Results for 'Nationalism, Miroslav Hroch, Azerbaijan National Movement, Tsarist Russia, Transcaucasia'

23 found
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  1.  44
    Miroslav Hroch'un Yaklaşımı Bağlamında Azerbaycan Milli Hareketi * Azerbaijan National Movement In The Context Of Miroslav Hroch's Approach.Metehan Karakurt & Kutay Üstün - 2020 - Karadeniz Teknik Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 19 (10):199-213.
    The aim of this study is to explain the intellectual formation, cultural and political implementation of the Azerbaijan National Movement in Azerbaijan under the rule of Tsarist Russia from the mid-19th century to 1918 and resulted in the establishment of the Democratic Republic of Azerbaijan in the context of Miroslav Hroch's approach to the three-phase development of national movements. It is very important to understand Miroslav Hroch's approach in order to understand the (...)
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  2. The Albanian National Question - The Final Piece of the Unsolved Balkan Puzzle?Albulena Halili - 2014 - Seeu Review 10 (1):167-173.
    The article looks into the history of the Albanian national question and the Balkans. It talks about the intellectual movement known as the Albanian National Renaissance which was considered the key catalyst of many important processes for the organization of Albanians. It mentions the Albanian nationalism that represents a sui generis nationalism, which has gone through transformations over time and created as an intellectual and cultural nationalism through a nationwide movement.
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  3. The Possibility of Nationalist Feminism.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2003 - Hypatia 18 (3):135-160.
    Most Third World feminists consider nationalism as detrimental to feminism. Against this general trend, I argue that “polycentric” nationalism has potentials for advocating feminist causes in the Third World. “Polycentric” nationalism, whose proper goal is the attainment and maintenance of national self-determination, is still relevant in this neocolonial age of capitalist globalization and may serve feminist purposes of promoting the well-being of the majority of Third World women who suffer disproportionately under this system.
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  4. In Defense of Nonliberal Nationalism.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2006 - Political Theory 34 (3):304-327.
    Although nonliberal nationalism has played a prominent role in previously and currently colonized nations of the Third World, its assessment by liberal political theorists has been less than favorable. These theorists believe that nonliberal nationalisms are bound to be oppressive to marginalized members, since they view nonliberal cultures, which such movements aim to protect and maintain, to be essentialist and static monoliths that do not recognize the fundamental value of individual rights. In this article, I defend nonliberal nationalisms of previously (...)
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  5. Nationalism and Crisis.Enrique Camacho - 2017 - Tópicos: Revista de Filosofía 52:427-456.
    Nationalism seems a persistent ideology in academia as much as in politics; despite the fact that it has been shown that nationalism is deeply unjust for minorities. A case for national identity is often invoked to supplement liberalism regarding the inner difficulties that liberal theories have to explain their membership, assure stability and produce endorsement. So, it seems that national identity may also be required for justice. While this controversy continues, I argue that a different approach is available. (...)
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  6. Multiplying Resistance: The Power of the Urban in the Age of National Revanchism.Asma Mehan & Ugo Rossi - 2019 - In Keith Jacobs & Jeff Malpas (eds.), Towards a Philosophy of the City: Interdisciplinary and Transcultural Perspectives. London, UK: Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 233-244.
    In this chapter, we evaluate the politically generative dynamic of urban space. Notably, we put forward the notion of the ‘multiplier effect’ of the urban, referring to its ingrained tendency to multiply resistance to oppression and violence being exerted against subaltern groups and minorities and, in doing so, to turn this multiplied resistance into an active force of social change. We, therefore, look at the twofold valence of ‘resistance’: negative and affirmative. Resistance initially takes form as a defensive response to (...)
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  7. Institutional Morality and the Principle of National Self-Determination.Hsin-wen Lee - 2015 - Philosophical Studies 172 (1):207-226.
    Allen Buchanan proposes a methodological framework with which theorists may evaluate different theories of secession, including the National Self-Determination theory. An important claim he makes is, because the right to secede is inherently institutional, any adequate theory of secession must include, as an integral part, an analysis of institutional morality. Because the National Self-Determination theory blatantly lacks such an analysis, Buchanan concludes that this theory is inherently flawed. In this paper, I consider Buchanan’s framework and the responses from (...)
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  8. The Identity Argument for National Self-Determination.Hsin-wen Lee - 2012 - Public Affairs Quarterly 26 (2):123-139.
