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  1. Freedom and its unavoidable trade‐off.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - Analytic Philosophy 65 (1):22–36.
    In the debate on how we ought to define political freedom, some definitions are criticized for implying that no one can ever be free to perform any action. In this paper, I show how the possibility of freedom depends on a definition that finds an appropriate balance between absence of interference and protection against interference. To assess the possibility of different conceptions of freedom, I consider the trade-offs they make between these two dimensions. I find that pure negative freedom is (...)
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  2. How to Read a Riot.Ricky Mouser - 2024 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 26 (3).
    How should we think about public rioting for political ends? Might it ever be more than morally excusable behavior? In this essay, I show how political rioting can sometimes be positively morally justified as an intermediate defensive harm in between civilly disobedient protest and political revolution. I do so by reading political rioters as, at the same time, uncivil and ultimately conciliatory with their state. Unlike civilly disobedient protestors, political rioters express a lack of faith in the value or applicability (...)
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  3. Public Opinion and Political Passions in the Work of Germaine de Staël.Eveline Groot - 2021 - Ethics, Politics and Society 4:126-152.
    In this paper, I investigate the role of public opinion and De Staël’s liberal principles in relation to her psychological image of human nature. De Staël regarded the French Revolution as a new stage of human progress, in which the French people, for the first time, gained a political voice. From her position as a liberal republican, De Staël argues for political progress in the form of civil equality and liberty confirmed by law and political representation, for which public opinion (...)
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  4. Scrolling Towards Bethlehem: Conforming to Authoritarian Social Media Laws.Yvonne Chiu - 2024 - In Carl Fox & Joe Saunders (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Philosophy and Media Ethics. London: Routledge. pp. 355–367.
    The social media industry lacks developed principles of professional ethics that it would need in order to better navigate the ethics of conforming to local media laws in authoritarian countries that lack meaningful protections for privacy, personal and political expression, and intellectual property. This chapter analyzes this question through three frameworks of professional ethics—journalism ethics, technology ethics, and business ethics—and the ways that social media resembles and crucially differs from these three industries.
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  5. The Conditions for Ethical Chemical Restraints.Parker Crutchfield & Michael Redinger - 2024 - American Journal of Bioethics Neuroscience 15 (1):3-16.
    The practice of medicine frequently involves the unconsented restriction of liberty. The reasons for unilateral liberty restrictions are typically that being confined, strapped down, or sedated are necessary to prevent the person from harming themselves or others. In this paper, we target the ethics of chemical restraints, which are medications that are used to intentionally restrict the mental states associated with the unwanted behaviors, and are typically not specifically indicated for the condition for which the patient is being treated. Specifically, (...)
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  6. Moral responsibilities towards refugees. Ethical Annotation #2.Jos Philips, Jacobi Suzanne, Samuel Mulkens, Natascha Rietdijk & Dick Timmer - 2023 - Ethical Annotation.
    Wars and crises worldwide force millions of people to flee and seek refuge, often outside their countries of origin. What moral responsibilities do states have towards refugees? In this Ethical Annotation, Dr Jos Philips and his co-authors zoom in on the responsibilities of EU countries. They consider arguments in favour of and against admitting refugees and argue that EU countries must do at least at much as they can do at little cost, and perhaps even more.
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  7. “La aniquilación de Saint Preux. Rousseau y la condena del amor en Julia o la Nueva Eloísa”.Pablo Pavesi - 2023 - Disputatio. Philosophical Research Bulletin 12 (25):79-104.
    Our work focuses on the novel Julie, or the New Heloise by Jean Jacques Rousseau (1761), particularly on the character of Saint Preux, Julie's lover. Our interest is strictly philosophical. First, we expose the ways in which Rousseau takes pleasure in denigrating Saint Preux to conclude that he is a feminine character: the virility-femininity distinction has no relation to the gender difference because (following a Socratic tradition through Plutarch) it is in agreement with the opposition between self-control (activity) - submission (...)
