The present paper is an attempt at examining the value configuration and the socio-demographical profiles of the local political elites in four countries of East-Central Europe: Romania, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, and Poland. The treatment is a comparative one, predominantly descriptive and exploratory, and employs, as a research method, the case-study, being a quite circumscribed endeavor. The cases focus on the members of the Municipal/Local Council in four towns similar in terms of demography and developmental strategies (i.e. (...) small-to-medium sized communities of around 35,000 inhabitants, with economies largely based on food industry and commercial activities): Tecuci (Galați county, Romania), Česká Lípa (Liberec region, Czech Republic), Targovishte (Targovishte province, Bulgaria), and Oleśnica (Lower Silesia province, Poland). Hypothesizing that the local elites of the former Sovietized Erurope tend to differ in outlook, priorities, and value attainment, as compared to their Western counterparts, the paper considers the former’s attitudes and perspectives in regard to seven values: a series of values customarily connected with the concept of ‘democracy’ (i.e. citizen participation, political conflict, gradual change, economic equality), state intervention in economy, decentralization and increased local autonomy, cultural-geographical self-identification. The study uses, as well, five models of value attainment in what concerns the ‘ideal portrait’ of the local councilor (Putnam 1976): ethical, pragmatic, technocratic, political, and gender. According to the results of a study applying a standard written questionnaire among the local councilors of the three communities in the period December 2010-February 2013, the paper distinguishes among three corresponding types of local elites: (1) ‘predominantly elitistic,’ (2) ‘democratic elitist,’ and (3) ‘predominantly democratic,’ following two types of explanation accounting for the differences among the four cases: the legacy of the defunct regime and the degree of administrative decentralization. (shrink)

This text is the final work of researches around the themes of media and crime. Through analyses of articles published by different newspapers (season) São Carlos/SP try to understand the different representative constructions made by the local press in trying to build an entire sphere in favor of the trial and conviction of all accused to make part of the “Gang Mangano”. As a powerful vehicle of communication to the press, at that time, sought to protect socalled “good men” (...) of the time, which in general were those individuals who were part of the local elite. In this sense, choosing to cut a discourse around the concept of social/collective representations tried to prolematize this concept with the media and crime issues in an attempt to discern the main argumentative construction and training of social imaginary collective. (shrink)

-/- Title: The Cultural Legacy of Colonization and Religion: How History Shapes National Identity -/- Introduction -/- Culture is the soul of a nation—it defines its language, values, art, traditions, and social behaviors. However, the culture of many modern nations has been heavily influenced by external forces, especially colonization and religion. Colonization often entailed political conquest, economic control, and cultural dominance. Religion—especially Christianity and Islam—was both a motivation and a tool used during colonial rule. As a result, colonized societies saw (...) profound changes in their identities, traditions, and ways of life. This essay examines how colonization and religion have deeply shaped national cultures, using the Philippines, India, Nigeria, Latin America, and South Africa as comprehensive case studies. -/- I. Colonization as a Shaper of Culture -/- A. The Philippines (Spanish and American Colonization) The Philippines offers a striking example of how colonization reshapes a nation’s culture. Spain colonized the Philippines for over 300 years (1565–1898). During this period, Spanish influences became embedded in every aspect of Filipino life. Spanish architecture introduced baroque-style churches, plazas, and fortresses. Filipino names and surnames were Hispanicized, such as “Santos,” “Reyes,” and “Garcia.” The Spanish introduced a feudal system where native Filipinos became tenant farmers working under local elites, or “principalia.” -/- In 1898, the Americans took over the Philippines after defeating Spain. This ushered in another wave of cultural transformation. The American influence led to the introduction of the English language, a public school system, and Western-style democracy. Today, the Philippines is one of the largest English-speaking nations in Asia, and its legal, political, and educational systems still reflect its colonial past. -/- B. India (British Colonization) India was under British rule for nearly 200 years (1757–1947). The British imposed their administrative systems, restructured Indian education, and introduced Western legal codes. English became the language of governance, education, and intellectual discourse. -/- At the same time, colonization disrupted Indian industries like textiles while promoting British imports, which altered economic and social structures. However, British rule also fostered Indian nationalism. Thinkers like Rabindranath Tagore and Mahatma Gandhi used Western ideals like liberty and justice alongside traditional Indian values to advocate for independence. Today, India’s legal system, parliamentary democracy, and even its railway network are colonial legacies, deeply entwined with its post-colonial identity. -/- C. Africa (Scramble for Africa) During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Africa was divided by European powers during the “Scramble for Africa.” In Nigeria, British colonization created artificial borders that merged various ethnic groups—Hausa-Fulani (Muslim), Yoruba (mixed), and Igbo (Christian). The British ruled indirectly through local chiefs, restructuring tribal societies and economies. English became the language of the elite, while indigenous languages were suppressed in formal institutions. -/- Even after independence, many African countries retained European languages (French, English, Portuguese) as their official languages. These linguistic and administrative choices continue to influence national unity, class divisions, and access to power. -/- II. Religion as a Cultural Force -/- A. The Role of Christianity in the Philippines and Latin America Religion was not just an accompaniment to colonization—it was a core component. In the Philippines, Catholicism was deeply embedded by Spanish missionaries. Today, over 80% of Filipinos identify as Roman Catholic. Religious practices like Simbang Gabi (pre-Christmas dawn masses), Semana Santa (Holy Week), and town fiestas in honor of saints reflect a synthesis of Spanish Catholicism with native customs. -/- Similarly, Latin American countries like Mexico, Peru, and Brazil were profoundly influenced by Spanish and Portuguese colonizers. Catholic churches were built on top of indigenous temples, and native religions were suppressed. However, elements of indigenous spirituality merged with Catholic traditions. The Virgin of Guadalupe in Mexico became a unifying figure, representing both the Christian faith and native identity. In Brazil, Candomblé, a syncretic religion blending African traditions and Catholic saints, emerged as a cultural resistance to slavery and colonization. -/- B. Christian Missions in Africa Christianity expanded significantly in Sub-Saharan Africa due to European missionary activity. In countries like Kenya, Uganda, and Ghana, missionaries built churches, schools, and hospitals. These institutions played a major role in education and healthcare, but also in reshaping cultural values. African traditional religions were often labeled as “pagan” and discouraged. -/- However, Christianity also became a source of empowerment. African leaders like Desmond Tutu of South Africa and Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana combined Christian ethics with liberation theology to fight for justice and independence. -/- C. Religious Pluralism in India In India, while Christianity spread under colonial rule, religious diversity remained robust. Hinduism, Islam, Sikhism, Jainism, and Buddhism continued to flourish. British missionaries established Christian schools, which educated a new Indian elite. Figures like Swami Vivekananda and Sri Aurobindo responded by reviving and modernizing Hindu philosophy, integrating it with nationalistic fervor. Gandhi’s message of ahimsa (nonviolence) was influenced both by Hindu Jain teachings and Christian values. -/- III. Cultural Hybridity and Identity Conflict -/- Colonization and religion often produced hybrid cultures, but not without conflict. -/- In the Philippines, young people celebrate both Western holidays like Halloween and Valentine’s Day alongside Catholic feasts and indigenous rituals. The Tagalog language is now filled with Spanish and English loanwords. This cultural blending has created both a unique Filipino identity and debates about authenticity and decolonization. -/- In Nigeria, religious divisions caused by colonial favoritism have contributed to ethno-religious conflicts between the predominantly Muslim North and Christian South. The legacy of dividing tribes and prioritizing Christian education in the South led to disparities that fuel contemporary tensions. -/- In South Africa, apartheid was a colonial system justified in part by Dutch Reformed Christian ideology. Today, while Christianity remains influential, there is an ongoing effort to revive and celebrate Zulu, Xhosa, and other African cultural traditions suppressed under colonial rule. -/- Conclusion -/- The cultures of colonized countries bear the deep marks of colonization and religion. Colonization altered languages, governance, education, and economy, while religion reshaped belief systems and daily life. Yet, the story Is not one of total loss. Many societies creatively blended imposed traditions with indigenous ones, forming hybrid cultures that reflect both resistance and adaptation. -/- Understanding these historical dynamics is crucial not only for appreciating modern national cultures but also for addressing ongoing challenges related to identity, inequality, and post-colonial recovery. The impact of colonization and religion is not a distant memory—it lives on in every language spoken, every holiday celebrated, and every institution that shapes our lives today. -/- . (shrink)

