methodological nature since we argue that critical scholars - who have contributed to the general and specialized (i.e. political discourse analysis and critical contextualism) literature of AT as well as politico-legal theory - pave (...)
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  15. Dekonstruktion der Neutralität. Subjektive Rechte und Politik am Beispiel des „Kopftuchstreits“.Markus Wolf - 2017 - Rechtsphilosophie. Zeitschrift Für Grundlagen des Rechts 3 (2):171-189.
    Der Aufsatz beschäftigt sich am Beispiel des deutschen "Kopftuchstreits" mit der rechtlich-politischen Auseinandersetzung um subjektive Rechte innerhalb des liberalen Rechtsstaats. Wie Christoph Menke in seiner Deutung der für den politischen Liberalismus wesentlichen politischen Konflikte gezeigt hat, bezieht sich diese Auseinandersetzung vorrangig auf zwei Fragen: Wer sollte Anspruch darauf genießen, ein politisches Subjekt zu sein, das heißt, als Gleiche oder Gleicher berücksichtigt zu werden? Welche Ansprüche politischer Subjekte könneen als schützenswerte Verwirklichung subjektiver Rechte gelten? Der vorliegende Beitrag beschäftigt sich vorwiegend mit (...)
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  16. Benvenuti all'inferno sulla Terra: Bambini, Cambiamenti climatici, Bitcoin, Cartelli, Cina, Democrazia, Diversità, Disgenetica, Uguaglianza, Pirati Informatici, Diritti umani, Islam, Liberalismo, Prosperità, Web, Caos, Fame, Malattia, Violenza, Intelligenza Artificiale, Guerra.Michael Richard Starks (ed.) - 2020 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    L'America e il mondo sono in procinto di collassare a causa di una crescita eccessiva della popolazione, la maggior parte per il secolo scorso e ora tutto a causa di persone del terzo mondo. Il consumo di risorse e l'aggiunta di uno o due miliardi in più di 2100 crolleranno la civiltà industriale e porterà alla fame, alle malattie, alla violenza e alla guerra su scala impressionante. Miliardi moriranno e la guerra nucleare è tutt'altro che certa. In America questo è (...)
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