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  8. Libertad y formas juridicas.Angel Nicolas Pernigotti - manuscript
    Final work done for the Philosophy of Law subject of the UCES Degree in Philosophy. In this work I propose to reflect on the relationship between justice and freedom, starting from the works of the French philosopher Michel Foucault, his analysis of disciplinary societies, as well as his conception of power relations. -/- En el presente trabajo me propongo reflexionar sobre la relación entre justicia y libertad, partiendo de los trabajos del filósofo francés Michel Foucault, sus análisis referentes a las (...)
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  9. Estudio introductorio. La teoría republicana de Philip Pettit.Romina Rekers - 2023 - Madrid: Trotta.
    El neorepublicanismo comprende un amplio espectro de enfoques y concepciones en constante evolución. Para caracterizarlo podemos focalizarnos en una concepción o teoría y adoptarla como punto de referencia para luego indagar sobre las diferencias específicas de cada enfoque. Así, si quisiéramos caracterizar el liberalismo igualitario lo haríamos adoptando como punto de referencia la teoría de la justicia rawlsiana para luego avanzar sobre los debates subsecuentes que dialogan con aquella. Del mismo modo, para caracterizar al neorepublicanismo, haríamos bien en introducirnos a (...)
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  10. The Ethics of Conceptualization: A Needs-Based Approach.Matthieu Queloz - forthcoming - Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    Philosophy strives to give us a firmer hold on our concepts. But what about their hold on us? Why place ourselves under the sway of a concept and grant it the authority to shape our thought and conduct? Another conceptualization would carry different implications. What makes one way of thinking better than another? This book develops a framework for concept appraisal. Its guiding idea is that to question the authority of concepts is to ask for reasons of a special kind: (...)
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  11. Beyond Classical Liberalism: Freedom and the Good.James Dominic Rooney & Patrick Zoll (eds.) - 2024 - Routledge Chapman & Hall.
    This volume brings together diverse sets of standpoints on liberalism in an era of growing skepticism and distrust regarding liberal institutions. The essays in the volume: - Relate concerns for liberal institutions with classical themes in perfectionist politics, such as the priority of the common good in decision-making or the role of comprehensive doctrines. - Analyse how perfectionist intuitions about the political life affect our concepts of public reason or public justification. - Outline various moral duties we have toward other (...)
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  12. What Makes Communism Possible? The Self-Realisation Interpretation.Jan Kandiyali - forthcoming - Politics, Philosophy, and Economics.
    In the Critique of Gotha Programme, Karl Marx famously argues that a communist society will be characterised by the principle, ‘From each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs!’ In this essay, I take up a question about this principle that was originally posed by G.A. Cohen, namely: what makes communism (so conceived) possible for Marx? In reply to this question, Cohen interprets Marx as saying that communism is possible because of limitless abundance, a view that Cohen (...)
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  13. Duties of social identity? Intersectional objections to Sen’s identity politics.Alex Madva, Katherine Gasdaglis & Shannon Doberneck - 2023 - Inquiry: An Interdisciplinary Journal of Philosophy:1-31.
    Amartya Sen argues that sectarian discord and violence are fueled by confusion about the nature of identity, including the pervasive tendency to see ourselves as members of singular social groups standing in opposition to other groups (e.g. Democrat vs. Republican, Muslim vs. Christian, etc.). Sen defends an alternative model of identity, according to which we all inevitably belong to a plurality of discrete identity groups (including ethnicities, classes, genders, races, religions, careers, hobbies, etc.) and are obligated to choose, in any (...)
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  14. Problems in the Motivational Basis of Rawls' Principles of Justice.Kazi A. S. M. Huda - 2022 - Philosophy and Progress 71 (1-2):45-60.
    The paper explores the logical structure of Rawlsian justice principles in order to see whether their justificatory or explanatory conditions are unproblematic. To facilitate this purpose, drawing on readers of Rawls, the author shows that the Aristotelian principle is used to explain the principles of rational choice, particularly the principle of inclusiveness. Then, on the basis of the Aristotelian principle, Rawls justifies his conclusion, via the principles of rational choice and the theory of primary goods. After figuring out the logical (...)