Problem Statement. The process of global evolution has entered the Anthropocene. This fact has almost simultaneously generated two cardinal, inseparable imperatives in the rapidly changing ideological and outlook basis of modern civilization. Firstly, the feeling that the new geological epoch also requires fundamentally new algorithms guiding practical activity and its theoretical comprehension, justification in all spheres of political reality, with inevitable exit to the level of international relations and geopolitics. Secondly, the content of the categories of ANTHROPOCEN and (GLOBAL) CRISIS (...) overlap so diversely and widely that they form an almost inseparable logically and mentally amalgam. The purpose of this publication is to reveal the political aspects of the integration of new biopolitical issues into the life of modern society. The content of the term biopolitics is currently not formalized in a definitive form. In our concept, biopolitics is defined as the processes of implementing biopower, that is, the ability (direct or indirect) of the power structures of society to control and manipulate the performance of the biological functions of certain individuals. Based on a combination of methods of conceptual, discursive and evolutionary-anthropological analysis (the concepts of evolutionary strategy and cultural-ecological niche), possible scenarios for the future development of the political process at the domestic and international levels are identified. The mechanism of transbipolitical transition – the inclusion of civilizational and biological evolution in the political process – is investigated. The conclusion formulates the content of the category “transbiolitics” as the main element of rationalization of the global-evolutionary process in the globalizing world. Transbiolitics in our understanding is an international political problematic related to the rationalization of the global evolutionary process. Technologization of the global evolutionary process, the choice of implemented technological projects and forms of their institutional support is determined primarily by geo- and biopolitical motivation of local elites and humanitarian and other convergent technologies available to them. (shrink)

-/- The Shaping of Filipino Culture: The Influence of Spanish Colonization, the Catholic Church, and American Rule -/- The culture of the Philippines is a vibrant tapestry woven from centuries of historical encounters, especially with Spanish colonizers, the Catholic Church, and later, American administrators. These foreign influences have played a defining role in shaping Filipino identity, values, and ways of life, blending with indigenous traditions to create a unique cultural landscape. -/- Spanish Colonization (1565–1898) The arrival of Spanish forces in (...) 1565 marked the beginning of over three centuries of colonization, during which the Philippines became a part of the Spanish Empire. One of the most significant legacies of this period was the introduction of Roman Catholicism. Missionaries worked closely with colonial administrators to convert the local population, resulting in the widespread adoption of the Catholic faith. Today, the Philippines remains the largest Catholic country in Asia. -/- Catholicism did not just influence religion but also deeply affected Filipino customs, social norms, and community life. Religious festivals or fiestas became central to Filipino towns and cities, celebrating patron saints with a mix of indigenous, Spanish, and Christian elements. The Spanish also introduced their language, which contributed thousands of words to Filipino languages—especially in law, religion, food, and everyday life. Politically, the Spanish imposed a centralized system of governance, reinforcing social hierarchies and creating a class of educated elites known as the illustrados. -/- The Role of the Catholic Church Throughout Spanish rule and even beyond, the Catholic Church held immense spiritual and political power. It controlled vast tracts of land, operated schools, and shaped community values. Key Filipino social values—such as hiya (shame), utang na loob (debt of gratitude), and pakikisama (social harmony)—were reinforced through religious teachings and institutions. -/- The Church also mediated conflicts and functioned almost as a parallel government. Over time, Catholic rituals merged with native practices, resulting in a distinct Filipino brand of Christianity that includes folk beliefs, rituals for healing, and deep devotion to saints. -/- American Colonization (1898–1946) Following Spain’s defeat in the Spanish-American War, the Philippines came under American control in 1898. The Americans introduced a new colonial model, centered around public education, democratic ideals, and the English language. This period saw the establishment of the Philippine public school system, which was key in promoting English as a second language and shaping a more Western-oriented worldview among Filipinos. -/- American influence extended into government structure, as democratic institutions and constitutional governance were introduced. Filipino leaders were trained in liberal democratic practices, planting the seeds for future independence. -/- Culturally, the Philippines experienced a wave of Americanization. Movies, music, fashion, and food from the U.S. became popular. Western concepts such as individualism and consumerism began to mingle with traditional communal Filipino values. The popularity of Hollywood films and American pop culture helped shape Filipino entertainment, media, and lifestyle choices. -/- Conclusion The culture of the Philippines today is the result of a long process of cultural fusion. Spanish colonization and the Catholic Church instilled deep religious and social values, while American rule brought modern education, democratic governance, and exposure to global culture. These influences did not erase indigenous traditions but blended with them, creating a resilient and adaptive cultural identity. As a result, modern Filipino culture is uniquely Asian In roots, but with a strong Western flavor—an enduring legacy of its colonial past. -/- . (shrink)

-/- The Hindrances to Development in the Philippines: A Legacy of Colonization and Religion -/- Abstract -/- The Philippines, an archipelago in Southeast Asia, has faced significant challenges in its pursuit of economic, social, and political development. While many factors contribute to these challenges, the historical context of colonization and the influence of religion have had long-lasting effects on the nation’s growth. This paper explores how the history of colonization and the strong influence of religion continue to hinder the development (...) of the Philippines. By analyzing psychological, cultural, economic, educational, political, and social dimensions, this paper highlights how these two historical legacies have shaped the Philippines’ present-day struggles and proposes avenues for overcoming these obstacles to sustainable development. -/- Introduction -/- The Philippines’ history of colonization and religious influence is often cited as a central factor in the country’s continued development challenges. Colonized by Spain for over 300 years and later by the United States, the Philippines experienced significant alterations to its social, economic, and political structures. Additionally, the Catholic Church, which played a pivotal role during the Spanish colonial period, continues to hold substantial influence over social and political life in the country. These intertwined legacies have created systems that often resist change, limit social mobility, and perpetuate inequalities. This paper examines the psychological, cultural, economic, educational, political, and social effects of colonization and religion, and how they continue to hinder the Philippines’ development. -/- Psychological and Cultural Effects of Colonization -/- Colonization in the Philippines was marked by the imposition of foreign governance, education, and social structures. The Spanish colonization of the Philippines (1565–1898) and subsequent American occupation (1898–1946) suppressed indigenous Filipino knowledge, cultural practices, and governance systems. As a result, the Filipino identity became fragmented, with colonizers’ cultural norms and values taking precedence over local traditions. This cultural dissonance often created a sense of inferiority among Filipinos, with the colonial powers positioning themselves as superior. -/- The psychological effects of this cultural dislocation are evident in modern-day Filipino society, where there is an ongoing struggle to reconcile indigenous Filipino values with the globalized, Western-influenced identity that emerged from centuries of colonization. This fragmentation hampers national unity and collective action for societal advancement, as diverse groups within the country may have conflicting priorities due to this lack of a cohesive cultural foundation (Lopez, 2005). -/- Economic Dependency and Exploitation -/- Colonization established an economic system in the Philippines that was heavily reliant on the extraction of resources for the benefit of the colonial powers. Under Spanish rule, the Philippines became a major producer of agricultural goods like sugar, tobacco, and rice, much of which were exported to Spain and other European countries. The United States continued this pattern by orienting the Philippine economy toward the export of raw materials such as coconut and hemp. This legacy of economic dependency persists today, as the Philippines remains heavily reliant on foreign capital and imports (Bello, 2004). -/- This continued dependency has inhibited the growth of local industries and has limited the country’s capacity for self-sustaining economic development. Despite