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Freedom as antipower

Ethics 106 (3):576-604 (1996)

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  1. Brainjacking in Deep Brain Stimulation and Autonomy.Jonathan Pugh, Laurie Pycroft, Anders Sandberg, Tipu Aziz & Julian Savulescu - 2018 - Ethics and Information Technology 20 (3):219-232.
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  • Market Freedom as Antipower.Robert S. Taylor - 2013 - American Political Science Review 107 (3):593-602.
    Historically, republicans were of different minds about markets: some, such as Rousseau, reviled them, while others, like Adam Smith, praised them. The recent republican resurgence has revived this issue. Classical liberals such as Gerald Gaus contend that neo-republicanism is inherently hostile to markets, while neo-republicans like Richard Dagger and Philip Pettit reject this characterization—though with less enthusiasm than one might expect. I argue here that the right republican attitude toward competitive markets is celebratory rather than acquiescent and that republicanism demands (...)
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  • The Rule of Law and Equality.Paul Gowder - 2013 - Law and Philosophy 32 (5):565-618.
    This paper describes and defends a novel and distinctively egalitarian conception of the rule of law. Official behavior is to be governed by preexisting, public rules that do not draw irrelevant distinctions between the subjects of law. If these demands are satisfied, a state achieves vertical equality between officials and ordinary people and horizontal legal equality among ordinary people.
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  • Le droit à la liberté des animaux sensibles.Valéry Giroux - 2015 - In Méryl Pinque (ed.), Bêtes humaines. Autrement.
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  • Neorepublicanism and the Domination of Posterity.Corey Katz - 2019 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 22 (2):151-171.
    ABSTRACTSome have recently argued that the current generation dominates future generations by causing long-term climate change. They relate these claims to Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett’s neorepub...
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  • Algumas concepções filosóficas sobre a mulher e a reapropriação capitalista do patriarcado.Gigliola Mendes - 2013 - Cadernos da SIF 2013: Volume VII: Filosofia Política E Valores.
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  • Republicanism and Markets.Robert S. Taylor - 2019 - In Yiftah Elazar & Geneviève Rousselière (eds.), Republicanism and the Future of Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 207-223.
    The republican tradition has long been ambivalent about markets and commercial society more generally: from the contrasting positions of Rousseau and Smith in the eighteenth century to recent neorepublican debates about capitalism, republicans have staked out diverse positions on fundamental issues of political economy. Rather than offering a systematic historical survey of these discussions, this chapter will instead focus on the leading neo-republican theory—that of Philip Pettit—and consider its implications for market society. As I will argue, Pettit’s theory is even (...)
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  • A Non-Utilitarian Consequentialist Value Framework (Pettit's and Sen's Theories of Values).V. Gluchman - 1999 - Filozofia 54 (7):483-494.
    Consequentialism is seen by Philip Pettit mainly as a theory of the appropriate; in his conception of virtual consequentialism he is much less concerned with the theory of Good. Nevertheless, he pays attention to values such as rights, freedom, loyalty, confidence, dignity and love, although his analyses are isolated, and the connections with other values are not taken into account. He focuses especially on the values of freedom and rights. Contrary to Pettit, Amaryta Sen is much more concerned with the (...)
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  • Various Contexts of the Idea of Human Dignity.V. Gluchman - 2004 - Filozofia 59:69-74.
    Prominent critics of consequentialism hold that utilitarianism is not capable of accepting authentic human values, because the consequentialist viewpoint is impersonal. According to it consequentialist rationality has no axiological limits and it can think about doing the unthinkable. The main objective of the paper is to show that human dignity has a significant position in the author's conception of ethics of social consequences (a non-utilitarian consequentialism) arguing for a particular theory of the value of human dignity. The author argues that (...)
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  • A Brief History of Liberty--And Its Lessons.Philip Pettit - 2016 - Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 17:5-21.
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  • Donation Without Domination: Private Charity and Republican Liberty.Robert S. Taylor - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy 26 (4):441-462.
    Contemporary republicans have adopted a less-than-charitable attitude toward private beneficence, especially when it is directed to the poor, worrying that rich patrons may be in a position to exercise arbitrary power over their impoverished clients. These concerns have led them to support impartial public provision by way of state welfare programs, including an unconditional basic income (UBI). In contrast to this administrative model of public welfare, I will propose a competitive model in which the state regulates and subsidizes a decentralized (...)
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  • Self-Consciousness in Animals: Advantages and Problems of a Multipronged Approach.Florian Leonhard Wüstholz - 2015 - Kriterion - Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):1-18.
