Few recent developments in information technology have been as hyped as blockchain, the first implementation of which was the cryptocurrency Bitcoin. Such hype furnishes ample reason to be skeptical about the promise of blockchain implementations, but I contend that there’s something to the hype. In particular, I think that certain blockchain implementations, in the right material, social, and political conditions, constitute excellent bases for common knowledge. As a case study, I focus on trust in election outcomes, where the ledger records (...) not financial transactions but vote tallies. I argue that blockchain implementations could foster warranted trust in vote tallies and thereby trust in the democratic process. Finally, I argue that if the promise of blockchain implementations as democratic infrastructure is to be realized, then democracies first need to ensure that these material, social, and political conditions obtain. (shrink)

In this essay I consider whether the political perspective of third wave science studies – ‘elective modernism’ – offers a suitable framework for understanding the policy-making contributions that (bio)ethical experts might make. The question arises as a consequence of the fact that I have taken inspiration from the third wave in order to develop an account of (bio)ethical expertise. I offer a précis of this work and a brief summary of elective modernism before considering their relation. The view I set (...) out suggests that elective modernism is a political philosophy and that although its use in relation to the use of scientific expertise in political and policy-making process has implications for the role of (bio)ethical expertise it does not, in the final analysis, provide an account that is appropriate for this latter form of specialist expertise. Nevertheless, it is an informative perspective, and one that can help us make sense of the political uses of (bio)ethical expertise. (shrink)

In deciding whether to forgive, we often focus on the wrongdoer, looking for an apology or a change of ways. However, to fully consider whether to forgive, we need to expand our focus from the wrongdoer and their wrongdoing, and we need to consider who we are, what we care about, and what we want to care about. The difference between blame and forgiveness is, at bottom, a difference in priorities. When we blame, we prioritize the wrong, and when we (...) forgive, we shift our priorities away from the wrong. Recognizing this essential role for priorities in forgiveness allows us to address a thorny puzzle in thinking about forgiveness: how is it that forgiveness can be both principled and elective? If there is sufficient reason to forgive, as will sometimes be the case because forgiveness is principled, how can it be reasonable to withhold forgiveness? Recognizing that forgiveness is a shift in our priorities dissolves this apparent tension between forgiveness being principled and forgiveness being elective. (shrink)

In this essay I consider whether the political perspective of third wave science studies – ‘elective modernism’ – offers a suitable framework for understanding the policy-making contributions that ethical experts might make. The question arises as a consequence of the fact that I have taken inspiration from the third wave in order to develop an account of ethical expertise. I offer a précis of this work and a brief summary of elective modernism before considering their relation. The view I set (...) out suggests that elective modernism is a political philosophy and that although its use in relation to the use of scientific expertise in political and policy-making process has implications for the role of ethical expertise it does not, in the final analysis, provide an account that is appropriate for this latter form of specialist expertise. Nevertheless, it is an informative perspective, and one that can help us make sense of the political uses of ethical expertise. (shrink)

Election prediction by means of opinion polling is a rare empirical success story for social science. I examine the details of a prominent case, drawing two lessons of more general interest: Methodology over metaphysics. Traditional metaphysical criteria were not a useful guide to whether successful prediction would be possible; instead, the crucial thing was selecting an effective methodology. Which methodology? Success required sophisticated use of case-specific evidence from opinion polling. The pursuit of explanations via general theory or causal mechanisms, by (...) contrast, turned out to be precisely the wrong path—contrary to much recent philosophy of social science. (shrink)

Proponents of the duty to vote (DTV) argue that in normal circumstances, citizens have the moral duty to vote in political elections. Discussions about DTV analyze _what_ the duty is, _who_ has this duty, _when_ they have it, and _why_ they have it. Missing are answers to the Specification Question: to _which_ elections does DTV apply? A dilemma arises for some supporters of DTV—in this paper, I focus on Julia Maskivker’s work—because either answer is problematic. First, I argue (...) that it is implausible that DTV applies to _all_ elections because this makes the duty too costly for the voter. Second, I argue that there are no good reasons why under normal circumstances DTV applies only to _some_ elections. I consider objections but conclude that the dilemma is successful and therefore the case for DTV is incomplete. (shrink)

The parliamentary elections in Albania took place on 25th March 2021 and they were won by the Socialist Party. Even though elections took place during the pandemic, the pandemics itself had a minor impact on the process. With the exception of making compulsory a two-week quarantine for those entering the country and thus making it impossible for the Albanian emigrants to cast their vote, the election campaign was organized similarly with the preceding campaigns without concerns for social distancing. (...) The real change which eventually influenced the campaign was the change in the electoral law from closed to open list. For the first time, the party and the party candidates pursued different strategies. In addition to the official campaign, there was an underground campaign with vote buying and exercise of influence which aimed and achieved to transfer vote from the top of the top of the list to candidates in the middle or even lower part of the list. This made it possible to observe and understand the internal conflicts within the parties. (shrink)

In Section 1, we begin by asking what, exactly, it might mean for God to “elect” people and how this relates to their agency and freedom. After getting clearer on what God is supposed to elect people to or for, we argue against the view that a person’s will is not involved in the process by which God elects her, which we identify in part as the person’s coming to have faith. But, in Section 2, we consider several reasons for (...) thinking that a person’s free will is not involved in her coming to have faith, as well as a potential problem facing this view. Then, in the next three sections (3, 4, and 5) we examine three views on which one’s free will is involved in one’s coming to faith, corresponding roughly to three systematic views of divine providence. We discuss certain objections to each of these “models of election,” as well as how each speaks to the possibility of the non-elect. In the sixth and final section, we conclude by addressing the concern that any such philosophizing about God is too anthropomorphic. (shrink)