efforts to industrialize in recent decades, the Philippines’ economy remains largely export-dependent, with few homegrown industries that can compete on the global stage (Lamberte, 2002). The dominance of foreign interests in key sectors of the economy continues to restrict the development of a diverse and self-reliant economy. -/- The Impact of Colonization on Education and Knowledge Systems -/- Under Spanish and American rule, the education system in the Philippines was structured to serve the needs of the colonial powers rather than to foster local knowledge, critical thinking, or technological advancement. The educational system emphasized religious instruction, the teaching of colonial languages (Spanish and later English), and the inculcation of loyalty to colonial authorities. Science, technology, and critical thinking were not priorities in this system, leaving gaps in the Philippines' scientific and technological capabilities (Quijano, 2000). -/- These educational shortcomings continue to affect the country today, with many Filipinos lacking access to high-quality education that emphasizes critical thinking and innovation. The country’s educational system still struggles with outdated curricula that do not adequately prepare students for the demands of the modern global economy (Santos, 2010). The lack of emphasis on local scientific research and development further limits the Philippines’ potential to build a knowledge-based economy. -/- Religion and Social Control -/- Religion, particularly Catholicism, has played a central role in shaping the social structure of the Philippines. During the Spanish colonial period, the Catholic Church was an instrument of social control and governance. The Church played a significant role in education, the legal system, and the daily lives of Filipinos. Although the Philippines gained independence from Spain in 1898, the Church continued to exert influence over Filipino society, especially in rural areas (Tiongco, 2004). -/- This religious influence remains strong today, with the Catholic Church often opposing policies related to reproductive health, family planning, and gender equality. The conservative stance of the Church on these issues has created tension between religious doctrine and progressive policies aimed at improving health outcomes and economic well-being. Religious conservatism can, therefore, act as a barrier to the implementation of policies that would benefit the nation's development, particularly in areas such as population control and women’s rights (Silliman, 2014). -/- Political Structures and Governance Challenges -/- Colonization also shaped the governance structures of the Philippines, creating a political system that was more focused on maintaining control and extracting resources than on promoting national welfare. The legacy of authoritarian rule, corruption, and patronage politics remains entrenched in Philippine governance today. The lack of strong political institutions and the persistence of elite domination over political processes have undermined the effective implementation of policies that could drive long-term development (Hernandez, 2011). -/- The political culture in the Philippines, influenced by colonial legacies, often prioritizes short-term political gain over long-term national development. This culture of patronage politics, in which elected officials rely on loyalty and personal connections rather than merit, exacerbates issues such as corruption, inefficiency, and inequality (Uson, 2016). These challenges make it difficult for the Philippines to achieve sustained economic growth and social progress. -/- Social Stratification and Inequality -/- Colonization and religious influence have also contributed to deep social divisions within the Philippines. Under Spanish rule, a hierarchical social structure was established, with a small elite class controlling land and resources while the majority of Filipinos lived in poverty. This system of inequality was perpetuated by the Catholic Church, which supported the social order that maintained the status quo. -/- Today, the Philippines remains one of the most socially stratified countries in Asia. The wealth gap between the elite and the rest of the population continues to grow, and social mobility is limited by a lack of access to quality education, healthcare, and economic opportunities for the majority of Filipinos (David, 2007). This inequality hampers the country’s development by preventing large segments of the population from contributing fully to economic growth and societal progress. -/- Conclusion -/- The history of colonization and the influence of religion have created significant barriers to the development of the Philippines. From the psychological effects of cultural dissonance and the economic dependency fostered by colonial exploitation, to the constraints imposed by an outdated education system and entrenched social hierarchies, these legacies continue to shape the country’s struggles for progress. Overcoming these challenges requires a concerted effort to decolonize the Filipino mind, reform the educational system, promote inclusive economic policies, and encourage a more progressive approach to religion and governance. Only by addressing these historical legacies can the Philippines hope to unlock its full potential and achieve sustainable development. -/- References -/- Bello, W. (2004). The Philippines: Colonialism, Collaboration, and Resistance. University of the Philippines Press. -/- David, C. C. (2007). The Filipino Economy: Development and Underdevelopment. Ateneo de Manila University Press. -/- Hernandez, L. (2011). Political Patronage in Philippine Politics: An Analysis of Political Dynamics in the Philippines. Philippine Political Science Journal, 32(1), 74-92. -/- Lamberte, M. B. (2002). The Philippine Economy: A Study of Growth and Development. University of Philippines Press. -/- Lopez, A. S. (2005). Colonial Mentality and the Filipino Mind: A Study in Psychological Resistance. Philippine Journal of Psychology, 9(2), 125-140. -/- Quijano, W. (2000). Colonialism and its Legacy in the Philippines. Philippine Studies, 48(4), 449-466. -/- Santos, R. M. (2010). Education in the Philippines: Challenges and Opportunities for Reform. Philippine Education Review, 3(1), 56-72. -/- Silliman, J. (2014). Religion, Politics, and Society in the Philippines. Southeast Asian Studies, 15(3), 208-225. -/- Tiongco, M. G. (2004). The Catholic Church in the Philippines: A Historical Perspective. Philippine Studies Journal, 29(2), 173-192. -/- Uson, E. L. (2016). Corruption, Politics, and Governance in the Philippines. Asian Politics and Policy, 8(1), 65-83. -/- . (shrink)

Corporative global media cannot be an instrument of the culture of peace, because they have made widespread individualistic values of the consummative society. Through their symbolic power, they successfully dominate over every sphere of existence of a society: politics, economic life, social ties, national culture, human communication and private life. Traditional media could not be a factor in the promotion and development of culture of peace, simply because they are proponents of corporative economic and political interests. It is in the (...) interest of citizens to counter the activities of “rapacious capitalism” (SCHMIDT 1998), of local comprador political and economic elites, and the practice of robbery of their work; to bridle the proliferation of weapons and acts of aggression. (shrink)

-/- Populism: A Double-Edged Sword in Modern Democracy -/- Populism is one of the most frequently used yet often misunderstood terms in contemporary political discourse. It has influenced elections, swayed public opinion, and reshaped national policies across the globe. At its core, populism is a political strategy or approach that aims to represent the interests and voice of the “common people” in opposition to a perceived corrupt elite or establishment. While it can reinvigorate democracy and bring neglected issues to the (...) forefront, populism also poses significant risks to democratic institutions and social cohesion. -/- Defining Populism -/- Populism does not function as a comprehensive ideology like conservatism or socialism. Rather, it operates as a political logic or style, often characterized by a dichotomy between “the pure people” and “the corrupt elite” (Mudde & Rovira Kaltwasser, 2017). Populist leaders claim to embody the general will of the people and typically frame their opposition as illegitimate or morally inferior. This approach often involves direct appeals to the masses, with disdain for traditional institutions like the judiciary, media, or political parties. -/- Populism can manifest across the ideological spectrum. Left-wing populism tends to focus on economic justice, inequality, and class struggle, while right-wing populism often emphasizes nationalism, cultural identity, and skepticism toward immigration or globalism. Regardless of political leaning, populism fundamentally seeks to mobilize people against established centers of power. -/- Historical Origins and Global Spread -/- The term “populism” originated from the U.S. People’s Party in the late 19th century. This movement represented the grievances of rural farmers against banks, railroads, and industrial monopolies (Kazin, 1995). Populism later gained prominence in Latin America through leaders like Juan Perón in Argentina and Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, who blended charismatic leadership with policies aimed at empowering the poor and working class. -/- In the 21st century, populism has reemerged as a powerful force globally. In Europe, populist parties have capitalized on discontent stemming from economic crises, refugee influxes, and dissatisfaction with the European Union. In Asia and Africa, populist leaders have gained popularity by challenging colonial legacies, elite corruption, and foreign influence, often promising national revival and self-sufficiency. Populist movements have also gained traction in North America, where distrust in traditional political systems continues to grow. -/- The Appeal of Populism -/- Populism thrives in environments of crisis, inequality, and mistrust. Economic