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  1. Open Borders Without Open Access (Conference Version July 2019).Dan Demetriou - manuscript
    What are libertarian open borders advocates even advocating for? Is it, as the title to Michael Huemer’s influential essay suggests, a prima facie “right to immigrate”? Or is it, as the branding connotes, literal open borders, or a strong prima facie moral right to free movement across borders that entails a right to immigrate? In this paper, I peel apart the view that people have a strong moral right to freely cross international borders, or "open access," from the view that (...)
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  2. The Right to Move Versus the Right to Exclude: A Principled Defense of Open Borders.Michael Huemer - manuscript
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  3. Asylum, Credible Fear Tests, and Colonial Violence.Elena Ruíz & Ezgi Sertler - manuscript
    A credible fear test is an in-depth interview process given to undocumented people of any age arriving at a U.S. port of entry to determine qualification for asylum-seeking. Credible fear tests as a typical immigration procedure demonstrate not only what structural epistemic violence looks like but also how this violence lives in and through the design of asylum policy. Key terms of credible fear tests such as “significant possibility,” “evidence,” “consistency,” and “credibility” can never be neutral in the context of (...)
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  4. "Jacques Derrida. Tentazione di Siracusa. Milano-Udine, Mimesis Edizioni. 74 pp." Reseña de Facundo Bey [Éndoxa (UNED), 2020, No. 46, pp. 497-504, ISSN 2174-5676]. [REVIEW]Facundo Bey - 2020 - Endoxa 46:497-504.
    Tentazione di Siracusa, "Tentación de Siracusa", es el título que eligió Jacques Derrida (1930-2004) para la breve, aunque magistral, conferencia que pronunció el 18 de enero de 2001 en Ortigia, en el Palacio del Senado siracusano. Allí fue convocado por las autoridades del Collegio Siciliano di Filosofía y por el entonces intendente de la comuna sícula, Giambattista Bufardeci, quien le otorgó en tal ocasión la ciudadanía honoraria de esa antigua y culturalmente variada urbe mediterránea, una ciudad atravesada milenariamente por la (...)
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  5. Bienvenue en Enfer sur Terre.Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press.
    L’Amérique et le monde sont en train de s’effondrer à cause d’une croissance démographique excessive, la plupart pour le siècle dernier et maintenant tout cela en raison de la 3e population mondiale. La consommation de ressources et l’ajout d’un ou deux milliards de dollars de plus vers 2100 vont effondrer la civilisation industrielle et provoquer la famine, la maladie, la violence et la guerre à une échelle stupéfiante. Des milliards vont mourir et la guerre nucléaire est presque certaine. En Amérique, (...)
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  6. 中国七位痴呆的连环杀手独裁者如何与第三次世界大战作斗争以及制止他们的三种方式 (How the Seven Sociopaths Who Rule China are Winning World War and Three and Three Ways to Stop Them (2019)).Michael Richard Starks - 2020 - In 欢迎来到地球上的地狱: 婴儿,气候变化,比特币,卡特尔,中国,民主,多样性,养成基因,平等,黑客,人权,伊斯兰教,自由主义,繁荣,网络,混乱。饥饿,疾病,暴力,人工智能,战争. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 293-297.