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  15. Republicanism as Critique of Liberalism.Lars J. K. Moen - 2023 - Southern Journal of Philosophy 61 (2):308–324.
    The revival of republicanism was meant to challenge the hegemony of liberalism in contemporary political theory on the grounds that liberals show insufficient concern with institutional protection against political misrule. This article challenges this view by showing how neorepublicanism, particularly on Philip Pettit’s formulation, demands no greater institutional protection than does political liberalism. By identifying neutrality between conceptions of the good as the constraint on institutional requirements that forces neorepublicanism into the liberal framework, the article shows that neutrality is what (...)
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  16. Lang thang nơi thâm sơn cùng cốc đầu 2023.Chẫu Ninh-Bình - 2023 - Ninh Binh.
    Thật sự là chuyến du hành có chút ý định bổ sung cho kho truyện ngụ ngôn Bói Cá. Thế nhưng, mải ngắm cảnh, quên cả việc tìm kiếm. Còn chẳng để ý thấy liệu có gã Bói Cá nào lảng vảng quanh các đầm lầy chi chít khắp chốn Tam Cốc hay không.
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  17. Kant on Punishment & Poverty.Nicholas Hadsell - forthcoming - Southern Journal of Philosophy.
    I offer a Kantian argument for the idea that the state lacks the authority to punish neglected, impoverished citizens when they commit crimes to cope with that neglect. Given Kant’s own commitments to the value of external freedom and the state’s obligation to ensure it in Doctrine of Right, there is no reason a Kantian state can claim authority to punish an impoverished citizen while also failing in significant ways to protect her external freedom.
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  18. Bulk Collection, Intrusion and Domination.Tom Sorell - 2018 - In Andrew I. Cohen (ed.), Philosophy and Public Policy. Lanham MD: Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 39-61.
    Bulk collection involves the mining of large data sets containing personal data, often for a security purpose. In 2013, Edward Snowden exposed large scale bulk collection on the part of the US National Security Agency as part of a secret counter-terrorism effort. This effort has mainly been criticised for its invasion of privacy. I argue that the right moral argument against it is not so much to do with intrusion, as ineffectiveness for its official purpose and the lack of oversight (...)
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  19. Change Changing (Mudar a Mudança).Mota Victor - manuscript
    changin the object of change, for a new man, a nem world, a new society.
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  20. Eduardo Assalone: La mediación ética. Estudio sobre la Filosofía del Derecho de Hegel. Llanes Ediciones, Buenos Aires, 2021. [REVIEW]Pedro Sepúlveda Zambrano - 2023 - Antítesis. Revista Iberoamericana de Estudios Hegelianos 5:121-127.
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  21. Liberal Arts and the Failures of Liberalism.James Dominic Rooney - forthcoming - In James Dominic Rooney & Patrick Zoll (eds.), Freedom and the Good: Beyond Classical Liberalism. Routledge.
    Public reason liberalism is the political theory which holds that coercive laws and policies are justified when and only when they are grounded in reasons of the public. The standard interpretation of public reason liberalism, consensus accounts, claim that the reasons persons share or that persons can derive from shared values determine which policies can be justified. In this paper, I argue that consensus approaches cannot justify fair educational policies and preserving cultural goods. Consensus approaches can resolve some controversies about (...)
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  22. Caught in a School Choice Quandary: What should an equity-minded parent do?Michael Merry - 2023 - Theory and Research in Education 21 (2):155-175.
    In this article, I examine a case involving an equity-minded parent caught in a quandary about which school to select for her child, knowing that her decision may have consequences for others. To do so, I heuristically construct a fictional portrait and explore the deliberative process a parent might have through a dialogue taking place among ‘friends’, where each friend personifies a different set of ethical considerations. I then briefly consider two competing philosophical assessments but argue that neither position helpfully (...)