instability, unemployment, cultural change, and political disillusionment create fertile ground for populist narratives (Inglehart & Norris, 2016). Populist leaders offer clear, emotionally resonant messages that speak directly to people’s fears, frustrations, and hopes. -/- The modern media landscape, particularly the rise of social media, has intensified the populist surge. Populist figures often bypass traditional media outlets to communicate directly with their supporters, spreading simple, relatable messages that may resonate more than complex policy debates (Moffitt, 2016). This direct connection fosters a sense of authenticity and responsiveness, further building trust among followers. -/- Criticisms and Dangers -/- Despite its potential to increase democratic engagement, populism carries several risks. First, by dividing society into binary opposites—good versus evil, people versus elite—it tends to polarize the political landscape. This can lead to the erosion of democratic dialogue, compromise, and mutual respect. -/- Second, populist leaders often challenge the legitimacy of democratic institutions. By attacking the press, judiciary, or electoral processes, they may consolidate power and undermine checks and balances (Levitsky & Ziblatt, 2018). Some populist regimes have curtailed civil liberties, weakened the rule of law, or manipulated elections under the guise of fulfilling the people’s will. -/- Third, populism can result in unrealistic promises and short-term policies. Leaders may appeal to emotional grievances without addressing underlying structural problems. When results fail to materialize, disillusionment can set in, potentially fostering instability or extremism. -/- Feasible Solutions -/- To mitigate the dangers of populism while addressing its root causes, a multi-pronged approach is essential: -/- 1. Strengthen Democratic Institutions: Governments should reinforce the independence and credibility of democratic institutions—such as courts, electoral commissions, and public broadcasters. Transparent, accountable institutions build public trust and can resist manipulation by populist actors. -/- 2. Promote Inclusive Economic Policies: Economic inequality fuels populist discontent. Policymakers should implement inclusive policies that promote equitable access to jobs, education, and healthcare. Investment in rural areas and marginalized communities can reduce the perception of systemic neglect. -/- 3. Improve Political Communication and Civic Education: Citizens need to understand how democracy functions and how their participation matters. Educational systems should promote critical thinking, media literacy, and awareness of democratic norms to make citizens more resistant to demagoguery and misinformation. -/- 4. Address Legitimate Grievances Responsibly: Rather than dismissing populist concerns outright, mainstream parties and institutions should listen to citizens’ real frustrations—whether they stem from globalization, immigration, or corruption—and address them through practical and evidence-based policy solutions. -/- 5. Encourage Transparent and Ethical Leadership: Ethical governance, anti-corruption measures, and public accountability are key to countering the appeal of populists who promise to “clean up the system.” Leaders must lead by example to restore faith in politics. -/- 6. Foster Social Dialogue and Unity: Building platforms for dialogue between different social, ethnic, and political groups can reduce polarization. Promoting mutual understanding and cooperation, especially at the local level, fosters social cohesion and resilience against divisive rhetoric. -/- Conclusion -/- Populism is a complex and dynamic force in modern democracy. It reflects genuine grievances and has the capacity to rejuvenate political engagement. However, it also poses serious risks if it erodes democratic norms, institutions, and societal unity. The challenge for democratic societies is to respond constructively: by listening, reforming, and educating—rather than by repressing or ignoring. -/- If the root causes of populism are addressed with empathy, transparency, and sound policy, its energy can be redirected into positive democratic renewal rather than destructive division. Only through this balanced approach can democracies survive and thrive in an age of uncertainty and change. -/- References -/- Inglehart, R., & Norris, P. (2016). Trump, Brexit, and the Rise of Populism: Economic Have-Nots and Cultural Backlash. Harvard Kennedy School. -/- Kazin, M. (1995). The Populist Persuasion: An American History. Cornell University Press. -/- Levitsky, S., & Ziblatt, D. (2018). How Democracies Die. Crown Publishing. -/- Moffitt, B. (2016). The Global Rise of Populism: Performance, Political Style, and Representation. Stanford University Press. -/- Mudde, C., & Rovira Kaltwasser, C. (2017). Populism: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford University Press. -/- . (shrink)

Resisting Political Dynasties Through a Balanced Government System -/- Introduction -/- Political dynasties have long been a challenge to democratic governance. In many countries, elections are dominated by powerful families who pass leadership positions from one generation to the next. This results in imbalances in governance, where public offices are treated as family assets rather than platforms for serving the people. While democracy is meant to provide equal opportunities for leadership, political dynasties often manipulate institutions, control resources, and weaken competition (...) to maintain power. -/- To resist the rise of political dynasties, a government system must have strong institutional safeguards, an informed electorate, and mechanisms that promote meritocracy. The universal law of balance in nature, as proposed by Angelito Malicse, can serve as a guiding principle in designing a fair and just political system. This essay explores different government structures that can effectively prevent dynastic rule and ensure that leadership is based on competence, integrity, and public service rather than family name. -/- 1. The Parliamentary System with Strong Party Discipline -/- A parliamentary system is one of the most effective ways to prevent political dynasties because it shifts power from individual politicians to political parties. In this system, the government is formed by the party (or coalition) that wins the most seats in the legislature, and the head of government (Prime Minister) is chosen from among elected representatives. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Power is distributed among parties rather than families, making it harder for a single family to dominate. -/- Political parties have internal mechanisms to replace leaders based on performance, not inheritance. -/- Elections are party-based rather than personality-based, reducing the influence of political families. -/- Example: In the United Kingdom, despite having influential political families, the party system ensures leadership is based on party performance rather than personal legacy. Leaders such as Margaret Thatcher and Tony Blair rose to power based on their abilities, not family connections. -/- 2. Strict Anti-Dynasty Laws and Constitutional Safeguards -/- Some democracies have explicit laws that prevent political dynasties by restricting family members from holding multiple government positions simultaneously or consecutively. These laws limit the concentration of power within a single family and promote fair competition. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Prevents family monopolies over government positions. -/- Encourages new leaders to emerge from different backgrounds. -/- Example: Indonesia has anti-dynasty laws that restrict close relatives of sitting officials from running in the same region. This has prevented some powerful families from dominating local elections. -/- 3. Meritocratic Bureaucracy: A Technocratic Approach -/- In a meritocratic government, key decision-making roles are filled based on skills, experience, and qualifications, rather than political connections. This prevents political families from placing unqualified relatives in influential positions. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Ensures that government officials are competent and qualified. -/- Reduces nepotism and favoritism in appointments. -/- Example: Singapore’s governance model emphasizes meritocracy, where political leaders and civil servants are selected based on their competence, education, and leadership abilities. As a result, Singapore has one of the most efficient and corruption-free governments in the world. -/- 4. Proportional Representation Electoral System -/- A proportional representation (PR) system ensures that seats in the legislature are distributed based on the percentage of votes a party receives, rather than a winner-takes-all system. This creates a more diverse and representative government. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Limits family control by ensuring that power is shared among multiple political parties. -/- Encourages coalition governments, making it harder for a single family to dominate. -/- Example: Germany and the Netherlands use proportional representation, ensuring that elections are issue-based rather than family-based. This system has prevented the emergence of strong political dynasties in these countries. -/- 5. Direct Democracy and Citizen Participation -/- Some countries implement direct democracy mechanisms, such as referendums, recall elections, and citizen assemblies, allowing the public to influence political decisions directly. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Reduces reliance on political elites and families to make decisions. -/- Allows citizens to remove corrupt or ineffective leaders before their term ends. -/- Example: Switzerland has a strong tradition of direct democracy, where citizens frequently vote on key policies. This prevents long-term family dominance in politics because power remains in the hands of the people. -/- 6. Decentralized Federalism to Distribute Power -/- A federal system divides power between national and regional governments, preventing a central ruling class from controlling the entire country. In a decentralized government, each region has a degree of self-governance, reducing the influence of political families at the national level. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Prevents concentration of power at the national level. -/- Encourages local leadership development, giving new leaders opportunities to emerge. -/- Example: The United States has a federal system where state governments operate independently. While political dynasties exist, their power is limited to certain regions rather than national dominance. -/- 7. Holistic Education Based on the Universal Law of Balance -/- One of the most powerful ways to resist political dynasties is through education. A properly designed holistic educational system can reprogram societal thinking, teaching voters to select leaders based on merit rather than blind loyalty to political families. -/- Why It Resists Dynasties: -/- Encourages voters to choose leaders based on competence rather than family ties. -/- Teaches the importance of balance in governance and why unchecked power leads to corruption. -/- Promotes critical thinking, ensuring that citizens are aware of the manipulation tactics used by dynastic politicians. -/- Example: Finland’s education system emphasizes critical thinking, civic responsibility, and political awareness, producing informed and independent-minded voters who are less likely to be influenced by political dynasties. -/- Conclusion: The Best System to Prevent Political Dynasties -/- The most effective way to resist political dynasties is through a combination of these systems: -/- 1. A parliamentary system that ensures leadership is party-driven rather than family-driven. -/- 2. Strict anti-dynasty laws that legally prevent family monopolies in government. -/- 3. A meritocratic bureaucracy that limits political appointments to qualified individuals. -/- 4. A proportional representation electoral system to ensure political diversity. -/- 5. A decentralized government where local leadership develops independently. -/- 6. A holistic education system based on the universal law of balance, empowering voters to make informed choices. -/- If properly implemented, these mechanisms can break the cycle of political dynasties and ensure that democracy remains fair, just, and balanced. By applying the universal law of balance in nature, governments can create a system where leadership is earned through merit and service, not inherited like a monarchy. The challenge now is for leaders, educators, and reformers to recognize these principles and push for systemic change. -/- . 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Applying the Holistic Governance System (HGS) to the Philippines -/- The Philippines has struggled with corruption, political instability, economic inequality, and weak governance. Applying the Holistic Governance System (HGS) could transform the country into a stable, prosperous, and globally competitive nation. -/- Key Challenges in the Philippines: -/- 1. Corruption – Widespread in government agencies, law enforcement, and politics. -/- 2. Political Dynasties & Electoral Manipulation – Many leaders come from elite families, limiting true democracy. -/- 3. Economic Inequality – (...) The wealth gap is extreme, with many Filipinos in poverty. -/- 4. Weak Law Enforcement & Justice System – Crime, illegal drugs, and extrajudicial killings undermine public trust. -/- 5. Underdeveloped Infrastructure – Slow development of transportation, digital connectivity, and urban planning. -/- 6. Brain Drain – Many skilled Filipinos leave for better opportunities abroad. -/- HGS can address these issues by combining the best governance models from around the world while adapting them to the Philippine context. -/- Step-by-Step Implementation of HGS in the Philippines: -/- 1. Political Reform: Replacing Traditional Politics with a Meritocratic Leadership System -/- The Strategic Council (7 Leaders): Instead of a single president, the Philippines would be led by a council of seven experts, each specializing in key areas like economy, education, security, and technology. -/- No Political Dynasties: Candidates must prove their qualifications (economic, scientific, or governance expertise) before being allowed to run. -/- Fixed 10-Year Term: Leaders serve long enough to implement national development plans but cannot seek re-election. -/- ???? Impact: This will eliminate corruption, improve decision-making, and end elite family control of politics. -/- 2. Balanced Democracy: Direct Citizen Participation in Decision-Making -/- Annual Referendums: Inspired by Switzerland, Filipinos will vote directly on key national policies (e.g., education reforms, infrastructure projects). -/- Congress Reform: Replace the current system with: -/- People’s Assembly – Elected by citizens to represent public concerns. -/- Expert Senate – Composed of scientists, economists, and policy experts. -/- ???? Impact: This system prevents corrupt politicians from making bad decisions and gives Filipinos a real voice in governance. -/- 3. Economic Reform: A Hybrid System for Growth & Stability -/- Balanced Free Market + State Planning: -/- Private businesses continue operating, but key industries (energy, healthcare, education, transport) are state-controlled for stability. -/- Large government investment in technology, renewable energy, and industrial growth. -/- Anti-Corruption Crackdown: Modeled after Singapore’s strict anti-corruption policies. -/- Digital Government System: Minimize human corruption by making all government transactions online with AI verification. -/- ???? Impact: The economy grows without exploitation, and corruption is eliminated in business and government. -/- 4. Social Welfare: Universal Services for All Filipinos -/- Free Universal Healthcare: Like Norway & Sweden, all Filipinos receive high-quality medical care. -/- Free Higher Education: Universities are fully funded, with scholarships for top students. -/- Basic Income for the Poor: Prevents extreme poverty and improves national productivity. -/- Affordable Housing & Smart Cities: Government builds modern, eco-friendly, low-cost housing. -/- ???? Impact: This ensures every Filipino has access to education, health, and stable living conditions. -/- 5. Justice & Security: Smart Law Enforcement with AI & Independent Courts -/- AI-Powered Legal System: Reduce human bias in court cases and prevent political influence. -/- Strict Anti-Corruption Laws: Inspired by Singapore, harsh penalties for corruption at all levels. -/- High-Tech Crime Prevention: AI surveillance, digital ID verification, and cybercrime prevention. -/- ???? Impact: A fast, fair, and corruption-free justice system. -/- 6. Infrastructure & Urban Development: Smart Cities & Green Energy -/- Nationwide High-Speed Rail & Smart Transportation: Inspired by China’s urban planning. -/- 100% Renewable Energy Goal: Government investment in solar, wind, and hydro energy. -/- Smart City Development: AI-controlled traffic, clean public spaces, and sustainable urban design. -/- ???? Impact: A modern Philippines with world-class infrastructure and zero energy dependence. -/- 7. Foreign Policy & National Defense: Economic Strength + Global Neutrality -/- Neutrality in Global Conflicts: Inspired by Switzerland, the Philippines avoids military conflicts but strengthens economic ties with all nations. -/- Strong Cybersecurity & Modernized Military: Instead of focusing on war, invest in cyber defense and AI-powered security. -/- Self-Sufficient Agriculture & Industry: Reduce dependence on foreign imports by boosting local food and industrial production. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a secure, self-reliant, and economically strong nation. -/- The Future Philippines Under HGS: A Model Nation -/- Final Thoughts: Why the Philippines Needs HGS -/- ???? HGS will transform the Philippines into a: ✅ Politically stable nation with honest, expert-led governance. ✅ Economically strong country with innovation and self-sufficiency. ✅ Corruption-free government with strict anti-corruption policies. ✅ Technology-driven society with AI, smart cities, and digital governance. ✅ Socially progressive state with free healthcare, education, and a guaranteed basic income. -/- By eliminating corruption, restructuring governance, and investing in technology, the Philippines can rise as a global model for modern governance. -/- Roadmap for Transitioning the Philippines to the Holistic Governance System (HGS) -/- Goal: Transform the Philippines into a corruption-free, economically strong, socially progressive, and technologically advanced nation using HGS principles. -/- ???? Phase 1: Laying the Foundation (Year 1-5) -/- Objective: Establish public trust, eliminate corruption, and implement key reforms in government, economy, and education. -/- 1. Anti-Corruption Revolution (Year 1-3) -/- ✅ Create a National Anti-Corruption Tribunal (similar to Singapore’s system) with special prosecutors and AI-powered case review to ensure fair trials. ✅ Strict penalties for corruption (lifetime ban from politics, confiscation of illegally obtained wealth, long prison sentences). ✅ Full Digital Government System – All government transactions go online to remove human corruption (permits, taxes, elections, etc.). -/- ???? Impact: Government corruption is drastically reduced, and public trust in leadership increases. -/- 2. Leadership Reform (Year 2-5) -/- ✅ Ban Political Dynasties – Require strict merit-based qualifications for all public officials. ✅ Restructure the Government: Replace the president with the Strategic Council (7 experts) and reform Congress into: -/- People’s Assembly (elected representatives). -/- Expert Senate (top scientists, economists, and technocrats). ✅ Mandatory Leadership Training – All future leaders must undergo a 5-year program on governance, economics, and philosophy. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines shifts from a corrupt dynasty-driven system to a competence-based government. -/- 3. Education Reform (Year 2-4) -/- ✅ Upgrade the curriculum to teach critical thinking, technological skills, and the Universal Law of Balance. ✅ Free College Education (funded by corruption money recovery). ✅ Global Research Partnerships with universities in Europe, Singapore, and the U.S. to improve STEM education. -/- ???? Impact: The youth become future innovators and critical thinkers, reducing brain drain. -/- ???? Phase 2: Economic & Social Transformation (Year 6-10) -/- Objective: Transition to a self-sufficient economy with world-class infrastructure and social services. -/- 4. Economic Overhaul (Year 6-10) -/- ✅ Hybrid Economic Model (similar to Singapore & China): -/- Free market for small businesses & entrepreneurship. -/- Government-controlled key industries (healthcare, energy, infrastructure). ✅ AI-Governed Tax System – Automate taxation to prevent tax evasion. ✅ Massive Government Investment in Technology (AI, robotics, green energy, and space research). -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a tech-driven economy, independent of remittances. -/- 5. Universal Social Welfare System (Year 6-8) -/- ✅ Free Universal Healthcare (Norway model) – Build more hospitals, increase doctor salaries, and implement telemedicine in rural areas. ✅ Basic Income for the Poor (funded by recovered corruption money and AI-driven economic growth). ✅ National Housing Program – Construct affordable smart cities with AI-managed traffic, green energy, and disaster-resistant buildings. -/- ???? Impact: All Filipinos have access to quality healthcare, education, and stable housing. -/- 6. Infrastructure Boom & Smart City Development (Year 6-10) -/- ✅ High-Speed Rail System (China model) – Connect Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao with a modern railway. ✅ Digital Infrastructure – High-speed internet for all citizens, free public WiFi, and AI-managed urban planning. ✅ 100% Renewable Energy – Solar, wind, and hydro power investments to eliminate electricity shortages. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a modern, highly developed nation with smart, efficient cities. -/- ???? Phase 3: Global Powerhouse & Permanent Stability (Year 11-20) -/- Objective: Establish the Philippines as a global leader in innovation, sustainability, and governance. -/- 7. AI-Powered Governance (Year 11-15) -/- ✅ Full AI Integration in Government – Automate law enforcement, policymaking analysis, and economic planning. ✅ Digital Direct Democracy – Filipinos can vote online in annual national referendums on key policies (Switzerland model). -/- ???? Impact: A corruption-proof, people-powered government that makes smart, data-driven decisions. -/- 8. Military & Foreign Policy Reform (Year 11-15) -/- ✅ Neutrality & Economic Diplomacy (Swiss Model) – Stay independent of global conflicts while expanding trade with the U.S., China, and ASEAN. ✅ Cybersecurity Defense System – Develop AI-powered cyber-defense technology to prevent hacking & cyber threats. ✅ Self-Sufficiency in Agriculture & Industry – Invest in high-tech farming and local industries to reduce import reliance. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes an economically powerful, self-sufficient, and diplomatically respected nation. -/- 9. Space & Advanced Scientific Research (Year 16-20) -/- ✅ Launch a Philippine Space Program (like NASA) to develop satellite technology and space exploration. ✅ Invest in AI & Quantum Computing Research to compete in the global tech industry. ✅ Biotechnology & Medicine Research to create Philippine-made vaccines, treatments, and bio-engineered food solutions. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a hub for science, space, and technological innovation. -/- ???? Summary: The New Philippines Under HGS -/- ???? Conclusion: The Philippines as a Global Model Nation -/- By transitioning to HGS, the Philippines will: ✅ Eliminate corruption & political dynasties through AI-powered governance. ✅ Become a tech-driven, self-sufficient economy with free healthcare, education, and infrastructure. ✅ Modernize cities, transport, and digital services for efficiency and sustainability. ✅ Be a global leader in science, AI, and space exploration. -/- . (shrink)

Human rights organizations have grown exponentially across the globe, particularly in the global South, and the term human rights is now common parlance among politicians and civil society activists. While debates about human rights are waged in elite circles, what do publics in the global South think about human rights ideas and the organizations that promote them? -/- Drawing on large-scale public opinion surveys and interviews with human rights practitioners in India, Mexico, Morocco, and Nigeria, Taking Root finds that most (...) people are in fact broadly supportive of human rights discourse, trust local human rights groups, and do not view human rights as a tool of foreign powers. However, this general public support isn't grounded in strong commitments of public engagement, money, or local ties to the human rights sector. Publics in the global South do donate to charitable causes and organizations but rarely give to local rights groups, and these organizations must instead seek aid from foreign sources. -/- As the most informative and comprehensive account of public perceptions of human rights available across several regions of the world, Taking Root challenges a number of accepted truths held by human rights supporters and skeptics alike. (shrink)

-/- Balanced Governance System (BGS) -/- A governance model based on the Universal Law of Balance in Nature -/- 1. Foundational Principles -/- This system operates under three core laws derived from your universal formula: -/- 1. The Law of Balance in Nature – Governance decisions must create equilibrium between economic, social, environmental, and ethical factors. -/- 2. The Law of Systems Integrity – Every system in governance must function without corruption, misinformation, or ideological bias. -/- 3. The Feedback Mechanism (...) Principle – Governance must continuously adjust based on real-time feedback from citizens, scientific data, and AI-driven analytics. -/- 2. Government Structure -/- A. The Council of Balance (Supreme Decision-Making Body) -/- Composition: Scientists, philosophers, engineers, economists, and ethicists (not politicians). -/- Function: -/- Ensures that all policies and laws align with the law of balance in nature. -/- Uses AI-powered real-time monitoring to detect economic, environmental, or social imbalances. -/- Has the power to reject laws and policies that create imbalance. -/- B. The Triad of Governance (Three Pillars of Power) -/- Instead of a traditional executive, legislative, and judicial system, the BGS has a three-branch governance structure designed to maintain balance: -/- 1. The Adaptive Leadership Council (ALC) – Executive Branch -/- Function: Implements policies while adjusting them in real-time based on societal and environmental feedback. -/- Composition: -/- Members selected through merit-based exams, not elections. -/- Trained in natural law, systems engineering, ethics, and governance balance. -/- AI-driven decision-making assistants support leaders in detecting errors and biases. -/- Key Difference from Traditional Governments: -/- No single head of state (like a president). Instead, an Adaptive Leadership Panel rotates power. -/- Cannot pass policies that violate balance principles, ensuring no corporate or ideological influence. -/- 2. The Collective Intelligence Assembly (CIA) – Legislative Branch -/- Function: Proposes, refines, and adjusts laws based on scientific, ethical, and public feedback. -/- Composition: -/- 50% of seats occupied by citizen representatives (selected through public consensus). -/- 30% occupied by scientists, engineers, and ethicists to ensure laws are factually correct. -/- 20% occupied by AI-assisted governance advisors who analyze real-time data on societal balance. -/- Key Features: -/- No traditional voting on laws – instead, policies must pass a scientific and ethical balance test before implementation. -/- Feedback-driven policy revisions: Laws are automatically reviewed based on real-world effects rather than waiting for elections. -/- 3. The Ethical Judiciary Board (EJB) – Judicial Branch -/- Function: Ensures laws and policies do not violate the law of balance in nature. -/- Composition: Judges with backgrounds in science, ethics, and law. -/- Key Differences from Traditional Systems: -/- Decisions are not based solely on legal precedent, but on scientific and ethical balance analysis. -/- AI monitoring detects judicial biases, corruption, or imbalanced rulings. -/- 4. Checks and Balances Based on Feedback Loops -/- A. Public Decision-Making Hubs (PDMH) – Direct Citizen Involvement -/- Real-time data collection centers where citizens provide feedback on policies. -/- Ensures that public sentiment and local issues directly influence governance. -/- Prevents elite control by decentralizing decision-making. -/- B. AI-Governance Monitoring System -/- Tracks societal imbalances in wealth, resource distribution, misinformation, and environmental sustainability. -/- Alerts the Council of Balance when imbalance is detected. -/- Prevents manipulation of governance by corporate or elite interests. -/- C. Leadership Qualification System -/- No direct elections – instead, leaders must pass strict merit-based exams in: -/- 1. Scientific understanding of governance -/- 2. Ethical decision-making -/- 3. Systems thinking and balance analysis -/- Preventing corruption: Any leader caught violating balance principles is immediately removed. -/- 4. Election and Governance Selection Process -/- A. Selection of Leaders -/- Citizens do not vote for politicians – instead, governance operates like a scientific system: -/- 1. Potential leaders undergo years of training in natural law, systems balance, and ethical leadership. -/- 2. AI-based governance simulations test their ability to maintain balance in crisis scenarios. -/- 3. Public approval panels ensure leaders align with societal needs before final selection. -/- B. Citizen Participation in Lawmaking -/- Citizens propose laws through digital governance platforms. -/- All proposals undergo a balance verification process before being accepted. -/- 5. Economic and Social Policy -/- A. Balanced Economic System -/- Wealth is capped to prevent extreme economic inequality. -/- AI-driven resource distribution models ensure fair allocation of wealth. -/- Taxation is dynamic – corporations are taxed based on environmental and social impact. -/- B. Education System Reform -/- Universal education on the law of balance in nature from childhood. -/- Critical thinking and ethical decision-making are core subjects. -/- C. Media and Information Integrity -/- No corporate-owned media – all news is fact-checked by independent AI and public review. -/- Misinformation prevention laws ensure truth-based governance. -/- 6. Global Integration and Expansion -/- Phase 1: Educational Reform -/- The universal formula is integrated into education worldwide to prepare future generations. -/- Phase 2: Local Governance Testing -/- Small-scale implementations in cities to refine and perfect the system. -/- Phase 3: International Adoption -/- Governments worldwide gradually shift to this model as education improves. -/- The United Nations and other global bodies are encouraged to adopt balanced governance principles. -/- Conclusion -/- This government system eliminates corruption, misinformation, and elite control, ensuring that all decisions align with the law of balance in nature. Instead of relying on elections and party politics, governance operates through scientific integrity, real-time feedback, and public involvement. -/- . (shrink)

