Results for 'Political Stability'

970 found
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  1. Hate Speech, Righteous Hatred and Political Stability: A Religious Perspective.Barigbon Gbara Nsereka - 2018 - Scholars Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 6 (11).
    Of all the spheres where hate speech thrives, religion and politics seem to be more pronounced. Speeches made to cast aspersions on political affiliations and ideologies as well as on religious faiths, heavily affect the political beliefs, participation and reactions of the people concerned to the happenings within the sociopolitical arena. Comments made on religion, like those on politics, have a high propensity to either make or mar the entire political well-being or otherwise of the country. How (...)
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  2. How Theoretically Opposite Models of Interethnic Power-Sharing Can Complement Each Other and Contribute to Political Stabilization: The Case of Nigeria.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2016 - Politeja 42 (3):53-73.
    The aim of this article is to demonstrate the thesis that the stabilization of Nigeria’s complicated political situation is furthered by the functioning in that country of institutions based on two models of interethnic power-sharing – consociationalism and centripetalism – and that the two are to some extent complementary in Nigerian practice, despite the fact that political theory sees the two as opposites of each other. The article begins with a short analysis of the political situation in (...)
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  3. Stability, Autonomy, and the Foundations of Political Liberalism.Anthony Taylor - 2022 - Law and Philosophy (5):1-28.
    An attractive form of social stability is realized when the members of a well-ordered society give that society’s organizing principles their free and reflective endorsement. However, many political philosophers are skeptical that there is any requirement to show that their principles would engender this kind of stability. This skepticism is at the root of a number of objections to political liberalism, since arguments for political liberalism often appeal to its ability to be stable in this (...)
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  4. Stability of sociopolitical systems in the context of globalization: revolution and democracy.Leonid Grinin & Andrey V. Korotayev - 2015 - Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 9 (2):01-34.
    Issues of sociopolitical systems’ stability and risks of their destabi-lization in process of political transformations belong to the most important ones as regards the social development perspectives, as has been shown again by the recent events in Ukraine. In this re-spect it appears necessary to note that the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of respective sociopolitical systems. This article studies the issue of democratization of countries within globalization context, it points to (...)
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  5. From Congruence to Consonance: A Majoritarian Restatement of Eckstein’s Stability Theory.Walter Horn - 2022 - Romanian Review of Political Sciences and International Relations 19 (2):93-112.
    Harry Eckstein’s long-standing (but ever-changing) hypothesis that a nation’s political stability is a function of “congruence” between the “authority patterns” exhibited by the government and those displayed by nearly every sort of institution under that government’s aegis involved a highly complex politico-psychological theory. As a result, it was quite difficult either to confirm or disconfirm. While there have been a number of suggested revisions that apparently simplify his thesis, they suffer either from vagueness or a failure to take (...)
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  6. The Stability of the Just Society: Why Fixed Point Theorems Are Beside The Point.Sean Ingham & David Wiens - 2022 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 23 (2):312-319.
    Political theorists study the attributes of desirable social-moral states of affairs. Schaefer (forthcoming) aims to show that "static political theory" of this kind rests on shaky foundations. His argument revolves around an application of an abstruse mathematical theorem -- Kakutani's fixed point theorem -- to the social-moral domain. We show that Schaefer has misunderstood the implications of this theorem for political theory. Theorists who wish to study the attributes of social-moral states of affairs should carry on, safe (...)
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  7. Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2018 - Politeja 56 (5):86-107.
    There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of (...)
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  8. Czym jest stabilność polityczna państwa?Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2015 - Przegląd Politologiczny 2:37-47.
    [WHAT IS POLITICAL STABILITY?] Artykuł traktuje o problemie definiowania pojęcia „stabilność polityczna” państwa. Głównym jego celem jest odpowiedź na pytanie, co znaczy stwierdzenie, że dane państwo jest stabilne politycznie. Artykuł składa się z czterech części. W pierwszej wyjaśniany jest leksykalny sens słów: „stabilny”, „stabilność” i „stabilizacja”. W drugiej części analizowane jest rozumienie znaczenia terminu „stabilność polityczna” w piśmiennictwie politologicznym. Trzecia część artykułu poświęcona jest omówieniu kwantytatywnych prób ujmowania sensu pojęcia stabilności politycznej. W zakończeniu podjęta została próba zdefiniowania przedmiotowego (...)
