Results for 'Migration, Migrant, Marginalized Groups, Democracy, Politics, Citizenship, Radical Republicanism'

973 found
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  1. The Challenge of Migration. Is Liberalism the Problem?Karsten Schubert - 2021 - Archiv Für Rechts- Und Sozialphilosophie Beihefte (ARSP-B) 167:173-192.
    The challenge of developing humane migration and refugee politics in Western states is far from resolved. This ongoing failure is typically attributed to the increased influence of right-wing populism and neo-fascism in Western migration politics. In this article I discuss a more radical explanation: Christoph Menke argues that political liberalism and its framing of migration as an issue of subjective human rights is the deeper root of the problem. While the merit of Menke’s approach is its criticism of subjectification (...)
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  2. Bounded Mirroring. Joint action and group membership in political theory and cognitive neuroscience.Machiel Keestra - 2012 - In Frank Vandervalk (ed.), Thinking about the Body Politic: Essays on Neuroscience and Political Theory. Routledge. pp. 222--249.
    A crucial socio-political challenge for our age is how to rede!ne or extend group membership in such a way that it adequately responds to phenomena related to globalization like the prevalence of migration, the transformation of family and social networks, and changes in the position of the nation state. Two centuries ago Immanuel Kant assumed that international connectedness between humans would inevitably lead to the realization of world citizen rights. Nonetheless, globalization does not just foster cosmopolitanism but simultaneously yields the (...)
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  3. Radical Republicanism and the Future of Work.Tom O'Shea - 2021 - Theory and Event 24 (4):1050-1067.
    I develop a socialist republican conception of economic liberty and show how it can be used to understand the domination of workers. It holds that both paid and unpaid workers can be deprived of economic freedom when they are exposed to an arbitrary power to undermine their access to the economic capabilities needed for civic equality. Measures intended to reduce domination are recommended, including public ownership of productive property, workplace democracy, and robust unconditional basic income and services. Finally, I discuss (...)
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  4. Ecosocial citizenship education: Facilitating interconnective, deliberative practice and corrective methodology for epistemic accountability.Gilbert Burgh & Simone Thornton - 2019 - Childhood and Philosophy 15:1-20.
    According to Val Plumwood (1995), liberal-democracy is an authoritarian political system that protects privilege but fails to protect nature. A major obstacle, she says, is radical inequality, which has become increasingly far-reaching under liberal-democracy; an indicator of ‘the capacity of its privileged groups to distribute social goods upwards and to create rigidities which hinder the democratic correctiveness of social institutions’ (p. 134). This cautionary tale has repercussions for education, especially civics and citizenship education. To address this, we explore the (...)
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  5. A Radical Revolution in Thought: Frederick Douglass on the Slave’s Perspective on Republican Freedom.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2020 - In Bruno Leipold, Karma Nabulsi & Stuart Gordon White (eds.), Radical Republicanism: Recovering the Tradition's Popular Heritage. Oxford University Press, Usa. pp. 47-64.
    While the image of the slave as the antithesis of the freeman is central to republican freedom, it is striking to note that slaves themselves have not contributed to how this condition is understood. The result is a one-sided conception of both freedom and slavery, which leaves republicanism unable to provide an equal and robust protection for historically outcast people. I draw on the work of Frederick Douglass – long overlooked as a significant contributor to republican theory – to (...)
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  6. Political rights, republican freedom, and temporary workers.Alex Sager - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (2):189-211.
    I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.
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  7. On Plantation Politics: Citizenship and Antislavery Resistance in Douglass’s My Bondage and My Freedom.Philip Yaure - 2022 - Philosophical Studies 180 (3):871-891.
    In republican political philosophy, citizenship is a status that is constituted by one’s participation in the public life of the polity. In its traditional formulation, republican citizenship is an exclusionary and hierarchical way of defining a polity’s membership, because the domain of activity that qualifies as participating in the polity’s public life is highly restricted. I argue that Black American abolitionist Frederick Douglass advances a radically inclusive conception of republican citizenship by articulating a deeply capacious account of what it means (...)
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  8. Common Futures: Social Transformation and Political Ecology.Alexandros Schismenos & Yavor Tarinski - 2020 - Black Rose Books.