Preventing Election Manipulation: Safeguards Against Propaganda and Hidden Motives -/- Elections are the foundation of democratic governance, ensuring that leadership reflects the will of the people. However, history has repeatedly shown that candidates can win by manipulating public perception through propaganda, misinformation, and by hiding their true motives. While such elections may be technically valid, they often lack ethical legitimacy, leading to governance that does not truly serve the public interest. To prevent election manipulation, societies must implement strong (...) safeguards, including media literacy education, independent journalism, strict election laws, social media regulation, political funding transparency, civic engagement, and whistleblower protections. By examining real-world examples from different countries, we can better understand how these measures strengthen democracy and protect the integrity of elections. -/- The Role of Media Literacy and Critical Thinking -/- One of the most effective ways to counter propaganda and manipulation is through media literacy education. When voters are equipped with the ability to critically analyze information, they are less likely to fall for deceptive political messaging. -/- Finland has integrated media literacy into its school curriculum, teaching students how to recognize misinformation, propaganda, and biased narratives. As a result, Finland ranks among the most resistant countries to fake news, demonstrating that an informed population is less susceptible to manipulation. -/- In Sweden, government agencies actively work with media organizations to educate citizens about misinformation, especially during election periods. -/- Estonia has taken a technological approach by incorporating digital literacy programs to help citizens distinguish between real and fake online content. -/- By investing in education that enhances critical thinking, societies can create an electorate that makes decisions based on truth rather than deception. -/- The Importance of Independent and Transparent Media -/- A free and independent press is crucial in exposing political deception and ensuring that voters have access to accurate information. Without independent journalism, political leaders can control narratives, suppress inconvenient truths, and mislead the public. -/- In the United States, investigative journalism has played a key role in exposing political corruption. The Watergate scandal, uncovered by journalists Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, led to the resignation of President Richard Nixon, demonstrating how the media can hold leaders accountable. -/- In South Korea, independent journalism was instrumental in exposing the corruption scandal involving former President Park Geun-hye, leading to mass protests and her eventual impeachment in 2017. -/- In India, independent news outlets like The Wire and Scroll continue to challenge misinformation and expose political propaganda, despite facing government pressure. -/- A strong and fearless media ensures that no political leader can manipulate elections without public scrutiny. -/- Strict Election Laws and Fact-Checking Institutions -/- Election laws must regulate campaign messaging, penalize misinformation, and promote transparency. Without strict regulations, candidates can use false narratives to mislead voters. -/- France bans political advertising on TV and radio in the months leading up to elections to prevent mass media manipulation. -/- Germany has strict laws against spreading false information that could influence election outcomes, including heavy fines for politicians or parties caught disseminating fake news. -/- South Africa has established the Electoral Commission, which monitors campaign activities and ensures fair political competition. -/- Additionally, independent fact-checking institutions play a vital role in verifying politicians’ claims. Organizations like PolitiFact in the U.S., Full Fact in the UK, and Africa Check in South Africa actively investigate political statements, providing voters with verified information. -/- Regulating Social Media to Prevent Manipulation -/- Social media has become a powerful tool for both legitimate political campaigns and misinformation. Without regulation, candidates can spread propaganda unchecked, influencing voter perceptions. -/- During Brazil’s elections, misinformation was widely spread through WhatsApp, influencing voter opinions. In response, WhatsApp limited the ability to forward mass messages to curb the spread of fake news. -/- The European Union has implemented strict digital regulations, requiring social media platforms like Facebook and Twitter to label political ads and remove false information that could influence elections. -/- In Indonesia, the government collaborates with technology companies to identify and remove fake news before it spreads during elections. -/- By regulating online political content and holding social media platforms accountable, governments can prevent digital platforms from becoming tools for manipulation. -/- Ensuring Transparency in Political Funding -/- When campaign financing is not transparent, wealthy donors, corporations, or even foreign entities can secretly influence elections to serve their own interests. Transparent funding laws ensure that voters know who is backing a candidate and why. -/- Canada enforces strict donation limits and public disclosure laws, preventing corporate and foreign influence in elections. -/- Mexico has implemented an independent electoral institute that monitors campaign financing to prevent corruption and ensure fair competition. -/- South Korea requires all political donations to be publicly disclosed, ensuring that funding sources are transparent. -/- When political funding is transparent, voters can assess whether a candidate is truly working for the public or for hidden interests. -/- Encouraging Civic Engagement and Public Debates -/- An engaged electorate is essential for a healthy democracy. Public debates allow candidates to present their policies while being questioned on their track records and potential contradictions. -/- Taiwan holds nationally televised public debates where candidates must defend their policies and respond to public concerns. -/- In Nigeria, civil society organizations organize town hall meetings where citizens can directly ask candidates about their plans and policies. -/- France requires presidential candidates to participate in at least one public debate before elections, ensuring that voters hear multiple perspectives. -/- By encouraging open discussion and debate, societies can reduce the effectiveness of propaganda and allow voters to make informed decisions. -/- Protecting Whistleblowers and Investigative Agencies -/- Corrupt and deceptive political campaigns can only be exposed if whistleblowers and investigative agencies are protected. When individuals feel safe to reveal political misconduct, democracy is strengthened. -/- Edward Snowden revealed mass government surveillance programs, sparking global discussions about privacy and state overreach. -/- In Ukraine, anti-corruption agencies and investigative journalists have exposed multiple cases of political fraud, leading to greater government transparency. -/- In Malaysia, whistleblower efforts exposed the 1MDB scandal, which involved billions of dollars in corruption at the highest levels of government, eventually leading to the prosecution of former Prime Minister Najib Razak. -/- Encouraging and protecting whistleblowers ensures that political leaders cannot hide their unethical actions from the public. -/- Conclusion -/- While manipulation, propaganda, and hidden motives remain threats to democracy, societies can take strong measures to prevent these tactics from determining election outcomes. By investing in media literacy, supporting independent journalism, enforcing strict election laws, regulating social media, ensuring financial transparency, encouraging civic engagement, and protecting whistleblowers, democracies can safeguard the integrity of elections. -/- Without these safeguards, democracy becomes vulnerable to manipulation, allowing candidates with hidden agendas to rise to power. However, countries that actively promote transparency, accountability, and critical thinking create an environment where deception is less effective. The fight against election manipulation is an ongoing challenge, but with the right policies and public awareness, fair elections can be preserved for future generations. -/- . (shrink)

Philosophers have proposed accounts of forgiveness in which the victim is warranted in forgiving only if the wrongdoer makes amends for the wrong done. According to such an account, forgiveness is made rational by the wrongdoer apologizing. But this account creates a puzzle because it seems to render cases of undeserved elective forgiveness (where there is no apology or repentance) unjustified. My aim in the present contribution is to argue that electively forgiving unrepentant wrongdoers can be justified if we accept (...) as genuine a minimalist form of forgiveness, according to which a victim can forgive and still resent. Further, I suggest that undeserved elective forgiveness can be admirable if we extend our conception of reasons to include non- desert-type reasons, such as reasons of altruism, generosity or reasons of social context. (shrink)