    Self-consciousness in non-human animals is a complex phenomenon which raises both conceptual and methodological problems. First, what do we mean by the concept of ‘self-consciousness’? Secondly, what is the best experimental approach to self-consciousness? This paper gives a short overview of the concept of self-consciousness in section 1. We can understand the concept of self-consciousness as capturing the ability of subjects to consciously think about themselves as themselves. If this is accurate, then it is prudent to look at a broad (...)
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  • Backwards Into the Future: Neorepublicanism as a Postsocialist Critique of Market Society.Gerald F. Gaus - 2003 - Social Philosophy and Policy 20 (1):59-91.
    A. Two conceptions of moral legitimacy Socialism, understood as the rejection of markets based on private property in favor of comprehensive centralized economic planning, is no longer a serious political option. If the core of capitalism is the organization of the economy primarily through market competition based on private property, then capitalism has certainly defeated socialism. Markets have been accepted—and central planning abandoned—throughout most of the “third world” and the formerly Communist states. In the advanced industrial states of the West, (...)
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  • Positive Freedom and the Citizen in Athens.Naomi T. Campa - 2018 - Polis 35 (1):1-32.
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  • Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.Robert S. Taylor - 2017 - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Contemporary republicanism is characterized by three main ideas: free persons, who are not subject to the arbitrary power of others; free states, which try to protect their citizens from such power without exercising it themselves; and vigilant citizenship, as a means to limit states to their protective role. This book advances an economic model of such republicanism that is ideologically centre-left. It demands an exit-oriented state interventionism, one that would require an activist government to enhance competition and resource exit from (...)
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  • Three Concepts of Political Liberty.Kyle Swan - 2003 - In Journal of Markets and Morality. pp. 117-142.
    The distinction between negative and positive liberty is familiar to political philosophers. The negative variety is freedom as noninterference. The positive variety is freedom as self-mastery. However, recently there has been an attempt on the part of a growing number of philosophers, historians, and legal scholars to recapture a third concept of political liberty uncovered from within the rich tradition of civic republicanism. Republican political liberty is freedom as nondomination. I argue that features that distinguish it from noninterference and self-mastery (...)
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  • Shared Autonomous Reasoning: Interpretations of Habermasian Discourse for The Community of Philosophical Inquiry.Natalie M. Fletcher - 2016 - Analytic Teaching and Philosophical Praxis 37 (1):46-62.
    Can autonomous reasoning be shared? According to many philosophical perspectives, from Kantian ethics to libertarian theories, this question seems incoherent – the purpose of an individual being able to think rationally for herself, to determine what she finds important and advance her own ends in accordance, seems to lose its appeal if she must engage in this process jointly with others and result in having the same concerns, perspectives, and goals in common. A crucial motivation for many accounts of autonomy (...)
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  • Freedom's Spontaneity.Jonathan Gingerich - 2018 - Dissertation,
    Many people have experienced a peculiar feeling of freedom, of the world being open before them. This is the feeling evoked by phrases like “free as a bird,” “the freedom of the open road,” and “free spirits.” Drawing on a study of literary characters, I develop a phenomenological profile of spontaneous freedom, arguing that we experience spontaneous freedom when we feel that our actions are not fully settled in advance by our own consciously endorsed practical identities, plans, or prior decisions (...)
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  • Republicanism and Global Justice.Cécile Laborde - 2010 - European Journal of Political Theory 9 (1):48-69.
    The republican tradition seems to have a blind spot about global justice. It has had little to say about pressing international issues such as world poverty or global inequalities. According to the old, if apocryphal, adage: extra rempublicam nulla justitia. Some may doubt that distributive justice is the primary virtue of republican institutions; and at any rate most would agree that republican values have traditionally been realized in the polis not in the cosmopolis. The article sketches a republican account of (...)
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  • Surveillance, Freedom and the Republic.J. Matthew Hoye & Jeffrey Monaghan - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):343-363.
    Arbitrary state and corporate powers are helping to turn the Internet into a global surveillance dragnet. Responses to this novel form of power have been tepid and ineffective. Liberal critiques of surveillance are constrained by their focus on privacy, security and the underlying presupposition that freedom consists only of freedom from interference. By contrast, Foucauldian critiques rejecting liberalism have been well rewarded analytically, but have proven incapable of addressing normative questions regarding the relationship between surveillance and freedom. Quite apart from (...)
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  • Domination and Global Political Justice: Conceptual, Historical and Institutional Perspectives.Barbara Buckinx, Jonathan Trejo-Mathys & Timothy Waligore - 2015 - New York, NY, USA: Routledge.
    Domination consists in subjection to the will of others and manifests itself both as a personal relation and a structural phenomenon serving as the context for relations of power. Domination has again become a central political concern through the revival of the republican tradition of political thought . However, normative debates about domination have mostly remained limited to the context of domestic politics. Also, the republican debate has not taken into account alternative ways of conceptualizing domination. Critical theorists, liberals, feminists, (...)