    我们必须记住的第一件事是,当说中国这样说或中国这样做时,我们不是说中国人民,而是控制中国共产党的社会路径者,即七大社会病态连环杀手。中共常务委员会或中央政治局委员等25人。 中共对三战和全面统治的计划在中国政府的出版物和演讲中已经非常明确地阐述了,这就是习近平的"中国梦"。只有统治中国的少数人(也许只有几十到几百人)的梦想,也是其他人(包括14亿中国人 )的噩梦。每年100亿美元使他们或他们的傀儡拥有或控制报纸、杂志、电视和广播频道,每天在世界各地的大多数主要媒体上放置假新闻。 此外,他们有一支军队(也许有数百万人),他们滚动所有媒体进行更多的宣传,淹没合法的评论(50美分的军队)。 除了剥夺第三世界的资源外,数万亿美元的"一带一路"倡议的主要主旨是在全世界建立军事基地。他们迫使自由世界陷入大规模的高科技军备竞赛,使得与苏联的冷战看起来像是野餐。 尽管SSSSK和世界上其他的军事国家都在高级硬件上花费巨资,但WW3(或导致它的小型交战)很可能以软件为主。SSSSK,可能有更多的黑客(编码器)为他们工作,然后世界其他国家加起来,通过通过网络瘫痪他 们的敌人,以最小的物理冲突赢得未来的战争。"没有卫星,没有电话,没有通讯,没有金融交易,没有电网,没有互联网,没有先进的武器,没有车辆,火车,船舶和飞机。 罢免中共只有两条主要途径,即释放14亿中国囚犯,结束向第三次世界大战的疯狂进军。 和平的一个方案是发动一场全面的贸易战来摧毁中国经济,直到军方受够了,把中共赶出去。 关闭中国经济的替代方案是一场有限的战争,比如在中共第20届大会上,50架热压无人机进行有针对性的打击,当时所有高层成员都在一个地方,但这种情况要到2022年才会发生。一个可以击中年度全体会议。 袭击发生后,中国人将被告知,他们必须放下武器,准备举行民主选举,否则就要进入石器时代。另一种选择是全面核攻击。 鉴于中共目前的路线,军事对抗是不可避免的。 几十年后,这种情况可能会发生在南中国海或台湾的岛屿上,但随着它们在世界各地建立军事基地,它可能发生在任何地方(见"卧虎藏"等)。 未来的冲突将有硬性与软性方面与中共的既定目标,强调网络战争,通过黑客和瘫痪控制系统的所有军事和工业通信,设备,发电厂,卫星,互联网,银行,以及连接到网络的任何设备或车辆。 SS正在缓慢地部署一系列全球载人和自主水面和水下潜艇或无人驾驶飞机,这些潜艇或无人机能够发射可能处于休眠状态,等待中国发出信号,甚至寻找美国船只或飞机的签名。 在摧毁我们的卫星,从而消除美国和我们全球部队之间的通信的同时,他们将使用他们的卫星,与无人机一起瞄准和摧毁我们目前优越的海军部队。 当然,所有这一切都是越来越多地由AI自动完成的。 到目前为止,中共最大的盟友是美国民主党。 选择是现在停止中共,或者看着他们把中国监狱扩展到全世界。 当然,对我们的生活进行普遍监控和数字化是不可避免的。任何不这么认为的人,都是极度脱节的。 当然,正是那些期待中国社会路径者统治世界的人,而悲观主义者(他们认为自己是现实主义者)则期望AI的社会病态 (或我称之为"假愚蠢"或"人造社会病态")的选择性。)接管,也许到2030年。 那些有兴趣在现代社会的疯狂道路的进一步细节可能会参考我的其他作品,如自杀的民主-美国和世界第三版2019年和自 杀乌托邦幻想在21日世纪:哲学、人性与文明的崩溃(2019).
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  7. Migratorial Disobedience: The Fetishization of Immigration Law.Grant Joseph Silva - 2019 - RPA Mag.
    This short article lays the foundation for a theory of migratorial disobedience and explains how pro-border advocates fetishize immigration law.
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  8. Comment les sept sociopathes qui gouvernent la Chine gagnent la troisième et trois façons de les arrêter.Michael Richard Starks - 2019 - In Suicide par La Démocratie - Nécrologie pour l'Amérique et le monde. Las Vegas, NV USA: Reality Press. pp. 48-54.
    La première chose que nous devons garder à l'esprit est que lorsque vous dites que la Chine dit ceci ou la Chine fait cela, nous ne parlons pas du peuple chinois, mais des sociopathes qui contrôlent le PCC -- Parti communiste chinois, c'est-à-dire les sept tueurs en série sociopathiques séniles (SSSSK) de l'E e Comité permanent du PCC ou des 25 membres du Politburo, etc. -/- Les plans du PCC pour la Troiseme Guerre mondiale et la domination totale sont énoncés (...)
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  9. International Migration and Human Rights.Luara Ferracioli - 2018 - In Oxford Handbook of International Political Theory. Oxford University Press.