    A number of philosophers argue that the moral value of national identity is sufficient to justify at least a prima facie right of a national community to create its own independent, sovereign state. In the literature, this argument is commonly referred to as the identity argument. In this paper, I consider whether the identity argument successfully proves that a national group is entitled to a state of its own. To do so, I first explain three important steps (...)
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  9. Cultural Diversity, Human Subsistence, and the National Park Ideal.David Harmon - 1987 - Environmental Ethics 9 (2):147-158.
    Out of all the possible categories of protected areas, the most widely used around the world has been the national park. The reasons behind this predominance have colored the entire international conservation movement. I look at the ethical implications of the national park ideal ’s phenomenal global success. Working from two assumptions-that human cultural diversity is good and desirable, and that there is a definite relation between such diversity and protected area conservation-I suggest that what is needed most (...)
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  10. The Paradoxes of National Self-Determination.Brian Slattery - 1994 - Osgoode Hall Law Journal 32:703-33.
    Some have argued that the right of national self-determination gives every national group the power to decide for itself whether to remain part of an existing state or to secede unilaterally and form its own state. Such a theory underpins the claim that Quebec is entitled to decide on its own whether or not to leave Canada. This paper examines the main philosophical arguments for the theory and finds them one-dimensional and inadequate; they fail to take account of (...)
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  11. Constitutional Self-Government and Nationalism: Hobbes, Locke and George Lawson.E. Alexander-Davey - 2014 - History of Political Thought 35 (3):458-484.
    The emphasis in contemporary democratic theory and in the history of political thought on the peculiarly abstract theory of popular sovereignty of Locke and his twentieth-century intellectual descendants obscures a crucial relationship between constitutional self-government and nationalism. Through a Hobbesian and Filmerian critique of Locke and an examination of the political writings of George Lawson , the article shows the necessary connections between popular sovereignty, constitutionalism and a form of national consciousness that renders concrete the otherwise abstract and airy (...)
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  12.  31
    Sport and the ‘National Thing’: Exploring Sport’s Emotive Significance.Jack Black - 2020 - Sport in Society: Cultures, Commerce, Media, Politics:X.
    This article critically details how the work of Slavoj Žižek theoretically elaborates on the links between nationalism and sport. Notably, it highlights how key terms, drawn from Žižek’s work on fantasy, ideology and the Real (itself grounded in the work of Jacques Lacan), can be used to explore the relationship between sport, nationalism and enjoyment (jouissance). In outlining this approach, specific attention is given to Žižek’s account of the ‘national Thing’. Accordingly, by considering the various ways in which sport (...)
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  13.  31
    Scope Restrictions, National Partiality, and War.Jeremy Davis - forthcoming - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy.
    Most of us believe that partiality applies in a broad range of relationships. One relationship on which there is much disagreement is co-nationality. Some writers argue that co-national partiality is not justified in certain cases, like killing in war, since killing in defense of co-nationals is intuitively impermissible in other contexts. I argue that this approach overlooks an important structural feature of partiality—namely, that its scope is sometimes restricted. In this essay, I show how some relationships that generate reasons (...)
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  14. Skilled Migration: Who Should Pay for What?Speranta Dumitru - 2012 - Diversities 14 (1):8-23.
    Brain drain critiques and human rights advocates have conflicting views on emigration. From a brain drain perspective, the emigration harms a country when emigrants are skilled and the source country is poor. From the human rights perspective, the right "to leave any country, including one's own" is a fundamental right, protected for all, whatever their skills. Is the concern with poverty and social justice at odds with the right to emigrate? At the beginning of the l970s, the economist Jagdish Bhagwati (...)
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  15.  56
    Racisms: Racial, Ethnic, and National.Jorge J. E. Gracia - manuscript
    Racism has been the subject of considerable attention in recent years, and although many varieties of it have been identified and discussed, most of the discussions take insufficient account of the differences between the racial, ethnic, and national elements that play roles in it. Nonetheless, the talk of racism against members of ethnic and national groups is quite common and gives rise to misunderstandings and confusions about what racism is and the various forms it can take when these (...)
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  16. ‘Comfort Women’ and Japan’s National Responsibility.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2013 - In Jun-Hyeok Kwak & Melissa Nobles (eds.), Historical Reconciliation and Inherited Responsibility. Routledge. pp. 1--145.