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  23. Self-esteem and competition.Pablo Gilabert - 2023 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 49 (6):711-742.
    This paper explores the relations between self-esteem and competition. Self-esteem is a very important good and competition is a widespread phenomenon. They are commonly linked, as people often seek self-esteem through success in competition. Although competition in fact generates valuable consequences and can to some extent foster self-esteem, empirical research suggests that competition has a strong tendency to undermine self-esteem. To be sure, competition is not the source of all problematic deficits in self-esteem, and it can arise for, or undercut (...)
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  24. The material conditions of non-domination: Property, independence, and the means of production.Alexander Bryan - 2023 - European Journal of Political Theory 22 (3):425-444.
    While it is a point of agreement in contemporary republican political theory that property ownership is closely connected to freedom as non-domination, surprisingly little work has been done to elucidate the nature of this connection or the constraints on property regimes that might be required as a result. In this paper, I provide a systematic model of the boundaries within which republican property systems must sit and explore some of the wider implications that thinking of property in these terms may (...)
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  25. Longtermist Political Philosophy: An Agenda for Future Research.Andreas T. Schmidt & Jacob Barrett - forthcoming - In Jacob Barrett, David Thorstad & Hilary Greaves (eds.), Essays on Longtermism. Oxford University Press.
    We set out longtermist political philosophy as a research field by exploring the case for, and the implications of, ‘institutional longtermism’: the view that, when evaluating institutions, we should give significant weight to their very long-term effects. We begin by arguing that the standard case for longtermism may be more robust when applied to institutions than to individual actions or policies, both because institutions have large, broad, and long-term effects, and because institutional longtermism can plausibly sidestep various objections to individual (...)
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  26. Republicanism and the legitimacy of state border controls.Szilárd János Tóth - 2023 - Ethics and Global Politics 16 (1):30-47.
    A number of recent articles have invoked the republican ideal of non-domination to justify either open borders, and/or the reduction of states’ discretionary powers to unilaterally determine immigration policy. In this paper, I show that such arguments are one-sided, as they fail to fully account for the deep ambiguity of the very ideal which they invoke. In fact, non-domination lends just as powerful support to maintaining state border controls as it does to dismantling them. There are only two exceptions to (...)
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  27. Beyond the margins of metanarrativity: an inquiry on prejudice, decoloniality and cross‐cultural discourse.Wandile Ganya - 2023 - Curriculum Perspectives.
    This paper sets upon the elaboration of two inter-related enquiries: What do being and otherness look like beyond the margins of metanarrativity? What would the crossing of such margins entail? It takes as its basic assumption that prejudice arises from out of the historicity of being. A thesis of prejudice as a pre-reflexive operation or heuristic of the understanding a subject employs in order to arrive upon the conscious inclination to intuit that p is presented. Furthermore, it is posited that (...)
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  28. The Nature of Rights and the History of Empire.Duncan Ivison - 2006 - In David Armitage (ed.), British Political Thought in History, Literature, and Theory 1500-1800. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 91-2011.
    My aim in this chapter is to take the complexity of our histories of rights as seriously as the nature of rights themselves. Let me say immediately that the point is not to satisfy our sense of moral superiority by smugly pointing out the prejudices found in arguments made over three hundred years ago. We have more than our own share of problems and prejudices to deal with. Rather, in coming to grips with this history, and especially how early-modern political (...)
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  29. Nonviolence and Ethical Imagination.Jin Y. Park - 2022 - World Environment and Island Studies 12 (4):237-240.