Elected Positions vs. Government Jobs: Understanding the Difference and the Role of Absolute Term Limits -/- Government institutions consist of individuals serving in various roles, either as elected officials or career civil servants. However, there is often confusion about whether political positions, such as the presidency, should be considered jobs in the same way as private-sector employment. Additionally, many individuals are drawn to politics rather than private-sector careers due to its influence, benefits, and long-term security. This essay explores the differences (...) between elected positions and traditional government jobs, the reasons politicians receive salaries despite not having traditional employment, the importance of absolute term limits in preventing lifetime political careers, and why many people prefer politics over private-sector jobs. -/- The Nature of the Presidency: Public Service, Not a Job -/- A presidency, or any other elected position, is not a job in the traditional sense. In private companies, jobs involve applying, being hired based on qualifications, and working under an employer for a salary. In contrast, a president is chosen through an election, not a hiring process. The position has a fixed term (e.g., four or six years), and re-election is required to continue in office. Unlike a private job, which can be long-term or even lifelong, an absolute term limit ensures that a president cannot serve indefinitely. -/- One of the most common questions is why presidents receive a salary if their role is not considered a job. The answer lies in the nature of public service. Presidents are given a salary to compensate for full-time responsibilities, prevent corruption, and ensure that the position is accessible to individuals from all backgrounds. However, this salary does not make the role a job—it remains an elected duty to serve the country rather than a career path. -/- Elected vs. Hired Positions in Government -/- Beyond the presidency, various government positions exist, which can generally be divided into elected positions and hired government jobs. -/- 1. Elected Positions (Public Office) -/- Includes roles like President, Vice President, Senators, Congressmen, Governors, and Mayors. -/- Individuals in these positions are not hired but instead chosen through elections by the people. -/- Their tenure is limited by law, and they must either be re-elected or step down after their term. -/- Their primary duty is to create and implement policies, pass laws, and lead government functions. -/- Absolute term limits prevent them from staying in power for extended periods, ensuring leadership rotation. -/- 2. Hired Government Jobs (Civil Service) -/- Includes teachers, police officers, clerks, engineers, government doctors, and other public servants. -/- Individuals in these roles are hired through a formal process based on qualifications, exams, and experience. -/- They work under civil service rules and are subject to government employment laws. -/- They have job security, benefits, and the possibility of career advancement. -/- Unlike elected officials, these government employees can stay in their positions long-term as long as they meet performance standards. -/- The key difference is that elected officials serve for a limited time and must leave office, while hired government employees can build lifelong careers in public service. -/- The Importance of Absolute Term Limits in Political Positions -/- A crucial factor that differentiates political positions from private-sector jobs is absolute term limits, which completely prevent politicians from holding the same position indefinitely. This contrasts sharply with private jobs, where employees can remain in a company for decades or even a lifetime. The importance of absolute term limits includes: -/- 1. Eliminating Lifetime Political Careers – In the private sector, individuals can build long-term careers and continue working as long as they are productive. However, in politics, absolute term limits prevent individuals from staying in power for extended periods, ensuring leadership change. -/- 2. Preventing the Accumulation of Too Much Power – When politicians remain in office for too long, they gain excessive control, leading to authoritarianism. Absolute term limits ensure that no single leader or party dominates indefinitely. -/- 3. Encouraging New Leadership and Innovation – Unlike private companies that allow employees to grow within the organization, political leadership must constantly evolve. Absolute term limits ensure that fresh leaders with new ideas and perspectives regularly take over. -/- 4. Reducing Corruption and Political Entitlement – In private companies, performance determines job security. In politics, however, long-serving officials often manipulate power structures to stay in office. Absolute term limits reduce this risk by ensuring they cannot stay beyond their term. -/- 5. Ensuring Fair Political Competition – In the private sector, individuals can work their way up over time. In contrast, politics must remain open to new candidates. Absolute term limits prevent one person from monopolizing opportunities, allowing others to compete fairly. -/- 6. Aligning with Democratic Principles – Democracy is based on fair elections and leadership change. While private companies focus on stability and expertise, politics thrives on rotation of leaders to reflect the will of the people. -/- Absolute term limits prevent politics from functioning like private companies, where employees can build lifelong careers. Instead, they ensure that political power remains temporary, maintaining accountability and preventing individuals from treating political office as permanent employment. -/- Why Many People Choose Politics Over Private Jobs -/- Despite term limits, many individuals still prefer politics over private jobs due to the influence, prestige, and financial benefits it offers. Some key reasons include: -/- 1. Power and Influence – Politics provides decision-making authority over national and international matters, unlike private jobs, where influence is limited to business operations. -/- 2. Financial and Social Benefits – While private-sector jobs offer salaries, political positions often come with privileges, retirement benefits, and lifelong recognition. -/- 3. Networking and Connections – Politics grants access to high-level business, political, and international connections, leading to long-term opportunities even after leaving office. -/- 4. Opportunity for Leadership and Legacy – Unlike corporate jobs, where employees work under executives, politicians have a chance to become national leaders and leave a lasting impact. -/- 5. Less Performance-Based Pressure – In private companies, employees must meet performance targets. In politics, public image and alliances often matter more than measurable results. -/- 6. Access to Power Without Special Skills – Unlike private-sector jobs that require technical skills and expertise, political success depends more on charisma, public appeal, and strategic alliances. -/- Why the Distinction Matters -/- Understanding the difference between elected positions and traditional employment is essential for maintaining democratic systems. In private companies, long-term careers are encouraged to build expertise and stability. However, in politics, absolute term limits ensure that no one stays in power indefinitely, preventing dictatorship and keeping leadership accountable. -/- Conclusion -/- While all government positions contribute to the functioning of a country, elected officials and government employees belong to different categories. Elected officials serve temporarily with absolute term limits, preventing them from staying in office indefinitely, unlike private-sector employees who can build lifelong careers in a company. -/- Despite these term limits, many people are drawn to politics because of power, influence, financial benefits, and leadership opportunities. However, absolute term limits remain crucial in preventing politics from becoming a permanent career path. They protect democracy, ensure leadership rotation, and prevent the concentration of power, ensuring that political service remains a temporary duty rather than a lifetime position. -/- . (shrink)

The purpose of this article is to highlight the clientelistic strategies and informal practices that the ruling political parties in Albania use during the elections to ensure an unfair advantage in their favour over the opposition challengers. One of the main characteristics of the political developments of the transition period in Albania since 1991 has been the flourishing of informal practices and clientelist networks of political parties within state structures, which has produced an extreme politicization of these institutions. These (...) strategies that in general terms we label as “clientelistic” and that have been used to a large extent by the incumbent political parties have had a direct negative impact on the conduct of free and fair elections in Albania by distorting their main goal: to reflect the will of the people. This is because such clientelist strategies, together with the informal practices/mechanisms that accompany them, have influenced the creation of an unlevelled playing field, and have produced a hyperincumbency advantage in the electoral contests between political parties in Albania. The case of the recent elections held in Albania on 25 April 2021 will be the empirical case of this study, in which are evidenced the electoral containment strategies and practices that the ruling political party used to provide an unfair advantage in its favour and to secure its grip on power. (shrink)

Les formations politiques nées aux lendemains de la restauration du multipartisme ont participé aux différentes consultations électorales et ont connu des fortunes diverses. Si, les élections présidentielles et législatives donnent lieu directement à la connaissance des élus, les municipales, quant à elles, s’accompagnent d’un autre type d’élection destinée à élire les exécutifs municipaux (le maire et ses adjoints). Comment se déroule effectivement ce deuxième tour d’élection dans les communes gagnées par le MDR? Les exécutifs municipaux sont-ils élus par leurs pairs (...) ou désignés par le coordonnateur de ce parti ? Telles sont les questions auxquelles cet article tentera de donner quelques réponses. Il s’agira, de manière précise, de mesurer la capacité d’acceptation des règles du jeu démocratique par le personnel politique du MDR d’une part, et le degré de politisation des conseillers municipaux de ce parti d’autre part. (shrink)

Elections are not the solution to political crisis, they’re the problem. In lively dialogue form, The Democracy Manifesto explains why elections are anti-democratic and should be replaced with government in which decision-makers are randomly selected from the population at large.

Existing approaches to campaign ethics fail to adequately account for the “arms races” incited by competitive incentives in the absence of effective sanctions for destructive behaviors. By recommending scrupulous devotion to unenforceable norms of honesty, these approaches require ethical candidates either to quit or lose. To better understand the complex dilemmas faced by candidates, therefore, we turn first to the tradition of “adversarial ethics,” which aims to enable ethical participants to compete while preventing the most destructive excesses of competition. As (...) we demonstrate, however, elections present even more difficult challenges than other adversarial contexts, because no centralized regulation is available to halt potential arms races. Turning next to recent scholarship on populism and partisanship, we articulate an alternative framework for campaign ethics, which allows candidates greater room to maneuver in their appeals to democratic populations while nevertheless requiring adherence to norms of social and political pluralism. (shrink)

Despre afinitățile elective dintre Mircea Eliade și diferiți oameni de cultură români și străini s-au scris multe pagini de-a lungul timpului. Cei interesați de opera savantului nu pot trece cu vederea legăturile spirituale și culturale cu Nae Ionescu, Mihail Sebastian, Emil Cioran, Constantin Noica, Goethe, C.G. Jung, Marcel Proust, Raffaele Pettazzoni etc. Și numărul acestora poate crește cu multe alte nume din țară și din străinătate, dovedind faptul că Mircea Eliade a fost și rămâne o personalitate care a marcat istoria (...) și cultura națională și universală și ale cărui idei încă fecundează spiritele preocupate de viața religioasă, de literatură sau de științele secolului în care trăim. Pornind de la aceste date, în cartea de față încercăm să creionăm felul în care ideile lui Eliade pot fi așezate alături de cele ale unor gânditori din arii diferite de cercetare, având în centru teme ce se regăsesc atât în lucrările savantului de origine română, cât și operele acestor personalități. În acest sens, ne-am oprit la câteva nume importante: Rudolf Otto, Sfântul Dionisie Areopagitul (alături de Meister Eckhart și Nicolaus Cusanus), Pr. Alexander Schmemann, Thomas J.J. Altizer, Sfântul Grigorie Palama (și isihasmul), I.P. Culianu, Marin Sorescu, Constantin Brâncuși, Nicolae Steinhardt, Pr. Dumitru Stăniloae. (shrink)

The article shows that Donald Trump used three distinct but mutually supportive strategies to ascent to power in the 2016 elections. It argues that sovereignty in general uses these three strategies to justify its power. But it is only one of them, the one linked to a biopolitical conception of sovereignty, that allows for lack of authority. Trump used this strategy to great effect in 2016, but the article argues that it will be hard to pursue the same strategy (...) from the Oval Office. (shrink)

We provide an intuitive motivation for the hyperreal numbers via electoral axioms. We do so in the form of a Socratic dialogue, in which Protagoras suggests replacing big-oh complexity classes by real numbers, and Socrates asks some troubling questions about what would happen if one tried to do that. The dialogue is followed by an appendix containing additional commentary and a more formal proof.