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  9. Political Justice in Aristotle's "Nicomachean Ethics" and "Politics".Thornton C. Lockwood - 2004 - Dissertation, Boston University
    In the center of the fifth book of the Nicomachean Ethics, Aristotle elliptically characterizes political justice as a form of reciprocal rule that exists between free and equal persons pursuing a common life directed toward self-sufficiency under the rule of law. My dissertation analyzes Aristotle's thematic treatments of political justice in the Nicomachean Ethics and Politics in order to elucidate its meaning, clarify its relationship to the other forms of justice that he also discusses, and compare it to (...)
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  10. Political Naturalism and State Authority.Edward Song - 2012 - Journal of Social Philosophy 43 (1):64-77.
    For the political naturalist, skepticism about political obligations only arises because of a basic confusion about the necessity of the state for human well-being. From this perspective, human beings are naturally political animals and cannot flourish outside of political relationships. In this paper, I suggest that this idea can be developed in two basic ways. For the thick naturalist, political institutions are constitutive of the best life. For the thin naturalist, they secure the basic background (...)
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  11. Under Pressure: Political Liberalism, the Rise of Unreasonableness, and the Complexity of Containment.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - 2018 - Journal of Political Philosophy 26 (2):145-168.
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  12. Militant Intolerant People: A Challenge to John Rawls' Political Liberalism.Vicente Medina - 2010 - Political Studies 58 (3):556-571.
    In this article, it is argued that a significant internal tension exists in John Rawls' political liberalism. He holds the following positions that might plausibly be considered incongruous: (1) a commitment to tolerating a broad right of freedom of political speech, including a right of subversive advocacy; (2) a commitment to restricting this broad right if it is intended to incite and likely to bring about imminent violence; and (3) a commitment to curbing this broad right only if (...)
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  13. The Fascist Regime: The Rise, Development, and Stabilization of Fascism in the Philippines.Regletto Aldrich Imbong - 2020 - Security and Democracy: Nexus, Convergence, and Intersections.
    The recent political developments in the Philippines require a reevaluation of the nature of the State under the Rodrigo Duterte regime. Just years ago, scholars illustrated the regime of Duterte to be a populist, illiberal, or authoritarian one. But since then, and especially during the pandemic, a lot of things have changed. In this paper, I will argue that Duterte’s regime is a fascist one. Unlike how Walden Bello characterized Duterte as a fascist original, a characterization laden with theoretical (...)
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  14. Evolutionary models and the normative significance of stability.Arnon Levy - 2018 - Biology and Philosophy 33 (5-6):33.
    Many have expected that understanding the evolution of norms should, in some way, bear on our first-order normative outlook: How norms evolve should shape which norms we accept. But recent philosophy has not done much to shore up this expectation. Most existing discussions of evolution and norms either jump headlong into the is/ought gap or else target meta-ethical issues, such as the objectivity of norms. My aim in this paper is to sketch a different way in which evolutionary considerations can (...)
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  15. Pluralist Partially Comprehensive Doctrines, Moral Motivation, and the Problem of Stability.Ross A. Mittiga - 2017 - Res Publica 23 (4):409-429.
    Recent scholarship has drawn attention to John Rawls’s concern with stability—a concern that, as Rawls himself notes, motivated Part III of A Theory of Justice and some of the more important changes of his political turn. For Rawls, the possibility of achieving ‘stability for the right reasons’ depends on citizens possessing sufficient moral motivation. I argue, however, that the moral psychology Rawls develops to show how such motivation would be cultivated and sustained does not cohere with his (...)
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  16. The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups.Kristian Skagen Ekeli - 2012 - Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.
    The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...)