    In this chapter, I bring non-ideal theory to bear on the ethics of immigration. In particular, I explore what the obligations of liberal states would be if they were to attempt to implement migration arrangements that conform to liberal-cosmopolitan principles. I argue that some of the obligations states have are feasibility-insensitive, while some are feasibility-sensitive. I show that such obligations can have as their content both the inclusion and exclusion of prospective immigrants, and that they can be grounded in the (...)
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  10. On the Rights of Temporary Migrants.Luara Ferracioli & Christian Barry - 2018 - The Journal of Legal Studies 47 (S1): S149-S168.
    Temporary workers stand to gain from temporary migration programs, which can also benefit sender and recipient states. Some critics of temporary migration programs, however, argue that failing to extend citizenship rights or a secure pathway to permanent residency to such migrants places them in an unacceptable position of domination with respect to other members of society. We shall argue that access to permanent residency and citizenship rights should not be regarded as a condition for the moral permissibility of such programs. (...)
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  11. “Dreamers” and Others: Immigration Protests, Enforcement, and Civil Disobedience.Matthew J. Lister - 2018 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 17 (2):15-17.
    In this short paper I hope to use some ideas drawn from the theory and practice of civil disobedience to address one of the most difficult questions in immigration theory, one rarely addressed by philosophers or other theorists working on the topic: How should we respond to people who violate immigration law? I will start with what I take to be the easiest case for my approach—that of so-called “Dreamers”—unauthorized immigrants in the US who were brought to this country while (...)
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  12. What Do We Owe The Forcibly Displaced? [REVIEW]José Jorge Mendoza - 2018 - Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 11 (1).
    This is a review of Serena Parekh's book: Refugees and the Ethics of Forced Displacement.
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  13. The Contradiction of Crimmigation.José Jorge Mendoza - 2018 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 17 (2):6-9.
    This essay argues that we should find Crimmigration, which is the collapsing of immigration law with criminal law, morally problematic for three reasons. First, it denies those who are facing criminal penalties important constitutional protections. Second, it doubly punishes those who have already served their criminal sentence with an added punishment that should be considered cruel and unusual (i.e., indefinite imprisonment or exile). Third, when the tactics aimed at protecting and serving local communities get usurped by the federal government for (...)
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  14. Private Contractors, Foreign Troops, and Offshore Detention Centers: The Ethics of Externalizing Immigration Controls.Alex Sager - 2018 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 17 (2):12-15.
    Despite the prevalence of externalization, much work in the ethics of immigration continues to assume that the admission of immigrants is determined by state immigration officials who decide whether to admit travelers at official crossings. This assumption neglects how decisions about entrance have been increasingly relocated abroad – to international waters, consular offices, airports, or foreign territories – often with non-governmental or private actors, as well as foreign governments functioning as intermediaries. Externalization poses a fundamental challenge to achieving just migration (...)
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  15. When the Practice Gets Complicated: Human Rights, Migrants, and Political Institutions.Jelena Belic - 2017 - In Reidar Maliks & Johan Schaffer (eds.), Moral and Political Conceptions of Human Rights: Implications for Theory and Practice. pp. 181 - 203.
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  16. Politiques d'irrégularisation par le travail: le cas de la France.Speranta Dumitru & Caroline Caplan - 2017 - In Cohérence et incohérence dans la géstion des migrations et de l'intégration. Montreal: Éditions Thémis. pp. 267-289.
    Dans l’opinion publique, la migration « irrégulière » est associée à l’entrée et au séjour non autorisés. Un nombre croissant d’études indiquent toutefois qu’elle résulte de la production de catégories légales de séjour autorisé. Le présent chapitre enrichit cette littérature, en montrant comment la construction de la catégorie légale de travail autorisé est productrice d’immigration « irrégulière ». En effet, la multiplication des conditions d’accès à l’autorisation de travail a pour effet de priver de droit au séjour des personnes autrement (...)
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  17. The Jurisdiction Argument for Immigration Control.Andy Lamey - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (3):581-604.
    Jurisdictionism offers a new rationale for restricting immigration. Immigrants impose new obligations on the people whose territories they enter. Insofar as these obligations are unwanted, polities are justified in turning immigrants away, so long as the immigrants are from a country that respects their rights. The theory, however, employs a flawed account of obligation, which overlooks how we can be obliged to take on new duties to immigrants. Jurisdictionism also employs different standards when determining whether an obligation exists, only one (...)