In this paper, I analyze multiple aspects of how gender norms pervaded the 2016 election, from the way Clinton and Trump announced their presidency to the way masculinity and femininity were policed throughout the election. Examples include Hillary Clinton, Donald Trump, Barack Obama, and Gary Johnson. I also consider how some women who support Trump reacted to allegations about sexual harassment. The difference between running for President as a man and running for President as a woman makes all the difference (...) in the world. (OPEN ACCESS). (shrink)

Devrions-nous remplacer les élections par des loteries ? Le célèbre livre de Bernard Manin sur le gouvernement représentatif a appris à beaucoup que les Grecs considéraient les élections comme un moyen aristocratique, et non démocratique, de sélectionner des personnes pour le pouvoir et l'autorité politique, en comparaison avec le tirage au sort, où chacun a une chance égale d'être sélectionné. (Manin 1997) Jusqu'à récemment, cependant, l'idée qu'un engagement envers la démocratie nécessite de remplacer les élections par le tirage au sort (...) a suscité peu d'intérêt parmi les philosophes politiques. (Blondiaux, 2008 ; Courant et Sintomer, 2019) Cela a maintenant changé. (Abizadeh 2020) ( A. Guerrero 2014) (A. Guerrero 2021b ; 2021a) (Landemore 2020) (Owen et Smith 2018) (P.-É. Vandamme et al. 2018). Cet article pose donc la question de savoir si le tirage au sort est plus démocratique que les élections et si, pour cette raison, nous devrions l’utiliser pour compléter ou remplacer les élections ? (shrink)

This paper aims to analyse the relationship that exists between state capture, party patronage, and the conduct of electoral processes in the settings of post-communist countries, of which Albania is one. A characteristic of the political developments of the transition period in many post-communist countries has been the phenomenon of state capture, which has occurred mainly through the endemic party patronage and politicization of state institutions. The phenomenon of state capture by the ruling political parties has had a negative conditional (...) impact on the conduct of competitive, free and fair elections in these countries, leading to distrust regarding the credibility and integrity of the process. This study argues that phenomena such as state capture and extensive party patronage as informal practices/mechanisms in the hands of the ruling political parties affect the creation of a skewed playing field and the production of hyper-incumbency advantages in holding electoral contests between political parties, making the possibility of political power rotations difficult. Albania, in the case of its last parliamentary elections, held on 25th April 2021, constitutes the case study (Section IV) to which the theoretical framework of the paper is applied, by identifying the informal practices and methods through state capture that the ruling political party used to provide structural, institutional, and financial advantages in its favour regarding elections. (shrink)

Spinoza’s interpretation of the election of the Hebrews in the third chapter of the Theological Political Treatise enraged quite a few Jewish readers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The rise of nationalism, and the demand of loyalty to one’s own genos brought about a certain style of patriotic writing aimed at Spinoza’s “betrayal.” In a series of lectures on the eve of the Great War, Hermann Cohen portrayed Spinoza as a person of “demonic spirt” and as “the great enemy (...) who emerged from our midst.” In a stream of words more akin to shouting than to analytic discourse, Cohen protested against what he took to be the universal complacency regarding Spinoza’s treachery: “When Spinoza, with merciless severity, makes his own nation the object of contempt – at the time that Rembrandt lived on the same street and immortalized the ideal type of the Jew - no voice rises in protest against this humanly incomprehensible betrayal.” Cohen was right in identifying in Spinoza an absence of ethnic patriotism. I, for one, find this absence a virtue rather than a vice, and in this chapter I will argue, inter alia, that in rejecting ethnic normativity Spinoza was consistent with a dominant strand of rabbinic thought. What precisely was so offensive in Spinoza’s words in chapter three of the TTP? A common reading of this chapter suggests that Spinoza presents the election of the Hebrews as merely political and not spiritual in nature, thus downgrading the importance of the election. This reading is not absolutely groundless, but it is highly imprecise, for as we shall shortly see, for Spinoza, God’s (genuine) election of the Hebrews indicates the political weakness of their state, rather than its strength. Apart from pointing out this important corrective, I will also attempt in this essay to evaluate Spinoza’s critique of the election of the Hebrews, the result of which might lead us to some highly unexpected conclusions. In the first section of this chapter I present an outline of Spinoza’s interpretation of the connection between the Hebrews’ belief in being chosen, and the xenophobic nature of their ancient state. In the second section, I discuss Spinoza’s interpretation of the election of the Hebrews in chapter three of the TTP, and show that on Spinoza’s sardonic reading it was nothing but luck which allowed the Hebrew state to survive for a rather long time in spite of its poor political constitution. The third and final part provides a defense of Spinoza’s critique of the notion of chosenness. I will argue, first, that chosenness has never been granted the status of theological doctrine or principle of faith within rabbinic Judaism. I will then point out the significant religious problems with the notion of chosenness, suggesting however two exceptions in which belief in chosenness might still be defensible. I will conclude this section with a discussion of rabbinic views on the conversion of minors, arguing that according to the mainstream rabbinic view, being a Jew is a merit only on the condition that a person is pious, a view which is not far from Spinoza’s own claims in the third chapter of the TTP. (shrink)

General elections in Pakistan were held first time 7 December 1970. These were the decisive elections in a way that the democratic future of Pakistan was depended on the elections. The repercussions of the elections were so drastic. The present study will highlight and discuss the role of symbols and slogans that were used during the election years. The analytical and comparative study will show that the symbols used in the elections played very important role. (...) There would also be discussion that how these election symbols and slogans mold the situation in the favour of the political parties. In this way, the aim and objective of the study would be that it will made researchers able to look the elections scenario in a broad perspective. (shrink)

Many collective decision making problems have a combinatorial structure: the agents involved must decide on multiple issues and their preferences over one issue may depend on the choices adopted for some of the others. Voting is an attractive method for making collective decisions, but conducting a multi-issue election is challenging. On the one hand, requiring agents to vote by expressing their preferences over all combinations of issues is computationally infeasible; on the other, decomposing the problem into several elections on (...) smaller sets of issues can lead to paradoxical outcomes. Any pragmatic method for running a multi-issue election will have to balance these two concerns. We identify and analyse the problem of generating an agenda for a given election, specifying which issues to vote on together in local elections and in which order to schedule those local elections. (shrink)