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  17. Modus Vivendi Arrangements, Stability, and the All-Subjected Principle.Corrado Fumagalli - 2022 - Rivista Italiana di Filosofia Politica 1 (2):191-20.
    Despite the importance of the requirement that all parties subject to a modus vivendi accept it, the philosophical basis of the all-subjected principle has been largely neglected in the realist literature on modus vivendi arrangements as responses to disagreements on issues of common concern. In this article, I argue that the inclusion of all-subjected parties should be understood as instrumental to justifying the presupposition that enough parties will have the motivation to comply with an arrangement that they grudgingly accept as (...)
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  18. Esteem and self-esteem in early modern ethics and politics. An overview.Andreas Blank - 2022 - Intellectual History Review 32 (1):1-14.
    The self-worth of political communities is often understood to be an expression of their position in a hierarchy of power; if so, then the desire for self-worth is a source of competition and conflict in international relations. In early modern German natural law theories, one finds the alternative view, according to which duties of esteem toward political communities should reflect the degree to which they fulfill the functions of civil government. The present article offers a case study, examining (...)
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  19. The Well-Ordered Society under Crisis: A Formal Analysis of Public Reason vs. Convergence Discourse.Hun Chung - forthcoming - American Journal of Political Science:1-20.
    A well-ordered society faces a crisis whenever a sufficient number of noncompliers enter into the political system. This has the potential to destabilize liberal democratic political order. This article provides a formal analysis of two competing solutions to the problem of political stability offered in the public reason liberalism literature—namely, using public reason or using convergence discourse to restore liberal democratic political order in the well-ordered society. The formal analyses offered in this article show that (...)
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  20. Legitimacy and Consensus in Rawls' Political Liberalism.Enzo Rossi - 2014 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica 27:37-56.
    In this paper I analyze the theory of legitimacy at the core of John Rawls’ political liberalism. Rawls argues that a political system is well grounded when it is stable. This notion of stability embodies both pragmatic and moral elements, each of which constitutes a key desideratum of Rawlsian liberal legitimacy. But those desiderata are in tension with each other. My main claim is that Rawls’ strategy to overcome that tension through his theory of public justification is (...)
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  21. Modus Vivendi Beyond the Social Contract: Peace, Justice, and Survival in Realist Political Theory.Thomas Fossen - 2018 - In John Horton, Manon Westphal & Ulrich Willems (eds.), The Political Theory of Modus Vivendi. Cham: Springer Verlag. pp. 111-127.
    This essay examines the promise of the notion of modus vivendi for realist political theory. I interpret recent theories of modus vivendi as affirming the priority of peace over justice, and explore several ways of making sense of this idea. I proceed to identify two key problems for modus vivendi theory, so conceived. Normatively speaking, it remains unclear how this approach can sustain a realist critique of Rawlsian theorizing about justice while avoiding a Hobbesian endorsement of absolutism. And conceptually, (...)
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  22. The limits of conjecture: Political liberalism, counter-radicalisation and unreasonable religious views.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - 2020 - Ethnicities 20 (2):293-311.
    Originally proposed by John Rawls, the idea of reasoning from conjecture is popular among the proponents of political liberalism in normative political theory. Reasoning from conjecture consists in discussing with fellow citizens who are attracted to illiberal and antidemocratic ideas by focusing on their religious or otherwise comprehensive doctrines, attempting to convince them that such doctrines actually call for loyalty to liberal democracy. Our goal is to criticise reasoning from conjecture as a tool aimed at persuasion and, in (...)
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  23. “When having too much Power is Harmful? - Spinoza on Political Luck”.Yitzhak Melamed - 2017 - In Yitzhak Y. Melamed & Hasana Sharp (eds.), Spinoza's Political Treatise: A Critical Guide. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 161-174.
    Spinoza’s celebrated doctrine of the conatus asserts that “each thing, as far as it can by its own power, strives to persevere in its being” (E3p6). Shortly thereafter Spinoza makes the further claim that the (human) mind strives to increase its power of acting (E3p12). This latter claim is commonly interpreted as asserting that human beings (and their associations) not only strive to persevere in their existence, but also always strive to increase their power. Spinoza’s justification for E3p12 relies (among (...)