    What does the future hold? Is the desertification of the planet, driven by state and corporate authority, the final horizon of history? Is the dystopian future implied by the systemic degradation of nature and society inescapable? From marginal activist groups to governments and interstate organizations, all appear to be concerned with what the future of our shared world will look like. Yet even amid the ongoing global crisis caused by capitalism, the potential of a different, radically rooted future has also (...)
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  9. Identity politics and the democratization of democracy: Oscillations between power and reason in radical democratic and standpoint theory.Karsten Schubert - 2023 - Constellations 1 (4):563-579.
    Identity politics is commonly criticized as endangering democracy by undermining community, rational communication, and solidarity. Drawing on both radical democratic theory and standpoint theory, this article posits the opposite thesis: identity politics is pivotal for the democratization of democracy. Democratization through identity politics is achieved by disrupting hegemonic discourse and is, therefore, a matter of power, while such forms of power politics are reasonable when following minority standpoints generated through identity politics. The article develops this approach by connecting (...) democratic theories with standpoint theories and highlighting their commonalities and potential for mutual enhancement. Standpoint theory allows us to substantiate and reconcile two initially contradictory claims: particular minority standpoints are necessary to criticize the prevailing discursive and institutional orders, and these standpoints stem from intersubjective reason and embody ‘strong objectivity.’ This discussion presents a new perspective on the tension between particularity and universality, as well as the relationship between power and reason in democracy. Democratization is an oscillation between these polarities, and political theory should not aim to resolve this tension but to recognize and articulate it. Such recognition might involve elevating knowledge emerging from oppressed groups and exercising epistemic modesty when assessing specific forms of identity politics. (shrink)
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  10. Democracy within, justice without: The duties of informal political representatives.Wendy Salkin - 2022 - Noûs 56 (4):940-971.
    Informal political representation can be a political lifeline, particularly for oppressed and marginalized groups. Such representation can give these groups some say, however mediate, partial, and imperfect, in how things go for them. Coeval with the political goods such representation offers these groups are its particular dangers to them. Mindful of these dangers, skeptics challenge the practice for being, inter alia, unaccountable, unauthorized, inegalitarian, and oppressive. These challenges provide strong pro tanto reasons to think the practice morally impermissible. This (...)
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  11. Radical Islamic Democracy.Karim Sadek - 2020 - International Journal of Political Theory 4 (1):32-53.
    Can democracy be at once radical and Islamic? In this paper I argue that it can. My argument is based on a comparison and contrast of certain aspects in the social-political thought of two contemporary authors: Axel Honneth who defends a particular conception of radical democracy, and Rached al-Ghannouchi who defends a particular conception of the Islamic state. I begin with Honneth’s early articulation of his model of radical democracy as reflexive cooperation, which he presents as an (...)
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  12. Konstruktivistische Identitätspolitik. Warum Demokratie partikulare Positionierung erfordert.Karsten Schubert & Helge Schwiertz - 2021 - Zeitschrift Für Politikwissenschaft.
    Identity politics is subject to similar critiques in contemporary public debate and political theory. A central topos of this critique is that identity politics is essentializing: it fixes subjects to their social position and resorts to a politics of particularity that leads to divisions in national citizenship and democratic discourse (the communitarian and liberal position) and to divisions within social movements (the critical position). Contrary to this one-sided critique, we propose a different interpretation with the concept of “constructivist identity politics.” (...)
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  13. Union Citizenship Revisited: Multilateral Democracy as Normative Standard for European Citizenship.Antoinette Scherz & Rebecca Welge - 2014 - Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 41 (8):1254- 1275.
    Union Citizenship as currently implemented in the European Union introduces a distinct concept of citizenship that necessitates an adequate normative approach. The objective of this paper is to assess EU Citizenship against the theoretical background of multilateral democracy. This approach is specifically suited for this task, as it does not rely on a nation-state paradigm or the presumption of a further transformation into a federation or union. We propose three criteria by which to assess multilevel citizenship: equal individual rights, equal (...)
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  14. The Figure of the Migrant.Thomas Nail - 2015 - Stanford: Stanford University Press.
    This book offers a much-needed new political theory of an old phenomenon. The last decade alone has marked the highest number of migrations in recorded history. Constrained by environmental, economic, and political instability, scores of people are on the move. But other sorts of changes—from global tourism to undocumented labor—have led to the fact that to some extent, we are all becoming migrants. The migrant has become the political figure of our time. Rather than viewing migration as the exception to (...)