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  30. "...κι όλο κινάει για να 'ρθει." Εξουσία, απόφαση και αυτονομία στη ριζοσπαστική πολιτική πρακτική του καιρού μας.Alexandros Schismenos - 2022 - In Kostas Galanopoulos & Dimitris Papanikolopoulos (eds.), Τι Να Κάνουμε. Σκέψεις Για Την Επανεκκίνηση Της Ριζοσπαστικής Πολιτικής. Athens:
    «Τι να κάνουμε;» [Что делать?], ήταν ο τίτλος ενός πολιτικού φυλλαδίου που έγραψε ο Β. Ι. Λένιν το 1901 και κυκλοφόρησε το 1902 στη Ρωσία. Παρόλο τον ερωτηματικό χαρακτήρα του τίτλου, η απάντηση του Λένιν που αναπτυσσόταν στις σελίδες του κειμένου, έμελλε να τεθεί προστακτικά στο επαναστατικό κίνημα.
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  31. Multiculturalism.Duncan Ivison - 2001 - In Neil J. Smelser & Paul B. Baltes (eds.), International Encyclopedia of Social and Behavioural Sciences. Pergamon. pp. 10169-75.
    First published in the International Encyclopaedia of Social and Behavioural Sciences (Pergamon Press, 2001); reprinted in the 2nd edition (2015). An overview of different justifications of multiculturalism in contemporary political theory, as well as various challenges to and critiques of those arguments.
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  32. Democratic Trust and Injustice.Duncan Ivison - 2023 - Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 2 (1):78-94.
    Trust is a crucial condition for the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic institutions in conditions of deep diversity and enduring injustices. Liberal democratic societies require forms of engagement and deliberation that require trustful relations between citizens: trust is a necessary condition for securing and sustaining just institutions and practices. Establishing trust is hard when there is a lingering suspicion that the institutions citizens are subject to are illegitimate or undermine their ability to participate and deliberate on equal terms. The promise (...)
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  33. Murray Bookchin and Contemporary Greek Social Movements.Alexandros Schismenos - 2021 - In Yavor Tarinski (ed.), ENLIGHTMENTand ECOLOGY The Legacy of Murray Bookchin in the 21st Century. Montreal: Black Rose Books. pp. 101 - 115.
    IT CAN BE ARGUED that there is no objective measurement of the influence of an individual’s thought upon collective social movements, especially in the case of direct democratic social movements for human emancipation from authority. This is certainly the case with Murray Bookchin, a revolutionary thinker who renounced Marxism to re-imagine anarchism and renounced anarchism to form his own political proposition of communalism and democratic confederalism. While it is impossible to measure the influence of Bookchin’s thought and action on the (...)
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  34. Freedom‐amelioration, transformative change, and emancipatory orders.Lukas Schmid - 2022 - European Journal of Philosophy 30 (4):1378-1392.
    Abstract“Freedom” is a fundamental political concept: contestations or endorsements of freedom-conceptions concern the fundamental normative orientation of sociopolitical orders. Focusing on “freedom,” this article argues that the project of bringing about emancipatory sociopolitical orders is both aided by efforts at engineering fundamental political concepts as well as required by such ameliorative ambitions. I first argue that since the absence of ideology is a constituent feature of emancipatory orders, any attempt at bringing about emancipation should leverage genealogical approaches in order to (...)
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  35. Ignorance and the Incentive Structure confronting Policymakers.Scott Scheall - 2019 - Cosmos + Taxis Studies in Emergent Order and Organization 7 (1 + 2):39-51.
    The paper examines one of the considerations that determines the extent to which policymakers pursue the objec- tives demanded by constituents. The nature and extent of their ignorance serve to determine the incentives confronted by policymakers to pursue their constituents’ demands. The paper also considers several other consequences of policymaker ig- norance and its relationship to expert failure.
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  36. The Possibility and Defensibility of NonState ‘Censorship’.Andrew Jason Cohen & Andrew I. Cohen - 2022 - In J. P. Messina (ed.), New Directions in the Ethics and Politics of Speech. NY: Routledge. pp. 13-31.
    Whether Social Media Companies (hereafter, SMCs) such as Twitter and Facebook limit speech is an empirical question. No one disputes that they do. Whether they “censor” speech is a conceptual question, the answer to which is a matter of dispute. Whether they may do so is a moral question, also a matter of dispute. We address both of these latter questions and hope to illuminate whether it is morally permissible for SMCs to restrict speech on their platforms. This could be (...)