This study aimed to improve the curriculum electives of the Science-Enhanced Program using a tracer of ScienceOriented Section alumni from 2004 to 2015. It assessed the Science-Enhanced Program's strengths and weaknesses as viewed by alumni, collected their recommendations to improve the Science-Enhanced Curriculum in connection with current field demands, and constructed a SEP learner's packet. This study used a mixed-methods strategy. A total of 238 respondents were purposefully selected via quota sampling. The alumni's demographic profile based on their sex, civil (...) status, educational attainment, employment information, as well as two extra questions, were collected using a tracer form. The first question focused on alumni perceptions of the science-enhanced program's strengths and weaknesses, and the second question focused on their suggestions for improving the science-enhanced curriculum with respect to current field demands. After gathering the data and assessing the results, it has been concluded that the strengths of the science-enhanced program are the following: elective subjects offered, teaching quality, interdisciplinary learning, and student workload. Meanwhile, the learning environment, the research capacity, and the facilities provided were listed as the weaknesses of the said program. The respondents concurred that the curriculum should include courses in robotics, programming, and other IT-related topics. The alumni also agreed that students should be exposed to more real-world scenarios in the curriculum. Hence, it has been validated that it can be used as a guide in crafting the competencies in formulating the SEP Learners' Packet. (shrink)

In his recent article in Philosophy and Public Affairs, 'The Paradox of Voting and Ethics of Political Representation', Alexander A. Guerrero argues it is rational to vote because each voter should want candidates they support to have the strongest public mandate possible if elected to office, and because every vote contributes to that mandate. The present paper argues that two of Guerrero's premises require correction, and that when those premises are corrected several provocative but compelling conclusions follow about the rationality (...) of voting and duties of elected officials: (A) Voting is typically rational for the members of a political party’s base; (B) Voting is often (but not always) irrational for “swing” voters (i.e. independent voters who are not affiliated with any political party, as well as “undecided” voters who are considering voting across party lines); and (C) Elected officials have a moral duty to respond to changing levels of popular support once in office, as indicated by properly monitored and corroborated public opinion polls of constituents, functioning more as delegates the lower their level of popular support. Finally, I suggest that the last of these conclusions has wide-ranging implications for political ethics. I illustrate these implications by focusing on the questions -- under debate in the 2016 US Presidential election cycle -- of whether a sitting President has a moral duty to nominate or not nominate a new Supreme Court justice during his or her final year in office, and similarly, whether US Senators have a moral duty to obstruct, or not obstruct, confirmation of the President’s eventual nominee. (shrink)

This article investigates reasons to participate in non-deterministic elections, where the outcomes incorporate elements of chance beyond mere tie-breaking. The background context situates this inquiry within democratic theory, specifically non-deterministic voting systems, which promise to re-evaluate fairness and power distribution among voting blocs. This study aims to explore the normative implications of such electoral systems and their impact on our moral duty to vote. We analyze instrumental reasons for voting, including prudential and act-consequentialist arguments, alongside non-instrumental reasons, assessing their (...) validity in the context of non-deterministic systems. The results indicate that non-deterministic elections could strengthen the case for voting based on prudential and act-consequentialist grounds due to their proportional nature and the increased influence of each vote. We conclude that, while non-deterministic elections strengthen our duty to vote overall, they do not strengthen it for all the arguments in the literature. This paper contributes to the discourse on electoral systems by critically evaluating the moral obligation to vote in non-deterministic elections. (shrink)

The principal aim of this article is to explain the specificity of the requirement for the spatial distribution of votes in presidential elections – an institution that has existed in Nigeria since 1979 and in Indonesia since 2001. It also seeks to describe the political conditions which contributed to that institution’s introduction and functioning in those two countries. The article will end with a comparison between the two cases, including a discussion of the present differences between them. The article (...) will also contain a preliminary appraisal of whether the existence of the requirement in question is helping to reduce the level of conflictive behavior in relations between ethnic groups in the multi-ethnic societies of Nigeria and Indonesia. This article has been published in "Acta Asiatica Varsoviensia" 2017, Vol. 30, Issue 1, pp. 89-107. (shrink)

The overuse of social media, including the growing mistrust of mainstream news outlets has impacted the increasing influence of online disinformation. Social media has been a powerful tool in Philippine elections because of social media algorithms used by political parties to deploy fake news and damage their rivals. Political fake news on social media began last 2016 and became rampant in the 2022 presidential election when the candidates for the presidency were all victims of trolling. Mainstream media debunked fake (...) news but because of political partisanship, the effort has been useless due to different political beliefs and parties. The methodology involves content analysis to systematically examine social media posts related to political disinformation during the 2022 presidential election specifically focused on identifying two reactions, the emotion-driven and reason-based comments. Most of the comments were emotional and contained sarcasm, threats, slander, and mockery. People’s logical thought processes are influenced by their emotions. Users are frequently looking for information to confirm their existing views and reject or ignore information that contradicts them or is biased in favor of one political party over another. Educating the critical analysis key to both students and social media users is one of the advocacies to avoid spreading fake news in the next generations. In conclusion, emotional responses, such as anger and sarcasm, dominated the discourse, overshadowing reasoned discussions. Media mistrust and political partisanship shaped users’ reactions, leading to reject the fact-checked information especially when it conflicted with their political beliefs. (shrink)

One of the main highlights from last year’s event was the 2022 Philippine National and Local Elections. The Philippine elections involve a lot of people interaction from poll workers and other deputized agencies. Further, this study explores the lived experiences, challenges, and coping mechanisms of poll watchers during the 2022 Philippine election. Employing the Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis, the findings of this study were: (1) Filipino workers value a good-paying job and preferred meaningful work. (2) Amidst the experiences and (...) challenges, the poll watchers remain determined and motivated to take part in the seasonal election. (3) Poll watchers must be physically, emotionally, and mentally prepared to participate in this crucial work. Mainly, pollwatching is a self-reliant job. (shrink)

In this article, we show how it is possible to lawfully buy an election. The method we describe for buying an election is novel. The key things that make it possible to buy an election are the existence of public voter registration lists where one can see whether a given elector has voted in a particular election, and the existence of Big Data Analytics that with a high degree of accuracy can predict what a given elector will vote in an (...) upcoming election. Someone interested in buying an election can enter an employment contract with all, or some of, the opponent electors where these electors are paid to do a job that prevents them from voting. By purchasing access to the public voter registration lists, it is possible to verify ex-post whether the opponent electors that one has signed a contract with have abstained. In the last two sections of the article, we discuss several barriers that can undermine an attempt to buy an election in the manner we identify. (shrink)

In its January 20th, 2010 decision in Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission, the United States Supreme Court ruled that certain restrictions on independent expenditures by corporations for political advocacy violate the First Amendment of the Constitution, which provides that “Congress shall make no law […] abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.” Justice Kennedy, writing for the 5-4 majority, (...) held that “[b]y suppressing the speech of manifold corporations, both for-profit and non-profit, the Government prevents their voices and view-points from reaching the public and advising voters on which person or entities are hostile to their interests” (Citizens United vs. Federal Election Commission 558 U.S. 38-9 (2010); emphasis added). Much of the language of the opinion, and some of its reasoning, as this passage illustrates, presupposes that corporations are agents capable of speech, and that it is (at least in part) in the light of this that limitations on political advocacy by corporations are prohibited by the Constitution. -/- While there are other strands in the argument, they are interwoven with the conception of the corporation as agent and speaker, with its voice and its viewpoints. The dissenters on the court objected on precisely this point (among others). Justice Stevens wrote sarcastically in his dissent, joined by Justices Ginsburg, Breyer, and Sotomayor, that “[u]nder the majority’s view, I suppose it may be a First Amendment problem that corporations are not permitted to vote, given that voting is, among other things, a form of speech” (558 U.S. 33 (2010)). Justice Sotomayor suggested in oral argument that the Court’s century-old practice of treating corporations as persons rests on a conceptual mistake. -/- My concern in this essay is not with the question whether the restrictions violate the Constitution. There are many issues that bear on this which will be outside the scope of my discussion. My concern is with the proper conceptual framework for understanding the agency of corporations and corporate speech, and the role that conceptions of these play in the background of the majority’s reasoning. The issue is legal, but it also has philosophical, conceptual and semantic aspects. It will be the latter aspects, and their potential to shed light on legal reasoning, that are my main focus. An adequate framework requires saying what properly speaking the corporation is, how agency is expressed through the corporation, whose agency it is, centrally whether the corporation is an agent or person in its own right, and in what sense it can be said to be capable of speech. I draw on recent work in collective action theory, particularly with respect to the semantics of collective action sentences (Ludwig 2007) and the analysis of the proxy agency in collective action (Ludwig 2014), to show (i) that corporations are neither genuine agents nor (therefore) capable of engaging in genuine speech, (ii) that consequently the First Amendment does not apply to corporations per se, and (iii) that a better understanding of the mechanisms of corporate agency casts doubt on more indirect arguments for extending the First Amendment to “corporate speech” as well. (shrink)