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  15. Socialist Republicanism.Tom O’Shea - 2020 - Political Theory 48 (5):548-572.
    Socialist republicans advocate public ownership and control of the means of production in order to achieve the republican goal of a society without endemic domination. While civic republicanism is often attacked for its conservatism, the relatively neglected radical history of the tradition shows how a republican form of socialism provides powerful conceptual resources to critique capitalism for leaving workers and citizens dominated. This analysis supports a programme of public ownership and economic democracy intended to reduce domination in the (...)
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  16. What is a black radical Kantianism without Du Bois? On method, principle, and abolition democracy.Elvira Basevich - 2023 - Journal of Social Philosophy 55 (1):6-24.
    This essay argues that a black radical Kantianism proposes a Kantian theory of justice in the circumstances of injustice. First, I describe BRK’s method of political critique and explain how it builds on Kant’s republicanism. Second, I argue that Kant’s original account of public right is incomplete because it neglects that a situated citizenry’s adoption of an ideal contributes to its refinement. Lastly, with the aid of W.E.B. Du Bois’s analysis of American Reconstruction and his proposal of an (...)
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  17. (المواطنة والديمقراطية في ليبيا: إعادة بناء الهوية (الواقع والتحديات Citizenship and Democracy in Libya: Reconstructing Identity. (Reality and challenges).Ramadan Alatrsh - 2023 - Journal of Political Science and Law 8 (36):227-253.
    تهدف هذه الدراسة في إطارها المقارن لتحديد العلاقة بين قيمتي المواطنة والديمقراطية وتحدياتهما لإعادة بناء الدولة في ليبيا. تنطلق فرضية الدراسة من إن المواطنة هي القيمة السياسية لبناء مجتمع ليبي قائم على الديمقراطية كوسيلة واستراتيجية للحكم. وهكذا من خلال المنهجين المقارن والوصفي تبين إن الديمقراطية هي وعي وثقافة وسلوك حضاري تراكمي ذاتي وموضوعي، والمواطنة هي هوية وحق واوجب وشراكة في صناعة الحاضر والمستقبل تحت سيادة القانون. واقعياً ليبيا دولة منهارة منذ تدخل الناتو عسكرياً وإسقاطه للنظام السابق. لقد تحول طابع الصراع (...)
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  18.  86
    Migration and demos in the democratic firm: an extension of the firm-state analogy.Patrick J. L. Cockburn & Jonathan Preminger - 2023 - Political Theory 51 (3):557-580.
    Debates around the state-firm analogy as a route to justifying workplace democracy tend towards a static view of both state and firm, and position workplace democracy as the objective. We contend, however, that states and firms are connected to one another in ways that should alter the terms of the debate, and that the achievement of workplace democracy raises a new set of political issues about the demos in the democratic firm and ‘worker migration’ at the boundaries of the firm. (...)
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  19. Spinoza's Anti-Humanism.Yitzhak Y. Melamed - 2011 - In Smith Justin & Fraenkel Carlos (eds.), The Rationalists. Springer/Synthese. pp. 147--166.
    A common perception of Spinoza casts him as one of the precursors, perhaps even founders, of modern humanism and Enlightenment thought. Given that in the twentieth century, humanism was commonly associated with the ideology of secularism and the politics of liberal democracies, and that Spinoza has been taken as voicing a “message of secularity” and as having provided “the psychology and ethics of a democratic soul” and “the decisive impulse to… modern republicanism which takes it bearings by the dignity (...)
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  20. Left Populism and Foreign Policy: Bernie Sanders and Podemos.Emmy Eklundh, Frank A. Stengel & Thorsten Wojczewski - forthcoming - International Affairs.
    This article analyzes how populism is conceptualized and studied in International Relations (IR) and argues that it should be seen as a political logic instead of a political ideology. It does so by demonstrating that ‘populist foreign policy’ looks radically different when analyzing the populist left, refuting the possibility of any distinctly ‘populist’ foreign policy positions. We argue that large parts of IR scholarship practice a form of concept-stretching that undermines the quality of analysis as well as the ability to (...)
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  21. Democracy and Noncitizen Voting Rights.Sarah Song - 2009 - Citizenship Studies 13 (6):607-620.