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  37. Political Poverty as the Loss of Experiential Freedom.Joonas S. Martikainen - 2021 - Dissertation, University of Helsinki
    The purpose of this dissertation is to design a conception of political poverty that can address the loss of the experience of political freedom. This form of political poverty is described as separate from poverty of resources and opportunities, and poverty of capabilities required for participation. The study aims to make intelligible how a person or a group can suffer from a diminishing and fracturing of social experience, which can lead to the inability to experience oneself as a capable and (...)
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  38. Warding off the Evil Eye: Peer Envy in Rawls's Just Society.James S. Pearson - forthcoming - Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie.
    This article critically analyzes Rawls’s attitude toward envy. In A Theory of Justice, Rawls is predominantly concerned with the threat that class envy poses to political stability. Yet he also briefly discusses the kind of envy that individuals experience toward their social peers, which he calls particular envy, and which I refer to as peer envy. He quickly concludes, however, that particular envy would not present a serious risk to the stability of his just society. In this article, I contest (...)
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  39. Eugene Debs and the Socialist Republic.Tom O’Shea - 2022 - Political Theory 50 (6):861-888.
    I reconstruct the civic republican foundations of Eugene Debs’s socialist critique of capitalism, demonstrating how he uses a neo-roman conception of freedom to condemn waged labour. Debs is also shown to build upon this neo-roman liberty in his socialist republican objections to the plutocratic capture of the law and threats of violence faced by the labour movement. This Debsian socialist republicanism can be seen to rest on an ambitious understanding of the demands of citizen sovereignty and civic solidarity. While Debs (...)
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  40. Nicole Oresme e S. Agostino.Stefano Caroti - 2016 - In Fabrizio Amerini & Stefano Caroti (eds.), Ipsum verum non videbis nisi in philosophiam totus intraveris. Studi in onore di Franco De Capitani. Parma: E-theca OnLineOpenAccess Edizioni. pp. 98-123.
    Nicole Oresme cannot be counted among those late medieval philosophers who fostered a return to Augustine. Nevertheless, quotations from Augustine in Oresme’s works are not just tributes to one of the most outstanding thinkers. Indeed, in Oresme’s anti-astrological works Augustine’s De civitate Dei is one of the most relevant sources, while in his commentary on Aristotle’s Ethica (in its French translation) Oresme’s idea of freedom is largely inspired by Augustine.
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  41. A Dialogue on Republicanism.Chrysostomos Mantzavinos - 2022 - Revue de Philosophie Économique 1 (1):193-236.
    Two interlocutors, Philip Pettit and a student, are exchanging views on liberal political and economic philosophy during lunch at Prospect House, the faculty club of Princeton. The dialogue begins with clarifications of the notion of liberty, and, against objections of the student, Pettit introduces and defends his own conception of freedom as non-domination rather than as non-interference. It proceeds with an exchange of arguments regarding the different kinds of institutional settings that entrench liberty and all the other things valued by (...)
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  42. Political liberalism and the false neutrality objection.Étienne Brown - 2018 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 1 (7):1-20.
    One central objection to philosophical defences of liberal neutrality is that many neutrally justified laws and policies are nonetheless discriminatory as they unilaterally impose costs or confer unearned privileges on the bearers of a particular conception of the good. Call this the false neutrality objection. While liberal neutralists seldom consider this objection to be a serious allegation, and often claim that it rests on a misunderstanding, I argue that it is a serious challenge for proponents of justificatory neutrality. Indeed, a (...)
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  43. Freedom of Expression and the Argument from Self-Defense.Jimmy Alfonso Licon - 2022 - Think 21 (62):23-31.
    Some philosophers hold that stifling free expression stifles intellectual life. Others reply that freedom of expression can harm members of marginalized groups by alienating them from social life or worse. Yet we should still favour freedom of expression, especially where marginalized groups are concerned. It's better to know who has repugnant beliefs as it allows marginalized groups to identify threats: free expression qua self-defence.