The outcomes of a bibliographic review on political communication, in particular electoral communication in social networks, are presented here. The electoral campaigning are a crucial test to verify the transformations of the media system and of the forms and uses of the linguistic acts by dominant actors in public sphere – candidates, parties, journalists and Gatekeepers. The aim is to reconstruct the first elements of an analytical model on the transformations of the political public sphere, with which to systematize the (...) results of the main empirical research carried out in recent years, in particular those conducted with a promising methodology: Digital Trace Data Analysis. (shrink)

In the dynamic landscape of modern politics, comprehending the sentiments of voters has emerged as a pivotal element for effective campaigning and policy formulation. This abstract encapsulates an in-depth exploration of election sentiment analysis, employing cutting-edge data analytics methodologies to unravel the multifaceted dimensions of voter perspectives. Leveraging the power of natural language processing, sentiment analysis, and machine learning algorithms, this study endeavours to decode sentiments expressed across diverse platforms, offering profound insights into the intricate tapestry of voter behaviours, preferences, (...) and concerns. Through meticulous scrutiny of textual data extracted from sprawling social media platforms, this research enriches the discourse surrounding electoral dynamics. By facilitating a granular understanding of sentiment patterns, it equips political stakeholders with invaluable tools to craft astute strategies and cultivate a nuanced comprehension of democratic processes. (shrink)

The fundamental duty of information in elections by candidates using artificial intelligence (AI) represents a significant shift in political campaign strategies and voter engagement. In the digital age, AI's role in elections is multifaceted, encompassing data analysis, voter targeting, and communication. The integration of AI in political campaigns can enhance the dissemination of information, making it more tailored and efficient. Candidates are now able to leverage AI to analyse vast amounts of data, identify voter preferences, and craft personalized (...) messages that resonate with specific demographics. This capability can lead to more informed voters and potentially higher voter turnout, as individuals receive information that directly addresses their concerns and interests. The use of AI in elections also raises critical ethical and regulatory questions. One of the primary concerns is the transparency and accuracy of the information disseminated by AI systems. Candidates have a fundamental duty to ensure that the information shared is truthful, unbiased, and free from manipulation. The spread of misinformation and disinformation through AI-generated content poses a threat to the integrity of elections, as it can mislead voters and undermine democratic processes. The deployment of AI in elections must be accompanied by efforts to educate the public about AI technologies and their implications. Voters need to be aware of how their data is being used and the potential biases that AI systems might introduce. Transparency in AI algorithms and their decision-making processes is crucial to building trust between candidates and the electorate. Additionally, candidates must address concerns regarding data privacy and security, as the use of AI often involves the collection and analysis of personal data. While AI offers significant advantages in enhancing the flow of information during elections, it also brings forth challenges that require careful consideration and management. Candidates have a fundamental duty to ensure the responsible use of AI, prioritizing transparency, accuracy, and ethical standards. By doing so, they can harness the power of AI to create a more informed and engaged electorate, ultimately strengthening the democratic process. The future of elections will likely see an increasing reliance on AI, making it crucial for candidates, regulators, and the public to collaboratively navigate the complexities associated with this technology. (shrink)

Title: An Analysis of the Flaws of Democratic Elections Through the Lens of the Universal Formula -/- Author: Angelito Malicse -/- Abstract: This paper critically examines the structural and functional flaws in democratic electoral systems by applying the principles of the Universal Formula, a framework grounded in the natural law of balance, systems theory, and the law of karma. While democracy remains a celebrated political ideal, its electoral processes are often prone to systemic imbalances and inefficiencies. This analysis highlights (...) the root causes of electoral failure, identifies how such flaws generate long-term societal imbalances, and proposes a framework for correction based on natural law and system integrity. -/- 1. Introduction Democracy, especially in its electoral form, is widely upheld as the ideal political system for ensuring freedom, representation, and governance by the people. However, despite its ideals, democratic elections are susceptible to various structural flaws that often lead to societal dysfunction. This paper analyzes these flaws using the Universal Formula, a model that interprets human decision-making and collective behavior through the lens of natural law, systems thinking, and karmic cause and effect. -/- 2. The Universal Formula: A Conceptual Foundation -/- 2.1. Law of Karma (Cause and Effect in Systems) Derived from both philosophical and systems theory traditions, the law of karma in this framework refers to the predictable consequences of inputs and processes within any system. If the inputs are flawed or the process defective, the outcomes will inevitably reflect those faults (Capra, 1996). -/- 2.2. Law of Feedback Mechanism All systems, particularly living and societal ones, must incorporate feedback loops to adapt and maintain equilibrium (Wiener, 1948). In elections, feedback should ideally correct errors and refine governance. However, when distorted or ignored, feedback becomes noise, not guidance. -/- 2.3. Law of Balance in Nature Natural systems achieve sustainability through balance. When democratic systems become imbalanced due to misinformation, economic disparity, or structural corruption, they generate instability (Lovins et al., 2007). -/- 3. Structural Flaws in Electoral Democracy -/- 3.1. Representation Deficits Despite universal suffrage, electoral democracy often marginalizes minority groups, discourages dissent, and centralizes power in elites. This contradicts the law of karma, where distorted inputs yield ineffective governance (Dahl, 2000). -/- 3.2. Electoral Corruption and Manipulation Vote buying, disinformation, and election rigging are not mere anomalies but symptoms of a defective system. These practices compromise system integrity and result in long-term dysfunction (Schedler, 2002). -/- 3.3. Misinformation and Media Bias The role of media in shaping public opinion has become increasingly manipulative. When media serves corporate or political interests, feedback loops are hijacked, leading to public decision-making based on distorted realities (Herman & Chomsky, 1988). -/- 4. Feedback Mechanism Failures -/- 4.1. Delayed or Ignored Electoral Responses Election cycles often fail to respond quickly to urgent issues. Moreover, the elected are frequently unaccountable until the next cycle. This lag disrupts feedback mechanisms essential for adaptive governance (Ackerman, 2004). -/- 4.2. Voter Disillusionment When the public perceives their participation as ineffectual, civic engagement declines. The system then operates in an echo chamber, disconnected from its constituents (Putnam, 2000). -/- 5. Societal Imbalances Caused by Flawed Elections -/- 5.1. Economic Inequality Policies influenced by elite interests exacerbate wealth gaps, reinforcing imbalances incompatible with sustainable development (Piketty, 2014). -/- 5.2. Psychological Polarization Partisan systems encourage identity-based division, creating internal psychological imbalances that extend into society. This violates the natural law of harmony (Sunstein, 2009). -/- 5.3. Environmental Neglect Short-term political incentives discourage long-term environmental thinking, violating nature’s equilibrium and furthering ecological degradation (Oreskes & Conway, 2010). -/- 6. Case Study: The Philippines -/- 6.1. Political Dynasties and Patronage Despite constitutional constraints, political dynasties dominate, illustrating systemic failure in ensuring representative governance. The cause-effect dynamic here reveals how entrenched power structures corrupt outcomes (Coronel, 2007). -/- 6.2. Voter Vulnerability and Misinformation Low education levels and economic hardship leave voters vulnerable to manipulation. Without informed decision-making, the electorate becomes a defective input, creating cycles of poor governance. -/- 6.3. Institutional Weakness Regulatory bodies lack independence and strength, making it difficult to uphold electoral integrity and correct imbalances. -/- 7. Path Toward Reform Based on the Universal Formula -/- 7.1. Foundational Education Reform Incorporating systems thinking and natural law into early education can build a generation of informed, critical thinkers capable of balancing societal forces (Meadows, 2008). -/- 7.2. Electoral System Redesign Accountability, transparency, and participatory mechanisms must be built into electoral processes to ensure continuous feedback and integrity. -/- 7.3. Holistic Leadership Training Leaders must be trained not only in policy but in ethics, systems thinking, and ecological responsibility. -/- 8. Conclusion Democratic elections, though idealized, often operate within flawed systems that violate the principles of natural law. The Universal Formula provides a holistic analytical and corrective framework. To create a just and sustainable society, governance must be aligned with the law of karma, feedback, and balance. Only through foundational change in education, structure, and leadership can democratic systems evolve to serve all. -/- References: -/- Ackerman, B. (2004). The New Separation of Powers. Harvard Law Review. -/- Capra, F. (1996). The Web of Life. Anchor Books. -/- Coronel, S. (2007). The Rulemakers: How the Wealthy and Well-Born Dominate Congress. PCIJ. -/- Dahl, R. (2000). On Democracy. Yale University Press. -/- Herman, E. S., & Chomsky, N. (1988). Manufacturing Consent. Pantheon Books. -/- Lovins, A. et al. (2007). Winning the Oil Endgame. Rocky Mountain Institute. -/- Meadows, D. (2008). Thinking in Systems: A Primer. Chelsea Green Publishing. -/- Oreskes, N., & Conway, E. M. (2010). Merchants of Doubt. Bloomsbury Press. -/- Piketty, T. (2014). Capital in the Twenty-First Century. Harvard University Press. -/- Putnam, R. D. (2000). Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community. Simon & Schuster. -/- Schedler, A. (2002). The Menu of Manipulation. Journal of Democracy. -/- Sunstein, C. (2009). Going to Extremes: How Like Minds Unite and Divide. Oxford University Press. -/- Wiener, N. (1948). Cybernetics. MIT Press. -/- . (shrink)