    The boundaries of democracy are typically defined by the boundaries of formal status citizenship. Such state-centered theories of democracy leave many migrants without a voice in political decision-making in the areas where they live and work, giving rise to a problem of democratic legitimacy. Drawing on two democratic principles of inclusion, the all affected interests and coercion principles, this article elaborates this problem and examines two responses offered by scholars of citizenship for what receiving states might do. The first approach (...)
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  22.  97
    Preserving our humanity in the growing AI-mediated politics: Unraveling the concepts of Democracy (民主) and People as the Roots of the state (民本).Manh-Tung Ho & My-Van Luong - manuscript
    Artificial intelligence (AI) has transformed the way people engage with politics around the world: how citizens consume news, how they view the institutions and norms, how civic groups mobilize public interests, how data-driven campaigns are shaping elections, and so on (Ho & Vuong, 2024). Placing people at the center of the increasingly AI-mediated political landscape has become an urgent matter that transcends all forms of institutions. In this essay, we argue that, in this era, it is necessary to look beyond (...)
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  23. At the Outer Limits of Democratic Division: on Citizenship, Conflict and Violence in the Work of Chantal Mouffe and Étienne Balibar.Christiaan Boonen - 2020 - International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 33 (4):529-544.
    This article’s guiding thesis is that the theory of radical democratic citizenship is built on a tension between a radical, conflictual element and a democratic element. As radical democrats, these philosophers point to the intimate relation between conflict and both emancipation and democracy. But as radical democrats, they also propose different methods that prevent conflict from breaking up the polis—the common ground that makes democratic conflict possible. I look at two radical democrats’ way of dealing (...)
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  24. Pragmatism, Growth, and Democratic Citizenship.Wesley Dempster - 2016 - Dissertation, Bowling Green State University
    This dissertation defends an ideal of democratic citizenship inspired by John Dewey’s theory of human flourishing, or “growth.” In its emphasis on the interrelatedness of individual development and social progress, Deweyan growth orients us toward a morally substantive approach to addressing the important question of how diverse citizens can live together well. I argue, however, that Dewey’s understanding of growth as a process by which conflicting interests, beliefs, and values are integrated into a more unified whole—both within the community and (...)
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  25. Saving Migrants’ Basic Human Rights from Sovereign Rule.Lukas Schmid - 2022 - American Political Science Review:1-14.
    States cannot legitimately enforce their borders against migrants if dominant conceptions of sovereignty inform enforcement because these conceptions undermine sufficient respect for migrants’ basic human rights. Instead, such conceptions lead states to assert total control over outsiders’ potential cross-border movements to support their in-group’s self-rule. Thus, although legitimacy requires states to prioritize universal respect for basic human rights, sovereign states today generally fail to do so when it comes to border enforcement. I contend that this enforcement could only be rendered (...)
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  26. Community Radio in Political Theory and Development Practice.Ericka Tucker - 2013 - Journal of Development and Communication Studies 2 (2-3):392 - 420.
    While to political theorists in the United States ‘community radio’ may seem a quaint holdover of the democratization movements of the 1960s, community radio has been an important tool in development contexts for decades. In this paper I investigate how community radio is conceptualized within and outside of the development frame, as a solution to development problems, as part of development projects communication strategy, and as a tool for increasing democratic political participation in development projects. I want to show that (...)
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  27. The Religious Response to Migration and Refugee Crises in Cross River State, Nigeria.Emmanuel Williams Udoh - 2018 - FAHSANU Journal 1 (2).
    The movement of people from one country to another in search of greener pasture, peaceful settlement and so on, has become very rampant in the world today. These same reasons have triggered internal migrations as well. Lives have been lost in the bid to circumvent immigration laws of countries by immigrants. The current spate of wars, political crises, natural disasters and hunger has led to increase in illegal migration in the world. Nigeria is not left out. We hear of boundary (...)
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  28. Multiculturalism and migration: Modood's perspective.Shakeel Husain - 2023 - Research Expression 6 (8):22-29.
    Multiculturalism is not new concept Multiple cultures existed in Europe and Asia during the mediaeval period. The multicultural societies of Baghdad, Florence, and Venice played an essential role in the spread of knowledge and science. The knowledge transmitted from the House of Wisdom in Baghdad reached the multicultural societies of Venice and Florence. The Multiculturalism of Venice and Florence played an essential role in the emergence of the Renaissance in Europe. Multiculturalism became a crucial political concept in the 20th century (...)