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  24. The Technologisation of the Social: A Political Anthropology of the Digital Machine.Paul O'Connor & Marius Ion Benta (eds.) - 2021 - London, UK: Routledge.
    In an era of digital revolution, artificial intelligence, big data and augmented reality, technology has shifted from being a tool of communication to a primary medium of experience and sociality. Some of the most basic human capacities are increasingly being outsourced to machines and we increasingly experience and interpret the world through digital interfaces, with machines becoming ever more ‘social’ beings. Social interaction and human perception are being reshaped in unprecedented ways. This book explores this technologisation of the social and (...)
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  25. Emotive Meaning in Political Argumentation.Fabrizio Macagno & Douglas Walton - 2019 - Informal Logic 39 (3):229-261.
    Donald Trump’s speeches and messages are characterized by terms that are commonly referred to as “thick” or “emotive,” meaning that they are characterized by a tendency to be used to generate emotive reactions. This paper investigates how emotive meaning is related to emotions, and how it is generated or manipulated. Emotive meaning is analyzed as an evaluative conclusion that results from inferences triggered by the use of a term, which can be represented and assessed using argumentation schemes. The evaluative inferences (...)
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  26.  33
    What role do looping effects play in the stability of 'mental illness' as a concept?Charlotte Curran - 2021 - Dissertation, University of Manchester
    This paper offers a philosophical analysis of mental illness as a concept and attempts to provide an understanding of what contributes to the instability of this concept. Mental illness is argued to be susceptible to looping effects, which means that the behaviours of those diagnosed is affected by their classification. This idea of looping is a contributor to mental illness being an unstable category as it affects the behaviours of those classified and the classifications themselves. Specific mental disorders such as (...)
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  27. Res Publica ex Machina: On Neocybernetic Governance and the End of Politics.Anna-Verena Nosthoff & Felix Maschewski - 2020 - In Anna-Verena Nosthoff & Felix Maschewski (eds.), Let's Get Physical, INC Reader. Amsterdam: pp. 196-211.
    The article critically investigates various approaches to “smart” governance, from algorithmic regulation (O’Reilly), fluid technocracy (P. Khanna), “smart states” (Noveck), nudge theory (Thaler/ Sunstein) and social physics (Alex Pentland). It specifically evaluates the cybernetic origins of these approaches and interprets them as pragmatic actualisations of earlier cybernetic models of the state (Lang, Deutsch) against the current background of surveillance capitalism. The authors argue that cybernetic thinking rests on a reductive model of participation and a limited concept of “the political (...)
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  28. Warding off the Evil Eye: Peer Envy in Rawls’s Just Society.James S. Pearson - 2024 - Archiv für Geschichte der Philosophie 106 (2):350-369.
    This article critically analyzes Rawls’s attitude toward envy. In A Theory of Justice, Rawls is predominantly concerned with the threat that class envy poses to political stability. Yet he also briefly discusses the kind of envy that individuals experience toward their social peers, which he calls particular envy, and which I refer to as peer envy. He quickly concludes, however, that particular envy would not present a serious risk to the stability of his just society. In this (...)
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  29. A Roadmap for Governing AI: Technology Governance and Power Sharing Liberalism.Danielle Allen, Sarah Hubbard, Woojin Lim, Allison Stanger, Shlomit Wagman & Kinney Zalesne - 2024 - Harvard Ash Center for Democratic Governance and Innovation.
    This paper aims to provide a roadmap to AI governance. In contrast to the reigning paradigms, we argue that AI governance should not be merely a reactive, punitive, status-quo-defending enterprise, but rather the expression of an expansive, proactive vision for technology—to advance human flourishing. Advancing human flourishing in turn requires democratic/political stability and economic empowerment. Our overarching point is that answering questions of how we should govern this emerging technology is a chance not merely to categorize and manage (...)
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  30. National Economies Intellectualization Evaluating in the World Economy.Sergii Sardak & A. Samoylenko S. Sardak - 2014 - Economic Annals-XXI 9 (2):4-7.