Abstract: This study is aimed to examine the role of youth in National Assembly Elections-2013 in Islamabad. After May,11, 2013 General Elections a Elections commission of Pakistan reported that due to involvement of youth the huge turnout in the elections first time in the Pakistanâ’s history. This study also examines this claim and analyzes different factors due to which young people are more involved in political process. It addresses different mobilization trends of political parties create interest (...) among youth; their attitude towards the political institutions; their perception about the effectiveness of political parties and politicians; and their need to have a platform for their political ideology. This study also examines whether Socio-political culture of politics in Pakistan is responsible in shaping young peoples’ values and views on politics. Furthermore, it also focused the uses of media and Specially social media among the youth for campaigns by different political parties. It is also highlighted in the research that youth is seems frustrate before elections-2013. This descriptive study is qualitative in nature. This study collected a sample of 50 youth from educational institutions as well as from kachi abadis of Islamabad. The findings reveal that young people were frustrate due to traditional politics in Pakistan, lack of political education and political socialization. This study finds out that young people are aware of political scenario and they do take interest in political talk shows in the media but this awareness and interest does not always translate into formal or conventional engagement with political party structures through membership etc. The conclusion that new mobilization trends specially social media attract the young people towards National Assembly Elections and increasing the political interest which also leads towards higher voter turnout in the General elections-2013. (shrink)

-/- The Invention and Evolution of Democratic Elections: From Ancient Athens to the Digital Age -/- The idea of democratic elections—where people choose their leaders and influence laws through voting—has a long and complex history that stretches back over two millennia. Though modern democracy is often associated with Western liberal states, its roots lie deep in ancient civilizations, evolving through various stages of reform, revolution, and philosophical thought. This essay traces the development of democratic elections from their (...) earliest beginnings in ancient Athens to the global systems we recognize today. -/- Ancient Beginnings: Athens and the Birth of Democracy -/- The concept of democracy originated in ancient Athens during the 5th century BCE, where it took on a radically different form from what we know today. Athenian democracy was a direct democracy, where free male citizens actively participated in political decision-making. Although only a small fraction of the population qualified as citizens—excluding women, slaves, and foreigners—Athens was the first society to institutionalize the idea that ordinary people should have a role in governance. -/- Interestingly, elections in Athens were used sparingly. Instead, most officials were selected by random lottery (sortition) to prevent corruption and ensure fairness. Elections were reserved for positions requiring special expertise, such as military generals. Despite its limitations, Athens laid the foundation for the democratic ideal: the notion that political power should derive from the people. -/- The Roman Republic: Early Representative Elements -/- Following Athens, the Roman Republic (509–27 BCE) introduced another important model. While still exclusive and class-based, Rome employed elements of representative democracy. Citizens elected officials like consuls and tribunes, and assemblies were held to vote on laws. However, these rights were unevenly distributed, favoring wealthy patricians over common plebeians. Nevertheless, Rome contributed structural ideas such as checks and balances and separation of powers, which later influenced modern democratic systems. -/- The Middle Ages: Feudal Constraints and Proto-Parliaments -/- During the medieval period, Europe was dominated by feudal monarchies where power was concentrated in the hands of kings and nobles. Yet, seeds of representative governance continued to grow. Early parliamentary bodies, such as the Icelandic Althing (930 CE) and the English Parliament (13th century), emerged as forums for aristocratic or clerical consultation rather than broad citizen participation. While not democratic in the modern sense, these institutions preserved the concept of consultation and law-making through assemblies. -/- Enlightenment and the Rise of Modern Democracy -/- The 17th and 18th centuries saw a transformation in political thought through the influence of Enlightenment philosophers like John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Montesquieu. These thinkers argued for popular sovereignty, natural rights, and constitutional governance, which directly challenged monarchic rule. These ideas inspired revolutionary movements and laid the intellectual groundwork for democratic elections. -/- Democratic Foundations: United States and France -/- The American Revolution (1776) marked the beginning of modern representative democracy. The U.S. Constitution (1787) established a system where power was divided between three branches of government and where citizens could vote for their representatives. Initially, suffrage was limited to white male property owners, but the principle of governance by the people was firmly established. -/- Inspired by the American example, the French Revolution (1789) proclaimed universal male suffrage—though temporarily—and asserted the democratic ideals of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen became a foundational document for human rights and democratic participation. -/- Expanding the Electorate: 19th Century Reforms -/- Throughout the 19th century, democratic elections expanded across Europe and the Americas. Reform acts in countries like the United Kingdom widened the right to vote, though still gradually. The century also saw the rise of women’s suffrage movements, with New Zealand becoming the first country to grant women the right to vote in 1893. Elections became more structured, with the establishment of political parties and parliamentary systems. -/- 20th Century: Globalization of Democracy -/- The 20th century was characterized by the global spread of democratic elections. After the two World Wars, colonial empires dissolved, and newly independent nations adopted democratic constitutions. The United Nations’ Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948) declared the right to participate in government through free elections as a universal human right. -/- Over time, most countries adopted universal suffrage, allowing all adult citizens, regardless of gender, race, or class, to vote. However, not all democracies were liberal; many regimes held elections without guaranteeing true political freedoms, giving rise to hybrid or illiberal democracies. -/- 21st Century: Digital Democracy and New Challenges -/- Today, democratic elections are nearly universal in form, though not always in substance. The 21st century has brought both opportunities and challenges. On one hand, technology has enabled digital participation, online voting, and global political awareness. On the other hand, it has also introduced new threats like misinformation, election hacking, and erosion of trust in institutions. -/- Despite these challenges, elections remain a vital mechanism for peaceful power transfer and civic engagement. Democratic systems continue to evolve, adapting to changing social, technological, and political conditions. -/- Conclusion -/- From the direct democracy of ancient Athens to the representative systems of the modern world, the history of democratic elections is a testament to humanity’s ongoing struggle for fairness, equality, and self-governance. Though the journey has been uneven—with exclusions, setbacks, and evolving practices—democracy continues to adapt and expand. Understanding this history not only highlights how far we’ve come but also reminds us of the vigilance required to preserve and improve democratic institutions for future generations. -/- . (shrink)