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  29. De-Bordering Justice in the Age of International Migrations: An Introduction.Juan Carlos Velasco & MariaCaterina La Barbera - 2019 - In Juan Carlos Velasco & MariaCaterina La Barbera (eds.), Challenging the Borders of Justice in the Age of Migrations. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Verlag. pp. 1-13.
    This chapter introduces and discusses the concepts that are in-depth articulated in the volume. International migration is presented here as a test bench where the normative limits of institutional order, its contradictions and internal tensions are examined. Migrations allows to call into question classical political categories and models. Pointing at walls and fences as tools that reproduce enormous inequalities within the globalized neo-liberal system, this chapter presents the conceptual tensions and contradictions between migration policies and global justice. We challenge the (...)
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  30. Political philosophy beyond methodological nationalism.Alex Sager - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (2):e12726.
    Interdisciplinary work on the nature of borders and society has enriched and complicated our understanding of democracy, community, distributive justice, and migration. It reveals the cognitive bias of methodological nationalism, which has distorted normative political thought on these topics, uncritically and often unconsciously adapting and reifying state‐centered conceptions of territory, space, and community. Under methodological nationalism, state territories demarcate the boundaries of the political; society is conceived as composed of immobile, culturally homogenous citizens, each belonging to one and only one (...)
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  31. Political and Economic Transitions in Sub-Saharan Africa.Chrysanthos Vlamis - 2023 - Dissertation, University of the Peloponnese
    The thesis examines political and economic transitions in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and particularly in post-communist Ethiopia and Angola between 1989-2019 by applying the interpretative scheme of transition theory. The research question investigated how the economic liberalization of centrally planned political systems affects their political liberalization and vice versa. The main hypothesis attempted to answer whether transition theory can apply as an interpretative model in order to explain post-communist developments in the SSA context. Characteristic noteworthy country examples, which have experienced communism (...)
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  32.  76
    Is Populism Inherently Illiberal? Insights from Kirchnerism and SYRIZA in Power.G. Markou - 2024 - Political Perspectives: Journal for Political Research 14 (2):7-33.
    This article delves into the academic discussion on the relationship between populism and liberal democracy, challenging the view that all populist movements, parties, and leaders are inherently illiberal. Drawing from a Laclauian perspective, which frames populism as an integral part of democratic politics that amplifies the voices of marginalized groups, we argue that populism can align with the principles of liberal democracy and/or does not necessarily lead to illiberal democracy or authoritarianism. Through the examination of left-wing populist cases in (...)
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  33. Capitalist Realism And The End Of Democracy.Irfan Ajvazi - 2022 - Critique and Dialectics 2:10.
    As civil liberties are shredded and powerful corporate and political force engage in a range of legal illegalities, the state itself becomes a model for corruption and violence. Violence has become not only the foundation of corporate sovereignty, it has also become the ideological scaffolding of common sense. Under casino capitalism, the state has become the enemy of justice and offers a prototype for types of misguided rebellion that mimic the lawlessness enshrined by corporate sovereignty and the repressive state apparatuses. (...)
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  34. New Challenges for a Normative Theory of Political Parties.Emilee Chapman - 2021 - Representation 57 (3):385-400.
    This paper advances normative theorizing about political parties by highlighting concerns arising from recent empirical scholarship on marginal partisanship, affective polarization, and identity convergence. These phenomena challenge the ideal of healthy partisanship as characterized in recent democratic theory, and point toward a new theoretical agenda. I argue that democratic theorists' current focus on the virtues of mature partisanship has obscured essential questions about the scope of partisanship as an ideal and about processes of partisan socialization and mobilization.
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  35. Editorial, Cosmopolis. Spirituality, religion and politics.Paul Ghils - 2015 - Cosmopolis. A Journal of Cosmopolitics 7 (3-4).
    Cosmopolis A Review of Cosmopolitics -/- 2015/3-4 -/- Editorial Dominique de Courcelles & Paul Ghils -/- This issue addresses the general concept of “spirituality” as it appears in various cultural contexts and timeframes, through contrasting ideological views. Without necessarily going back to artistic and religious remains of primitive men, which unquestionably show pursuits beyond the biophysical dimension and illustrate practices seeking to unveil the hidden significance of life and death, the following papers deal with a number of interpretations covering a (...)
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  36.  54
    The Justice of Others.Patricia Mindus - 2020 - Etikk I Praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 2:1-7.