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  44. Kant’s Four Political Conditions: Barbarism, Despotism, Anarchy, and Republic.Helga Varden - 2022 - Norsk Filosofisk Tidsskrift 57 (3-4):194-207.
    In Kant’s “Doctrine of Right” there is a philosophical and interpretive puzzle surrounding the translation of a key concept: Gewalt. Should we translate it as “force,” “power,” or “violence”? This raises both general questions in Kant’s legal-political philosophy as well as puzzles regarding Kant’s definitions of “barbarism,” “anarchy,” “despotism,” and “republic” as the four possible political conditions. First, I argue that we have good textual reasons for translating Gewalt as “violence”—a translation which has the advantage that it answers these questions (...)
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  45. Freedom, security, and the COVID-19 pandemic.Josette Anna Maria Daemen - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    Freedom and security are often portrayed as things that have to be traded off against one another, but this view does not capture the full complexity of the freedom-security relationship. Rather, there seem to be four different ways in which freedom and security connect to each other: freedom can come at the cost of security, security can come at the cost of freedom, freedom can work to the benefit of security, and security can work to the benefit of freedom. This (...)
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  46. Don't Block the Exits.Justin Tosi & Brandon Warmke - 2022 - In J. P. Messina (ed.), New Directions in the Ethics and Politics of Speech. Routledge. pp. 50-60.
    In contemporary political discussions, it is depressingly common to see people criticized for expressing impure beliefs. Moreover, those who sometimes defect from their tribe are criticized for failing to be firmly enough on the side of the angels. We consider explanations for this behavior, including its relationship to moral grandstanding. We will also argue, on both moral and epistemic grounds, in favor of a norm against “blocking the exits.” We should not use social pressure to discourage people from publicly changing (...)
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  47. Discursive Integrity and the Principles of Responsible Public Debate.Matthew Chrisman - 2022 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 22 (2).
    This paper articulates a general distinction between two important communicative ideals—expressive sincerity and discursive integrity—and then uses it to analyze problems with political debate in contemporary democracies. In the context of philosophical discussions of different forms of trustworthiness and debates about deliberative democracy, self-knowledge, and moral testimony, the paper develops three arguments for the conclusion that, although expressive sincerity is valuable, we should not ignore discursive integrity in thinking about how to address problems with contemporary political debate. The paper concludes (...)
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  48. Way - Reflections on the Art of Living.Alik Pelman - 2021 - Israel: Asia Publishers.
    Reflections on Ethical Living, Asia Publishers, (2021). Editor: Prof. Dror Burstein. (In Hebrew) Two academic events dedicated to the book hosted 7 commentators discussing its key philosophical themes: the Van Leer Institute in Jerusalem, and the Technion – Israel Institute of Technology. The book has also generated over 20 interviews in the main Israeli media channels.
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  49. Should market harms be an exception to the Harm Principle?Richard Endörfer - 2022 - Economics and Philosophy 38 (2):221-241.
    Many proponents of the Harm Principle seem to implicitly assume that the principle is compatible with permitting the free exchange of goods and services, even if such exchanges generate so-called market harms. I argue that, as a result, proponents of the Harm Principle face a dilemma: either the Harm Principle’s domain cannot include a large number of non-market harm cases or market harms must be treated on par with non-market harms. I then go on to discuss three alternative arguments defending (...)
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  50. Function-Based Conceptual Engineering and the Authority Problem.Matthieu Queloz - 2022 - Mind 131 (524):1247-1278.
    In this paper, I identify a central problem for conceptual engineering: the problem of showing concept-users why they should recognise the authority of the concepts advocated by engineers. I argue that this authority problem cannot generally be solved by appealing to the increased precision, consistency, or other theoretical virtues of engineered concepts. Outside contexts in which we anyway already aim to realise theoretical virtues, solving the authority problem requires engineering to take a functional turn and attend to the functions of (...)
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