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  • Domination Across Borders: An Introduction.Barbara Buckinx, Jonathan Trejo-Mathys & Timothy Waligore - 2015 - In Barbara Buckinx, Jonathan Trejo-Mathys & Timothy Waligore (eds.), Domination and Global Political Justice: Conceptual, Historical and Institutional Perspectives. New York: Routledge. pp. 1-33.
    This chapter explores the different dimensions of domination, including whether it has a structural approach, its relation to race and imperialism, and how non-domination can be institutionalized and achieved at a global level.
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  • Neorepublicanism and the Domination of Posterity.Corey Katz - 2017 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 20 (3):294-313.
    Some have recently argued that the current generation dominates future generations by causing long-term climate change. They relate these claims to Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett's neorepublican theory of domination. In this paper, I examine their claims and ask whether the neorepublican conception of domination remains theoretically coherent when the relation is between current agents and nonoverlapping future subjects. I differentiate between an ‘outcome’ and a ‘relational’ conception of domination. I show how both are theoretically coherent when extended to posterity (...)
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  • From Self-Legislation to Self-Determination: Democracy and the New Circumstances of Global Politics.James Bohman - 2016 - Critical Horizons 17 (1):123-134.
    It is a distinctive feature of the global political order that democracy is no longer confined to nation-states, characterized by extensive and overlapping constituencies. It is important to think of the significance of these developments for individuals’ self-determination, which may be undermined in different ways. Here it is argued that democracy must serve to delegate power to complex units of decision making which favour self-determination. Contestability is part of this form of self-determination, allowing forms of politics to emerge based on (...)
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  • Market Unfreedom.Paul Gowder - 2014 - Critical Review 26 (3-4):306-347.
    John Tomasi's “market democrat” is right to suppose that Rawlsians have erred in omitting economic liberty from their theories of justice. A Rawlsian ought to include economic liberty as a basic freedom because it facilitates individuals' development and pursuit of their conceptions of the good. However, the most plausible version of economic liberty will require the state to guarantee, if possible, that no one will be driven by economic desperation to engage in immiserating work, which may impair rather than facilitate (...)
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  • Republican Theory and Criminal Punishment.Philip Pettit - 1997 - Utilitas 9 (1):59.
    Suppose we embrace the republican ideal of freedom as non-domination: freedom as immunity to arbitrary interference. In that case those acts that call uncontroversially for criminalization will usually be objectionable on three grounds: the offender assumes a dominating position in relation to the victim, the offender reduces the range or ease of undominated choice on the part of the victim, and the offender raises a spectre of domination for others like the victim. And in that case, so it appears, the (...)
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  • Justice as a Secondary Moral Ideal: The British Idealists and the Personal Ethics Perspective in Understanding Social Justice.Maria Dimova-Cookson - 2011 - European Journal of Political Theory 10 (1):46-70.
    This paper aims to show the advantages of the personal ethics perspective employed by the British idealists in the analysis of justice. In the context of Green’s and Bosanquet’s political theory, justice is a secondary moral ideal. Yet, it is argued here, their moral philosophy leads us, through a longer path, to the philosophical grounds we already occupy today: those of thinking about human rights as fundamental, not derivative, i.e. thinking about justice as a primary, not secondary moral ideal. There (...)
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  • Republican International Relations.Nathan Wood - 2015 - Kriterion - Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):51-78.
    Contemporary proponents of republican political theory often focus on the concept of freedom as non-domination, and how best to promote it within a state. However, there is little attention paid to what the republican conception of freedom demands in the international realm. In this essay I examine what is required for an agent to enjoy freedom as non-domination, and argue that this might only be achieved for individuals if one of two possibilities is pursued internationally: either (1) all nations are (...)
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  • Should We Use Racial and Gender Generics?Katherine Ritchie - 2019 - Thought: A Journal of Philosophy 8 (1):33-41.
    Recently several philosophers have argued that racial, gender, and other social generic generalizations should be avoided given their propensity to promote essentialist thinking, obscure the social nature of categories, and contribute to oppression. Here I argue that a general prohibition against social generics goes too far. Given that the truth of many generics require regularities or systematic rather than mere accidental correlations, they are our best means for describing structural forms of violence and discrimination. Moreover, their accuracy, their persistence in (...)
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  • ‘Everybody’s Gotta Do Something’: Neutrality and Work.David Jenkins - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-22.
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  • Identity Politics and Democratic Nondomination.Clarissa Rile Hayward & Ron Watson - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (2):185-206.
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  • The Quarrel Between Populism and Republicanism: Machiavelli and the Antinomies of Plebeian Politics.Miguel Vatter - 2012 - Contemporary Political Theory 11 (3):242-263.