    The special issue covers both fronts by presenting a conceptual analysis of arbitrary law-making that sets out to typify its various meanings, along an empirical account of its actual functioning in legal and political practice. As arbitrariness becomes a pressing concern for lawyers, politicians and scholars attempting to grasp the discretionary powers of judicial and administrative authorities vis-a-vis legal subjects, its social impact as well as its political consequences must be taken into consideration in order to fully comprehend how central (...)
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  37. From politics to democracy? Bernard Williams’ basic legitimation demand in a radical realist lens.Janosch Prinz & Andy Scerri - 2024 - Constellations 31 (3):338-353.
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  38. Democracy and Education: Defending the Humboldtian University and the Democratic Nation-State as Institutions of the Radical Enligtenment.Arran Gare - 2005 - Concrescence: The Australiasian Journal of Process Thought 6:3 - 27.
    Endorsing Bill Readings’ argument that there is an intimate relationship between the dissolution of the nation-State, the undermining of the Humboldtian ideal of the university and economic globalization, this paper defends both the nation-State and the Humboldtian university as core institutions of democracy. However, such an argument only has force, it is suggested, if we can revive an appreciation of the real meaning of democracy. Endorsing Cornelius Castoriadis’ argument that democracy has been betrayed in the modern world but disagreeing with (...)
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  39. How pandemic has influenced the game between interest groups and politics. A theoretical Model.Anjeza Xhaferaj - 2021 - Polis 20 (2):103-113.
    When parties and interest groups interact, they can do so in several ways which could be on an informal level, lobbying for a party candidate, or group representatives approach party leaders in the parliament to lobby them on an issue. There is a plethora of studies on the extent to which major political parties and major interests have related in the past and continue to relate or interact at the organizational level. Researchers have investigated to what extent parties and groups (...)
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  40. Why Radical Democracy is Inconsistent with "Mob Rule".Walter Horn - 2021 - The Romanian Journal of Society and Politics 15 (1):7-22.
    The word “populism” commonly elicits images of hordes of angry townspeople with pitchforks and torches. That is the classic picture of “the mob,” bolstered by countless movie and television productions, and it is clearly based on such historical events as the English civil wars, the sans-culottes’ terror, the Bolshevik revolution, and the recent genocides in Rwanda and Burundi. Many of the leaders involved in fostering such horrors are seen as radical democrats whose successors today should also be feared. In (...)
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  41. Political realism meets civic republicanism.Philip Pettit - 2017 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 20 (3):331-347.
    The paper offers five desiderata on a realist normative theory of politics: that it should avoid moralism, deontologism, transcendentalism, utopianism, and vanguardism. These desiderata argue for a theory that begins from values rooted in a people’s experience; that avoids prescribing a collective deontological constraint; that makes the comparison of imperfect regimes possible; that takes feasibility and sustainability into account; and that makes room for the claims of democracy. The paper argues, in the course of exploring the desiderata, that a neo-republican (...)
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  42. Political parties and republican democracy.Alexander Bryan - 2022 - Contemporary Political Theory 21 (2):262-282.
    Political parties have been the subject of a recent resurgent interest among political philosophers, with prominent contributions spanning liberal to socialist literatures arguing for a more positive appraisal of the role of parties in the operation of democratic representation and public deliberation. In this article, I argue for a similar re-evaluation of the role of political parties within contemporary republicanism. Contemporary republicanism displays a wariness of political parties. In Philip Pettit’s paradigmatic account of republican democracy, rare mentions of (...)
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  43. BORDERS: The attitudes of students at the University of Split on immigration, immigrants, and refugees.Marita Brčić Kuljiš, Toni Popović, Renata Relja & Anita Lunic - 2021 - Split: Sveučilište u Splitu, Filozofski fakultet.
    Migration has, in recent years, been one of the most current topics both in Croatia and worldwide. We have witnessed increased emigration (i.e. out-migration) of Croatian citizens, as well as attempts to cross the Croatian state border by citizens of other countries. This book focuses on migration in the context of the so-called migrant and refugee crisis, which is considered from a philosophical and sociological perspective. Any gender-specific terms, irrespective of the gender in which they are used here, refer equally (...)
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  44. Green republicanism and the 'crises of democracy'.Andy Scerri - forthcoming - Environmental Politics:1-32.