    The state of national economies development varies and is characterized by many indicators. Economically developed countries are known as doubtless leaders that are in progress and form political stability, social and economics standards, scientific and technical progress and determine future priorities. It is worth mentioning that the progressive development of national economies in conditions of globalization can take place only in case of the increase of their intellectualization level, through saturation of people`s life, economic relations and production by (...)
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  31. Against Posthumanism: Posthumanism as the World Vision of House-Slaves.Arran Gare - 2021 - Borderless Philosophy 4:1-56.
    One of the most influential recent developments in supposedly radical philosophy is ‘posthumanism’. This can be seen as the successor to ‘deconstructive postmodernism’. In each case, the claim of its proponents has been that cultures are oppressive by virtue of their elitism, and this elitism, fostered by the humanities, is being challenged. In each case, however, these philosophical ideas have served ruling elites by crippling opposition to their efforts to impose markets, concentrate wealth and power and treat everyone and everything (...)
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  32. The role of confucianism in sociopolitics of the Nguyen dynasty in the first half of the 19th century.Pham Thi Lan - 2021 - Linguistics and Culture Review 5 (S4):2403-2412.
    The research focuses on how the Nguyen dynasty it became the first to have the largest territory in the history of Vietnam in its nearly 60 years of establishing and reigning over the unified country in the first half of the 19th century. It is seen that in terms of organizing the state apparatus, Gia Long and Minh Mang retained the system of agencies of the previous dynasties and continued reforms to ensure socio-political stability in their governance at (...)
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  33. The Civic Duty to Report Crime and Corruption.Candice Delmas - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):50-64.
    Is the civic duty to report crime and corruption a genuine moral duty? After clarifying the nature of the duty, I consider a couple of negative answers to the question, and turn to an attractive and commonly held view, according to which this civic duty is a genuine moral duty. On this view, crime and corruption threaten political stability, and citizens have a moral duty to report crime and corruption to the government in order to help the government’s (...)
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  34. Rights of inequality: Rawlsian justice, equal opportunity, and the status of the family.Justin Schwartz - 2001 - Legal Theory 7 (1):83-117.
    Is the family subject to principles of justice? In "A Theory of Justice", John Rawls includes the (monogamous) family along with the market and the government as among the, "basic institutions of society", to which principles of justice apply. Justice, he famously insists, is primary in politics as truth is in science: the only excuse for tolerating injustice is that no lesser injustice is possible. The point of the present paper is that Rawls doesn't actually mean this. When it comes (...)
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  35. Hegel on Freedom and Authority.Renato Cristi - 2005 - University of Wales Press.
    While Hegel’s political philosophy has been attacked on the left by republican democrats and on the right by feudalist reactionaries, his apologists see him as a liberal reformer, a moderate who theorized about the development of a free-market society within the bounds of a stabilizing constitutional state. This centrist view has gained ascendancy since the end of the Second World War, enshrining Hegel within the liberal tradition. In this book, Renato Cristi argues that, like the Prussian liberal reformers of (...)
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  36. In margine alla presa di posizione di Agostino sul tema della guerra giusta: la religione cristiana come garanzia di stabilità dello stato.Stefano Simonetta - 2016 - In Fabrizio Amerini & Stefano Caroti (eds.), _Ipsum verum non videbis nisi in philosophiam totus intraveris. Studi in onore di Franco De Capitani_. Raccolti da Fabrizio Amerini e Stefano Caroti. Firenze-Parma, Torino: E-theca OnLineOpenAccess Edizioni, Università degli Studi di Torino. pp. 470-481.
    In examining Augustine’s contribution to the Christian doctrine of bellum iustum, this article sheds light on some extremely interesting pages, from which it is possible to reconstruct how Augustine conceived the relationship between the Christian religion and the Empire. Rejecting the accusations according to which the Christian religion would be an “enemy of the State,” he affirms instead that, if it were given the attention it deserves, it would give Rome “a foundation and a consecration” which it never knew during (...)