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  17.  19
    Can Mahatma Gandhi Be Called a Third World Precursor of Development Ethics?Kazi A. S. M. Nurul Huda - 2012 - Arts Faculty Journal 6 (8):89-113.
    Development ethics is concerned with the justification of development in terms of different normative issues. Mahatma Gandhi was the greatest among all who contributed to the Indian nationalism movement. The focus of this article is to show that Mahatma Gandhi can be regarded as a third world precursor of development ethics. To facilitate the purpose, the writer will try to show first that Gandhi’s theory of ahimsa acts as a foundational ethics of his entire development thought, because it is against (...)
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  18. Transcending National Citizenship or Taming It? Ayelet Shachar’s Birthright Lottery.Duncan Ivison - 2012 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (2):9-17.
    Recent political theory has attempted to unbundle demos and ethnos, and thus citizenship from national identity. There are two possible ways to meet this challenge: by taming the relationship between citizenship and the nation, for example, by defending a form of liberal multicultural nationalism, or by transcending it with a postnational, cosmopolitan conception of citizenship. Both strategies run up against the boundedness of democratic authority. In this paper, I argue that Shachar adresses this issue in an innovative way, but (...)
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  19. In the Name of Equality— An Examination of Equality Arguments for National Self-Government.Hsin-Wen Lee - 2018 - In Hsin-Wen Lee & Sungmoon Kim (eds.), Reimaging Nation and Nationalism in Multicultural East Asia. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 36-56.
    Both Kymlicka and Patten argue that the equal treatment of different national groups require that the state officially recognize the right of each to create its own autonomous government. After carefully examining their arguments, I show that they both make the false assumption that, in a multinational state, the state belongs only to the majority group but not the minority, and that a multination state can never treat minority groups equally. Both claims are inherently anti-pluralistic. Thus, the equal treatment (...)
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  20.  63
    Is a Post-Nationalist Europe Still Possible After Catalonia?Yuezhen Li - 2017 - Midway Review 13 (Spring 2017):12-22.
    After the independence drive in Catalonia, we are forced back to reflect on the post-national vision for a unified Europe. Post-nationalism, at least as Habermas understands it, requires ethnic identities be replaced by rational-ideological bonds as the cornerstone of state-formation. Whether that political theory is valid remains up to debate. Yet, we must admit that post-nationalism is not the reality. The idea that we now live in a world beyond national and ethnic divides is nothing more than a (...)
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  21.  99
    Relativism and Radical Conservatism.Timo Pankakoski & Jussi M. Backman - 2019 - In Martin Kusch (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Philosophy of Relativism. Abingdon: Routledge. pp. 219-227.
    The chapter tackles the complex, tension-ridden, and often paradoxical relationship between relativism and conservatism. We focus particularly on radical conservatism, an early twentieth-century German movement that arguably constitutes the climax of conservatism’s problematic relationship with relativism. We trace the shared genealogy of conservatism and historicism in nineteenth-century Counter-Enlightenment thought and interpret radical conservatism’s ambivalent relation to relativism as reflecting this heritage. Emphasizing national particularity, historical uniqueness, and global political plurality, Carl Schmitt and Hans Freyer moved in the tradition of (...)
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  22. Relativism in the Context of National Socialism.Johannes Steizinger - 2019 - In Martin Kusch (ed.), Routledge Handbook to Relativism. New York, London: pp. 114-123.
    The aim of this chapter is to clarify the use and meaning of the concept of relativism in the context of National Socialism (NS). Section 1 examines the critical reproach that NS is a form of relativism. I analyze and criticize the common core of this widespread argument which has dominated discussions about the topic up to the present. Section 2 sketches the general debates on relativism before and during NS. I show that fascist thought could be associated with (...)
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  23.  10
    Sustainable International Trade in Agricultural Goods: Emerging Markets Perspectives.Nataliia V. Stukalo, Nataliya O. Krasnikova & Olena V. Dzyad - 2019 - Journal of Social Sciences Research 5 (7):1096-1105.
    Preservation of the environment, the sphere of the vital activity of the population, cultural heritage, promotion of the healthy lifestyle movement, the implementation of the “green†and resource saving technologies create more active demand for organic goods in the international trade. The ecological, social, economic and institutional merits of organic goods compared with traditional and genetically modified goods as well as the high pace of the growth of the international trade in organic agricultural goods enhance their role in the achievement (...)
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