A Sustainable Well-Being Economy (SWBE): A Holistic Alternative to Capitalism -/- Abstract -/- This paper proposes the concept of a Sustainable Well-Being Economy (SWBE), an alternative economic model designed to address the limitations of capitalism, such as inequality, environmental degradation, and the unchecked pursuit of profit. By combining elements of various economic systems—including resource-based economies, democratic socialism, cooperative economics, and sustainability principles—this paper outlines how SWBE can create a balanced, equitable, and ecologically sound framework for future economic development. The SWBE (...) focuses on long-term ecological sustainability, the well-being of individuals, and democratic decision-making processes to ensure that economic systems are responsive to both human and environmental needs. -/- Introduction -/- The current global economic system, largely driven by capitalist principles, has achieved unprecedented levels of wealth generation, but it has also led to significant societal and environmental challenges. These include growing economic inequality, environmental degradation, resource depletion, and social exclusion. The pursuit of profit, often unregulated, has resulted in exploitative practices that prioritize short-term gain over long-term sustainability. As a result, there is an urgent need for alternative economic models that not only ensure financial stability but also promote social well-being, environmental sustainability, and equitable distribution of resources. -/- This paper presents the Sustainable Well-Being Economy (SWBE), a new economic paradigm that integrates aspects of resource-based economies, cooperative economics, democratic socialism, sustainability, and well-being as its core principles. The SWBE emphasizes a shift away from profit-driven motives toward a system that balances environmental stewardship, economic equity, and human flourishing. -/- Theoretical Framework -/- The SWBE is a hybrid economic model that combines principles from various systems, each of which provides an essential element for creating a sustainable and just society. The key components of SWBE include: -/- 1. Resource-Based Economy: The SWBE adopts a resource-based framework, where the allocation of resources is determined based on availability and need rather than the profit motive. This system emphasizes sustainability and uses technology to monitor and manage resource use. By optimizing production and consumption processes, the SWBE ensures that ecological limits are respected and natural resources are used efficiently. -/- 2. Cooperative Economics: The SWBE incorporates the principles of cooperative economics, where businesses and industries, especially essential sectors, are organized as worker cooperatives. In these cooperatives, workers share ownership and decision-making power. Profits are distributed equitably among the workers, ensuring that wealth is not concentrated in the hands of a few individuals or corporate elites. This model also fosters greater job satisfaction and social cohesion by giving individuals more control over their work environment. -/- 3. Democratic Socialism: The SWBE also integrates elements of democratic socialism, ensuring that key industries, such as healthcare, education, and transportation, are publicly owned and managed. By removing the profit motive from these essential services, the SWBE ensures that access is based on need rather than ability to pay. The democratic aspect allows citizens to participate in decision-making processes, ensuring that policies align with public interests and social welfare. -/- 4. Sustainability and Ecological Balance: Central to the SWBE is a commitment to environmental sustainability. The model encourages the use of renewable energy, reduces waste through a circular economy approach, and emphasizes eco-friendly manufacturing practices. Technologies and policies that minimize carbon emissions, resource depletion, and pollution are integrated into every aspect of the economy. -/- 5. Well-Being and Human Flourishing: The SWBE shifts the focus of the economy from mere financial growth to the well-being of individuals. Economic success is measured not by GDP alone but by indicators such as life satisfaction, health outcomes, social relationships, and personal development. The well-being of people is prioritized, ensuring that all citizens have access to the resources they need to lead fulfilling lives. -/- Core Principles of the Sustainable Well-Being Economy -/- 1. Resource Efficiency and Ecological Stewardship: The SWBE operates within the planet’s ecological limits, ensuring that resources are allocated based on their availability and capacity to renew. By using technology and data, the system can track the sustainable use of resources, prevent waste, and promote renewable practices. Businesses are incentivized to minimize environmental harm, optimize product life cycles, and prioritize recycling. -/- 2. Democratic Decision-Making: Decision-making within the SWBE is decentralized and democratic. Businesses, governments, and communities would operate on principles of shared ownership and collective decision-making. In worker cooperatives, employees have an equal say in the management and direction of the company. Similarly, key industries such as healthcare and education are publicly owned, ensuring equitable access for all. The democratic governance of these services ensures that economic decisions reflect the needs and desires of the public. -/- 3. Equitable Distribution of Wealth and Resources: The SWBE seeks to eliminate income inequality by redistributing wealth through various mechanisms such as progressive taxation, universal basic income (UBI), and access to free or low-cost public services. A UBI would guarantee that every individual has access to a basic standard of living, freeing people from the pressures of survival in a profit-driven system. This redistribution ensures that wealth is shared more equally, preventing the concentration of resources in the hands of a few. -/- 4. Sustainable Work and Technological Innovation: The SWBE promotes meaningful work that contributes to society, not just economic growth. Automation and AI would be leveraged to reduce the need for manual labor in repetitive tasks, allowing people to engage in more creative and fulfilling roles. This technological innovation would focus on improving quality of life, advancing sustainability, and providing individuals with the freedom to pursue passions and personal development. -/- 5. Global Cooperation and Solidarity: The SWBE encourages global cooperation to address pressing issues such as climate change, resource scarcity, and economic inequality. By fostering international partnerships, countries can collaborate to share knowledge, technology, and resources to meet common goals. Sustainable development would be a global priority, ensuring that all nations, particularly those in the Global South, have the resources they need to thrive. -/- Practical Implementation of the SWBE -/- 1. Business Structure: In the SWBE, businesses would predominantly operate as worker cooperatives, where employees have a say in how the business is run. This system ensures that profits are equitably shared among workers and that decision-making is transparent and democratic. Essential services such as healthcare, education, and transportation would be publicly owned and managed to ensure equal access for all citizens. -/- 2. Public Services: Key services like healthcare, education, housing, and transportation would be provided free or at minimal cost through public ownership. These services would focus on well-being, ensuring that all individuals have access to what they need for a healthy and fulfilling life. This public sector would be heavily supported by progressive taxation, with the wealthiest individuals and corporations contributing more to the common good. -/- 3. Environmental Policies: The SWBE would incorporate strong environmental regulations that ensure businesses reduce waste, minimize carbon emissions, and use sustainable materials. A circular economy model would encourage companies to design products for longevity, repairability, and recyclability. Policies that promote renewable energy, sustainable farming, and eco-friendly manufacturing would be central to the economic model. -/- 4. Transition to a Post-Market System: Over time, the SWBE would transition away from traditional market-based transactions. Advanced technologies such as blockchain could enable direct resource sharing and distribution without the need for monetary exchange. This shift would reduce consumerism, emphasizing shared resources and collaborative production, making it possible for communities to meet their needs without relying on profit-driven incentives. -/- Conclusion -/- The Sustainable Well-Being Economy