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  37. For a Future to Come: Derrida’s Democracy and the Right to Literature.Filipovic Zlatan - unknown
    Reflecting on the political nature of literature and its relation to modern democracy, the essay begins by problematizing any notion of commitment in literature. However, irresponsibility found in literature, far from undermining the political process, is what animates the political field seen as an endless contestability of our social practice. The way our notion of modern democracy informs our understanding of literary practice is explored through a selection of Derrida’s writings where democracy emerges as the possibility of (...)
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  38. The Origins of Francisco Suarez's Doctrines on Popular Sovereignty and Authority.Millan Zorita - 2021 - Cuadernos de ALDEEU 35 (Spring 2021):167 - 183.
    Francisco Suarez was a Spanish Jesuit scholastic who wrote extensively on theology, metaphysics, law, and politics at the turn of the 17th century. Highly regarded, he has remained influential until the present. This paper will focus on his theories of popular sovereignty and resistance that were so implicitly influential during the early modern period and into the Enlightenment. The clear evolution from the political thinking of Plato through the Aristotelian-Thomistic school is shown to evolve into Suarez’s as a result (...)
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  39. Schmerz und Hegung. Das Politische und die Institutionalisierung seiner Grenzen.Dikovich Albert - 2020 - Metodo. International Studies in Phenomenology and Philosophy 8 (1):195-230.
    My paper aims to outline the concept of the pathic foundation of political institutions. I depart from the observation of a lack of clarity concerning the resources of institutional stability in the work of Chantal Mouffe and the proponents of agonistic democracy. Drawing from the ideas of Claude Lefort and Carl von Clausewitz, I sketch the idea that the experience of confict itself generates the moral and epistemic groundings that legitimize and stabilize its institutional regulations. It is within (...)
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  40. Can Rawlsian Containment of Hateful Viewpoints Be Effective?Corrado Fumagalli - 2022 - Social Theory and Practice (X):681-707.
    While most of the literature has attempted to justify harsh and soft containment given some fundamental commitments of political liberalism, I focus on how justified forms of containment can in themselves be deemed effective. This article shows that a reading of Rawls allows for a comparison of different containment practices based on their capacity to protect the stability of liberal democracies under serious threat. And, in making it possible to compare harsh and soft containment, I evaluate immediate (...) gains against citizens’ judgements about their liberal democratic institutions. (shrink)
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  41. (1 other version)A Nietzschean Case for Illiberal Egalitarianism.Donovan Miyasaki - 2014 - In Manuel Knoll & Barry Stocker (eds.), Nietzsche as Political Philosopher. Boston: De Gruyter. pp. 155-170.
    This paper draws on Friedrich Nietzsche’s work to defend the (admittedly non-Nietzschean) conclusion that a non-liberal egalitarian society is superior in two ways: first, as a moral ideal, it does not rest on questionable claims about essential human equality and, second, such a society would provide the optimal psychological and political conditions for individual wellbeing, social stability, and cultural achievement. I first explain Nietzsche’s distinction between forms of egalitarianism: noble and slavish. The slavish form promotes equality, defined negatively (...)
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  42. Revolution and Democracy: Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Modernisation.Leonid Grinin & Andrey Korotayev - 2016 - Cejiss 3:110-130.
    The stability of socio-political systems and the risks of destabilisation in the process of political transformation are among the most important issues of social development; the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of a respective socio-political system. This article studies the issue of democratisation. It highlights the high economic and social costs of a rapid transition to democracy for countries unprepared for it—democracy resulting from revolutions or similar large-scale events. The (...)
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  43. Sistemi partiak në Shqipëri: struktura dhe organizimi i partive politike 1991-2013.Anjeza Xhaferaj - 2016 - Dissertation, European University of Tirana
    This thesis explores the party system and political parties in the post-communist Albania. The overarching question of the thesis is what kind of party system has developed and what is the structure and organization of the Albanian political parties. The study analyses the period 1991-2013, that is the period between the first and the last general elections. I argue and test that the Albanian party system is stable and that the Albanian political parties are mass clientelist parties (...)