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  • The Ethics of Crashes with Self‐Driving Cars: A Roadmap, II.Sven Nyholm - 2018 - Philosophy Compass 13 (7):e12506.
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  • The Problem of Denizenship: A Non-Domination Framework.Meghan Benton - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):49-69.
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  • Power: A Pragmatist, Deliberative (and Radical) View.Amit Ron - 2008 - Journal of Political Philosophy 16 (3):272-292.
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  • Synthesising Corporate Responsibility on Organisational and Societal Levels of Analysis: An Integrative Perspective.Pasi Heikkurinen & Jukka Mäkinen - 2018 - Journal of Business Ethics 149 (3):589-607.
    This article develops an integrative perspective on corporate responsibility by synthesising competing perspectives on the responsibility of the corporation at the organisational and societal levels of analysis. We review three major corporate responsibility perspectives, which we refer to as economic, critical, and politico-ethical. We analyse the major potential uses and pitfalls of the perspectives, and integrate the debate on these two levels. Our synthesis concludes that when a society has a robust division of moral labour in place, the responsibility of (...)
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  • Democracy Against Domination: Contesting Economic Power in Progressive and Neorepublican Political Theory.K. Sabeel Rahman - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (1):41-64.
    This article argues that current economic upheaval should be understood as a problem of domination, in two respects: the ‘dyadic’ domination of one actor by another, and the ‘structural’ domination of individuals by a diffuse, decentralized, but nevertheless human-made system. Such domination should be contested through specifically democratic political mobilization, through institutions and practices that expand the political agency of citizens themselves. The article advances this argument by synthesizing two traditions of political thought. It reconstructs radical democratic theory from the (...)
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  • Republican Freedom, Rights, and the Coalition Problem.K. Dowding - 2011 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 10 (3):301-322.
    Republican freedom is freedom from domination juxtaposed to negative freedom as freedom from interference. Proponents argue that republican freedom is superior since it highlights that individuals lose freedoms even when they are not subject to interference, and claim republican freedom is more ‘resilient’. Republican freedom is trivalent, that is, it includes the idea that someone might be non-free to perform some actions rather than unfree, and in that sense everyone regards republican freedom as different from negative freedom. Trivalence makes republican (...)
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  • Are Rights Less Important for Republicans Than for Liberals? Pettit Versus Pettit.Christopher Hamel - 2017 - Contemporary Political Theory 16 (4):478-500.
    It has become a commonplace in neo-republican thinking to claim that if the notion of rights can be allowed a place in republican political theory, it can never achieve the prominence that liberalism allegedly grants it. Philip Pettit’s book, Republicanism, provides several arguments to buttress this thesis. This article aims at examining these arguments in order to show that once properly stated, they must on the contrary be considered as powerful arguments to the effect that republicans take rights very seriously.
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  • Slaves, Prisoners, and Republican Freedom.Fabian Wendt - 2011 - Res Publica 17 (2):175-192.
    Philip Pettit’s republican conception of freedom is presented as an alternative both to negative and positive conceptions of freedom. The basic idea is to conceptualize freedom as non-domination, not as non-interference or self-mastery. When compared to negative freedom, Pettit’s republican conception comprises two controversial claims: the claim that we are unfree if we are dominated without actual interference, and the claim that we are free if we face interference without domination. Because the slave is a widely accepted paradigm of the (...)
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  • Boundaries Between Business and Politics: A Study on the Division of Moral Labor.Jukka Mäkinen & Eero Kasanen - 2016 - Journal of Business Ethics 134 (1):103-116.
    The dominant framing of the political corporate social responsibility discussion challenges the traditional economic conception of the firm and aims to produce a paradigm shift in CSR studies wherein the traditional, apolitical view of corporations’ roles in society is replaced by the political conception of CSR. In this paper, we show how the major framing of the political CSR discussion calls for a redirection to take international hard legal and moral regulations, as well as the need for the boundaries between (...)
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  • Migration, Membership, and Republican Liberty.J. Matthew Hoye - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-27.
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  • Non-Domination and Pure Negative Liberty.M. D. Harbour - 2012 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 11 (2):186-205.
    The central insights of Philip Pettit’s republican account of liberty are that (1) freedom consists in the absence of domination and (2) non-domination is not reducible to what is commonly called ‘negative liberty’. Recently, however, Matthew Kramer and Ian Carter have questioned whether the harms identified by Pettit under the banner of domination are not equally well accounted for by what they call the ‘pure negative’ view. In this article, first I argue that Pettit’s response to their criticism is problematic (...)
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  • The Cunning of Trust.Philip Pettit - 1995 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 24 (3):202-225.
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