This paper, being introductory in kind and limited in its scope and objective, tries to outline some basic issues of Higher Education Governance and Student-Participation in the same. The paper focuses on Students’ Union, Election and Representation of Students in the said Union, and the role of Lyngdoh Commission in the regard. It assumes that Lyngdoh Commission, with its recommendations on Students’ Union Election, has contributed considerably to the issue of Student-Participation in Higher Education Governance. The paper adopts the method (...) of qualitative data analysis and survey of relevant literature in the process of meeting its objectives. (shrink)

The subject of this paper is the increasing success of the FPÖ, the Austrian Freedom Party commonly classified as a right-wing populist party. Analyzing the possible causes of this incremental success, I especially focus on the party’s communication strategy. My thesis is that the discursive strategy of the FPÖ revolves around the unwarranted identification of persons and practices depicted as a benevolent and salvific “we” artificially set against a malevolent and dangerous “they”. This identification is unwarranted because it lacks any (...) modulation of level and logical articulation. Once thus constructed, the discursive strategy of the FPÖ includes, on one hand, the irremediable conflict of “we” and “they” and, on the other, the equalisation of “they”, so as to construct networks of guilty complicity among all subjects extraneous to the “we” represented through the leader’s will. (shrink)

Politická reflexia uskutočňovaná v akademických kruhoch predstavuje rad vlastných charakteristík v porovnaní s inými druhmi intelektuálnej činnosti. Nejde len o j e j viac-menej prirodzené preniknutie do domácich mocenských vzťahov, ale o mimoriadnu citlivosť j e j obsahu a rozvoja na spoločenské a politické podmienky inštitucionálneho kontextu. O politickej kultúre krajiny sa môžeme naučiť veľa práve na základe analýzy toho, o čom j e j intelektuáli diskutujú - a o čom nediskutujú, ako aj o teoretických nástrojoch, ktoré pritom využívajú.

The hidden brain has its finger on the scale when we make all of our most complex and important decisions – it decides who we fall in love with, whether we should convict someone of murder, or which way to run when someone yells “fire ...

The U.S. election in November 2016 raised and amplified doubts about first-past-the-post (“plurality rule”) electoral systems. Arguments against plurality rule and for alternatives like preferential voting tend to be consequentialist: it is argued that systems like preferential voting produce different, better outcomes. After briefly noting why the consequentialist case against plurality rule is more complex and contentious than it first appears, I offer an expressive alternative: plurality rule produces actual or apparent dilemmas for voters in ways that are morally objectionable, (...) and avoidable under preferential voting systems. This expressive case against plurality rule is both simpler and more ecumenical than its consequentialist counterpart, and it provides strong reasons to prefer alternatives to plurality rule. Moreover, it suggests a distinct way of evaluating different alternatives like preferential voting. (shrink)

The elections and political parties are necessary ingredients of democratic governance. Elections are a necessary condition of representative democracy. In representative democracy citizens participate in politics primarily by choosing political authorities in competitive elections. Elections, hence, are a necessary and crucial instrument to make democracy work. In India, free and fair elections are held at regular intervals as per guidelines of the constitution and the Election Commission. To make them free of flaws it is essential (...) to reform them from time to time. Electoral reform means introducing fair electoral systems for conducting fair elections. It also rejuvenates the existing systems to enhance and increase the efficiency of the same. Following the demands of electoral reforms several committees were being set up. Some of the measures like reduction of voting age and anti defection law are appreciable but there are other vital areas in election field completely neglected. This paper will evaluate about different attempts made for electoral reforms in India. Different challenges before the Election Commission are also been discussed, also how it can be made effective as suggested by Commission in India will be presented. A comparative analysis with other democratic countries like U.S.A and U.K. is added to it. (shrink)

The success of any election depends on whether it was free and fair both to the candidates and the voters. Due to media coverage of national elections locally, regionally and globally, subtle psychological cues have become popular and are being used in student Representative Council (SRC) elections to harness voter preferences. This study focused on investigating the relationship between subtle psychological cues and voter preferences among university of Zimbabwe students. More so, the study was focused on four operationally (...) defined subtle psychological cues namely Ballot order effects, Hallo effects, Negativity bias and Push polls on whether they would influence the participant’s voter preference. The study takes the form of an experimental research design and is based on a sample of 80 purposefully selected participants. In addition, primary data was gathered using 4 ballot papers with a Likert scale and was analysed using Statistical Package for Social Studies (SPSS) version 23. Descriptive statistics, T-tests for independent samples, Chi-square tests and Pearson correlation were computed to establish the degree of the relationship between the variables in question. Results show that of the four subtle psychological cues under investigation, negativity bias and hallo effects were predominantly popular due to the American presidential debates such as that of Richard Nixon against Kennedy and Barack Obama against Hilary Clinton. In addition the results show no statistically significant group differences on how gender, ethnicity and year of study affected voter preferences. Ultimately, there were three positive correlations for the experiments Ballot order effects, Hallo effects and Negativity bias. However, contrary to the reviewed literature there was a negative correlation between Push polls and voter preferences. The conclusion was that there is statistically significant relationship between subtle psychological cues and voter preferences and hence have the potential to increase or decrease the votes a candidate obtains. Therefore, the University can closely monitor SRC elections and make sure the students do not abuse psychological cues such as negativity bias and push polls as they have the potential of ruining the student’s reputations. Also the organisation can add to its current SRC election policies the strategies that were implemented in this study to hold other factors at a constant such as using butterfly ballot paper ordering to help make the free and fair. (shrink)

Elective mathematics has been an extra mathematics subject for pilot students of Eduardo Barretto Sr. National High School for quite some time now. Through this, many alumni testified how this helped them understand senior high school and college math. However, the teachers have also been struggling with the resources for specific areas of mathematics, such as Business Math, Statistics, Analytic Geometry, Trigonometry, and Calculus. When the pandemic hit the Philippines, contextualized learning material aligned with the Most Essential Learning Competencies (MELC) (...) helped elective mathematics teachers. The contextualized learning material was developed from April to August 2020 and was first validated in February 2021 by the students who participated in the pilot testing. However, following the due process, it was suggested that I revalidate the IDEA-formatted Analytic Geometry and Trigonometry instructional material. It examines Eduardo Barretto Sr. National High School mathematics teachers and SDO Calamba City experts' evaluation of the content's topics, objectives, concepts, directions, and activities and the format's prints, illustrations, design, and layout. Participants' perceptions of learning material were assessed using a 4-point Likert Scale survey. Hence, descriptive quantitative design. Participants were surveyed using a 4-point Likert Scale to assess their learning content impression. The findings reveal that the participants found the format and content of the developed learning material to be very satisfactory. The indicators "localized" and "can be done independently" were viewed as Fair and Satisfactory, respectively. The learning material was enhanced by localizing the activities and giving directions that could facilitate self-learning. (shrink)