    Efforts to ‘green’ civic republican thought link environmentalist with democratic ends. Such efforts cast both as contributions to virtuous world-making that contests ‘actually existing unsustainability’ and, so, seeks to realize freedom as nondomination. In the context of the erosion of both democratic and environmentalist achievements since the 1970s, however, a focus on contestation’s other side, the ‘world-unmaking’ virtue of obstruction, is warranted. ‘Democratic’ interpreters of Niccolò Machiavelli’s work urge such an understanding of political virtue, which they ground not in equal (...)
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  45. The politics of becoming: Disidentification as radical democratic practice.Hans Asenbaum - 2021 - European Journal of Social Theory 24 (1):86-104.
    Current radical democratic politics is characterized by new participatory spaces for citizens’ engagement, which aim at facilitating the democratic ideals of freedom and equality. These spaces are, however, situated in the context of deep societal inequalities. Modes of discrimination are carried over into participatory interaction. The democratic subject is judged by its physically embodied appearance, which replicates external hierarchies and impedes the freedom of self-expression. To tackle this problem, this article seeks to identify ways to increase the freedom of (...)
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  46. The nonhuman condition: Radical democracy through new materialist lenses.Hans Asenbaum, Amanda Machin, Jean-Paul Gagnon, Diana Leong, Melissa Orlie & James Louis Smith - 2023 - Contemporary Political Theory 22 (Online first):584-615.
    Radical democratic thinking is becoming intrigued by the material situatedness of its political agents and by the role of nonhuman participants in political interaction. At stake here is the displacement of narrow anthropocentrism that currently guides democratic theory and practice, and its repositioning into what we call ‘the nonhuman condition’. This Critical Exchange explores the nonhuman condition. It asks: What are the implications of decentering the human subject via a new materialist reading of radical democracy? Does this reading (...)
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  47. Comment les médias grand public alimentent-ils le populisme de droite?Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2019 - Argumentum. Journal of the Seminar of Discursive Logic, Argumentation Theory and Rhetoric 17 (1):9-32.
    The vertiginous rise of right-wing populism, especially in its “nationalist, xenophobic and conservative form”, and some “racist, anti-Semitic, homophobic and sexist” drifts associated with this phenomenon – whether real or perceived as such – make the mainstream media play a double role. On the one hand, the mainstream media reflect the struggle for political hegemony between different vested interests; on the other hand, they engage in the fight against right-wing populism blasting both right-wing populist candidates and their voters or supporters. (...)
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  48. RADİKAL DEMOKRASİ VE POPÜLİST SİYASETİN ÖZNESİ OLARAK HALK’IN İNŞASI* RADICAL DEMOCRACY AND PEOPLE'S CONSTRUCTION AS THE SUBJECT OF POPULIST POLITICS.Aykut Aykutalp - 2020 - FLSF (Felsefe Ve Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi) 1 (29):53-78.
    This study focuses on the concept of people developed by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe in the context of radical theories of democracy and populism. People is defined as a subjectivity established as a contingency in the conflictual environment of politics. The construction of the people is a condition of the existence of populist politics as a form of subject that enables the division of politics and social into two camps in the form of friend/enemy and the formation of (...)
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  49. Immigration, interpersonal trust and national culture.Lubomira Radoilska - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):111-128.
    This article offers a critical analysis of David Miller’s proposal that liberal immigration policies should be conceptualized in terms of a quasi-contract between receiving nations and immigrant groups, designed to ensure both that cultural diversity does not undermine trust among citizens and that immigrants are treated fairly. This proposal fails to address sufficiently two related concerns. Firstly, an open-ended, quasi-contractual requirement for cultural integration leaves immigrant groups exposed to arbitrary critique as insufficiently integrated and unworthy of trust as citizens. Secondly, (...)
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  50. Eugene Debs and the Socialist Republic.Tom O’Shea - 2022 - Political Theory 50 (6):861-888.
    I reconstruct the civic republican foundations of Eugene Debs’s socialist critique of capitalism, demonstrating how he uses a neo-roman conception of freedom to condemn waged labour. Debs is also shown to build upon this neo-roman liberty in his socialist republican objections to the plutocratic capture of the law and threats of violence faced by the labour movement. This Debsian socialist republicanism can be seen to rest on an ambitious understanding of the demands of citizen sovereignty and civic solidarity. While (...)
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