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  18. Immigration as a Human Right.Kieran Oberman - 2016 - In Sarah Fine & Lea Ypi (eds.), Migration in Political Theory: The Ethics of Movement and Membership. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 32-56.
    This chapter argues that people have a human right to immigrate to other states. People have essential interests in being able to make important personal decisions and engage in politics without state restrictions on the options available to them. It is these interests that other human rights, such as the human rights to internal freedom of movement, expression and association, protect. The human right to immigrate is not absolute. Like other human freedom rights , it can be restricted in certain (...)
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  19. The Refugee Crisis & The Responsibility Of Intellectuals.Alex Sager - 2016 - The Critique.
    According to the UN, 65.3 million forcibly displaced people languish in camps and slums or making desperate journeys toward safety. The global community has not only failed to help many of these people; in many cases it has actively obstructed them from finding security and a new home for themselves and their families. Moral responsibilities to refugees are not exhausted by policies and actions. They also extend to how to think about the refugee crisis. Pundits, politicians, and political philosophers have (...)
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  20. Interrogating the Migration Industry. [REVIEW]Alex Sager - 2016 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 9 (1):93-98.
    Review of Ruben Andersson,Illegality, Inc. (Oakland, CA: University of California Press, 2014)and Amy Nethery and Stephanie J. Silverman(eds.), Immigration Detention: The Migration of a Policy and its Human Impact.(London and New York: Routledge, 2015).
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  21. Doing Away with Juan Crow: Two Standards for Just Immigration Reform.José Jorge Mendoza - 2015 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 15 (2):14-20.
    In 2008 Robert Lovato coined the phrase Juan Crow. Juan Crow is a type of policy or enforcement of immigration laws that discriminate against Latino/as in the United States. This essay looks at the implications this phenomenon has for an ethics of immigration. It argues that Juan Crow, like its predecessor Jim Crow, is not merely a condemnation of federalism, but of any immigration reform that has stricter enforcement as one of its key components. Instead of advocating for increased enforcement, (...)
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  22. Enforcement Matters: Reframing the Philosophical Debate Over Immigration.José Jorge Mendoza - 2015 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 29 (1):73-90.
    In debating the ethics of immigration, philosophers have focused much of their attention on determining whether a political community ought to have the discretionary right to control immigration. They have not, however, given the same amount of consideration to determining whether there are any ethical limits on how a political community enforces its immigration policy. This article, therefore, offers a different approach to immigration justice. It presents a case against legitimate states having discretionary control over immigration by showing both how (...)
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  23. Latino/a Immigration: A Refutation of the Social Trust Argument.José Jorge Mendoza - 2015 - In Harald Bauder & Christian Matheis (eds.), Migration Policy and Practice: Interventions and Solutions. Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 37-57.
    The social trust argument asserts that a political community cannot survive without social trust, and that social trust cannot be achieved or maintained without a political community having discretionary control over immigration. Various objections have already been raised against this argument, but because those objections all assume various liberal commitments they leave the heart of the social trust argument untouched. This chapter argues that by looking at the socio-historical circumstances of Latino/as in the United States, an inherent weakness of the (...)
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  24. HPV and the Ethics of CDC’s Vaccination Requirements for Immigrants.Mark Navin - 2015 - Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 25 (2):111-132.
    Joseph Carens’ groundbreaking article on immigration ethics begins with the observation that “[b]orders have guards and the guards have guns”. I begin my article with a similar observation: border guards have syringes. Aliens who do not want to be turned away by a border guard’s gun must often agree to be injected with vaccines. While Carens challenges the popular consensus that states have an expansive moral right to forcibly restrict migration, my focus is narrower. I will evaluate the claim that (...)
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  25. Introduction to Special Issue.Grant J. Silva & José Jorge Mendoza - 2015 - Public Affairs Quarterly 29 (2):135-137.
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  26. Migration, citoyenneté et inégalités globales : introduction.Martin Provencher - 2012 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (2):4-8.
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