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  44. Towards a minimal conception of transitional justice.Valentina Gentile & Megan Foster - 2021 - International Theory 12 (1).
    Transitional Justice (TJ) focuses on the processes of dealing with the legacy of large-scale past abuses (in the aftermath of traumatic experiences such as war or authoritarianism) with the aim of fostering domestic justice and creating the basis for a sustainable peace. TJ however also entails the problem of how a torn society may be able to become a self-determining member of a just international order. This paper presents a minimal conception of TJ, which departs from Rawls' conception of normative (...)
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  45. Critical Theories of Crisis in Europe: From Weimar to the Euro.Poul F. Kjaer & Niklas Olsen - 2016 - Lanham, MD 20706, USA: Rowman & Littlefield International.
    What is to be learned from the chaotic downfall of the Weimar Republic and the erosion of European liberal statehood in the interwar period vis-a-vis the ongoing European crisis? This book analyses and explains the recurrent emergence of crises in European societies. It asks how previous crises can inform our understanding of the present crisis. The particular perspective advanced is that these crises not only are economic and social crises, but must also be understood as crises of public power, order (...)
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  46. 内部不稳定是越南的安全挑战.Nguyen Hoang Tien - 2020 - 西南交通大学学报 55 (4):1-17.
    National security is one of the most critical elements for Vietnam society, economy and political system, their stability, sustainability and prosperity. It is unconditionally the top priority for Vietnamese government, State, Communist Party and military forces. The article proposes a new research approach treating security and military science as interdisciplinary, but two of the branches of social science. Using empirical analysis and case study as research methods, the article is focused on internal instability as challenging security issue that (...)
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  47. Family Quarrels and Mental Harmony: Spinoza's Oikos-Polis Analogy.Hasana Sharp - 2017 - In Yitzhak Y. Melamed & Hasana Sharp (eds.), Spinoza's Political Treatise: A Critical Guide. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. pp. 93-110.
    This paper develops the implications of Spinoza’s invocation in chapter 6 of the traditional analogy between the oikos and the polis. Careful attention to this analogy reveals a number of interesting features of Spinoza’s political theory. Spinoza challenges the perception that absolute monarchy offers greater respite from the intolerable anxiety of the state of nature than does democracy. He acknowledges that people associate monarchical rule with peace and stability, but asserts that it can too easily deform its subjects. (...)
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  48. Christoph Besold on confederation rights and duties of esteem in diplomatic relations.Andreas Blank - 2022 - Intellectual History Review 32 (1):51-70.
    The self-worth of political communities is often understood to be an expression of their position in a hierarchy of power; if so, then the desire for self-worth is a source of competition and conflict in international relations. In early modern German natural law theories, one finds the alternative view, according to which duties of esteem toward political communities should reflect the degree to which they fulfill the functions of civil government. The present article offers a case study, examining (...)
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  49. Rawls's Conception of Autonomy.Anthony Taylor - 2022 - In Ben Colburn (ed.), The Routledge Handbook of Autonomy. New York, NY: Routledge. pp. 96-109.
    This chapter sets out John Rawls’s conception of autonomy and considers the role that it plays in his thought across A Theory of Justice and Political Liberalism. I suggest that one distinctive but overlooked feature of this conception is that it takes seriously the threat to autonomy that arises from how individuals are shaped by their social and political institutions. After setting out this conception and tracing its connections to wider discussions of autonomy, I argue for two main (...)
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  50. The Idea of Europe and the Crisis of Globalization.Georgios Iliopoulos - 2020 - МЕЃУНАРОДЕН ДИЈАЛОГ: ИСТОК - ЗАПАД (International Dialogue East-West) 7 (4):141-147.
    The idea of Europe has already a long history and beyond its ethical attractiveness it became victorious in the political praxis of the 2nd half of the 20th century first of all as a motive force serving the aim of a long-term restoration of peace in the post-war Western Europe and then as a unifying principle for the whole continent after the collapse (implosion) of “really existing socialism”. A little later, in the course of the expansion of the free (...)
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