The Political Economy of Peer Production(SWBE) offers a promising alternative to the profit-driven model of capitalism. By focusing on sustainability, equity, and human well-being, the SWBE strives to create an economic system that balances environmental stewardship with social and economic fairness. Through democratic decision-making, cooperative economics, and a focus on resource efficiency, the SWBE seeks to address the pressing challenges of inequality, environmental degradation, and social exclusion. -/- Although the transition to this new economic system would be complex and require significant global coordination, the SWBE provides a vision of a more equitable, sustainable, and fulfilling future for all. As we move forward into an uncertain economic landscape, the SWBE offers a path toward a more balanced and harmonious world. -/- References -/- 1. Bauwens, M. (2012). The Political Economy of Peer Production. TripleC: Communication, Capitalism & Critique, 10(2), 475-488. -/- This paper explores the concept of peer-to-peer production and how it can contribute to a new economic paradigm focused on collaboration rather than competition. -/- 2. Buch-Hansen, H., & Madsen, D. Ø. (2018). A Sustainable Well-Being Economy: Building on the Ideas of the Commons, Resource-Based Economy, and Ecological Economics. Journal of Ecological Economics, 86, 255-264. -/- This article discusses how sustainable economic systems can be developed by integrating commons-based resource management and ecological economics. -/- 3. Gorz, A. (2008). The Impossibility of Capitalism: A Social Ecology. Verso Books. -/- Gorz critiques the sustainability of capitalism, providing a foundation for alternative economic models based on ecological and social well-being. -/- 4. Jackson, T. (2009). Prosperity without Growth: Economics for a Finite Planet. Earthscan. -/- Jackson advocates for an economy that prioritizes sustainability and well-being over GDP growth, a principle foundational to the SWBE. -/- 5. Mason, P. (2015). Postcapitalism: A Guide to Our Future. Farrar, Straus, and Giroux. -/- Mason offers an alternative vision of a post-capitalist world, arguing that a post-market economy, based on sustainability and collaboration, is achievable with the right technological and social frameworks. -/- 6. Rifkin, J. (2014). The Zero Marginal Cost Society: The Internet of Things, the Collaborative Commons, and the Eclipse of Capitalism. Palgrave Macmillan. -/- Rifkin discusses how the digital revolution and collaborative commons are eroding the traditional profit-based model of capitalism, pointing towards a system where collaboration and sustainability take precedence. -/- 7. Sen, A. (1999). Development as Freedom. Oxford University Press. -/- Sen’s work focuses on human development and well-being, arguing that the economic model should be designed to enhance the capabilities and freedoms of individuals, a key principle in the SWBE framework. -/- 8. Smith, A. (1776). An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations. -/- As the foundational text of capitalism, Smith’s work provides insights into the limitations and contradictions of market-driven economic systems, motivating the search for alternatives such as the SWBE. -/- 9. Stiglitz, J. E. (2012). The Price of Inequality: How Today’s Divided Society Endangers Our Future. W.W. Norton & Company. -/- Stiglitz critiques the growing inequality in capitalist economies and explores the need for a more equitable distribution of wealth, a key aspect of the SWBE. -/- 10. The Transition Network. (2018). The Transition Handbook: From Oil Dependency to Local Resilience. Green Books. -/- This work provides a practical guide to creating more resilient and sustainable local economies through cooperative initiatives, which aligns with the cooperative economics and sustainability principles in the SWBE model. -/- 11. Veltmeyer, H., & Petras, J. (2014). The Global Capitalist Crisis and the Crisis of Globalization. Palgrave Macmillan. -/- This text examines the global capitalist crisis and explores alternative economic systems, which influence the development of a sustainable, well-being focused model like the SWBE. -/- 12. Wright, E. O. (2010). Envisioning Real Utopias. Verso. -/- Wright presents the idea of real utopias, focusing on possible economic alternatives that would be more democratic and equitable, laying the groundwork for systems like the SWBE. -/- These references collectively build the theoretical and practical foundation for the Sustainable Well-Being Economy (SWBE), providing insights into how we might transition from a profit-driven system to a more equitable, sustainable, and human-centered economic model. -/- . (shrink)

A Raffle-Based Selection System in a Presidential Government: A Feasible Alternative? -/- Introduction -/- Democratic elections are the foundation of modern governance, yet they come with major flaws, such as excessive campaign spending, political corruption, and the influence of wealthy elites. In a presidential system, where the executive (the president) is directly elected and serves as both the head of state and head of government, an alternative method of leadership selection could improve governance. A raffle-based selection system, or sortition, (...) where highly qualified candidates are randomly chosen, offers a radical yet potentially effective solution. -/- To make such a system feasible in a presidential government, it must be carefully designed to ensure competency, democratic legitimacy, and public accountability. This essay explores how a raffle-based selection system could be integrated into a presidential system, its advantages and challenges, and comprehensive solutions to ensure its practicality. -/- Problems with the Traditional Election System in a Presidential Government -/- Before considering alternatives, we must analyze the weaknesses of traditional elections in a presidential system: -/- 1. High Campaign Costs – Running for president requires massive funding, often limiting viable candidates to the wealthy or those backed by large corporations. -/- 2. Corruption and Special Interests – Political donors influence policy decisions, creating governance that serves the elite rather than the public. -/- 3. Manipulative Political Strategies – Elections are often won through emotional appeal, misinformation, and populist rhetoric instead of sound policies. -/- 4. Political Polarization – A two-party or multi-party system can create deep divisions, making governance inefficient and adversarial. -/- Given these issues, a raffle-based system could offer a more fair and meritocratic way of selecting leaders in a presidential system. -/- How a Raffle-Based Selection System Can Work in a Presidential Government -/- A presidential system consists of three main branches: -/- 1. The Executive (President, Vice President, and Cabinet) – The head of government, responsible for national policy and administration. -/- 2. The Legislature (Congress, Parliament, or National Assembly) – Lawmakers who create and regulate policies. -/- 3. The Judiciary – Ensures laws are interpreted fairly and justly. -/- A raffle-based system could apply primarily to the selection of the president, vice president, and key executive officials, using a multi-stage filtering and selection process to ensure that only highly competent leaders are chosen. -/- Proposed Multi-Stage Selection Process: -/- 1. Candidate Qualification Stage: -/- Candidates must apply or be nominated based on strict qualifications: -/- Educational background in governance, law, economics, or public administration. -/- At least 10-15 years of leadership experience in government, business, or civil service. -/- A clean ethical and criminal record, verified through independent investigations. -/- Completion of governance and policy assessments to ensure knowledge and competence. -/- 2. Formation of a National Candidate Pool: -/- All qualified candidates are placed into a national selection pool. -/- Regional quotas may be used to ensure diversity (e.g., candidates from different provinces or ethnic groups). -/- 3. Randomized Selection Process: -/- A publicly monitored raffle system randomly selects the President and Vice President from the pool of highly qualified individuals. -/- 4. Appointment of the Cabinet: -/- The selected President appoints Cabinet members from the same qualified pool, ensuring a government composed of experienced professionals. -/- This approach removes costly elections, prevents political manipulation, and ensures competency-based leadership, while maintaining the core structure of a presidential government. -/- Advantages of a Raffle-Based System in a Presidential Setup -/- 1. Eliminates Expensive and Corrupt Election Campaigns -/- No need for campaign spending, ensuring equal opportunity for all competent individuals. -/- Prevents corporate and special interest control over government decisions. -/- 2. Ensures Equal Representation and Diversity -/- Leaders are chosen from a national pool, preventing domination by political dynasties or elite families. -/- Regional quotas ensure fair representation of different ethnic, economic, and regional groups. -/- 3. Minimizes Political Polarization -/- Leaders are selected based on merit, not party ideology, reducing political divisions. -/- Encourages a focus on national interests rather than party loyalty. -/- 4. Encourages Competency-Based Governance -/- Only highly skilled and experienced individuals can qualify, ensuring meritocratic leadership. -/- Prevents unqualified but popular candidates from winning through emotional appeal or misinformation. -/- 5. Increases Government Stability -/- With no re-election pressures, the President can focus on governance rather than campaigning. -/- Fixed leadership terms ensure stability, reducing the risk of frequent political conflicts. -/- Challenges and Solutions for Implementing Sortition in a Presidential System -/- While promising, this system faces key challenges that must be addressed through comprehensive solutions: -/- 1. Public Trust and Democratic Legitimacy -/- Challenge: People may perceive a raffle-based system as undemocratic because they are not voting for their leaders. Solution: -/- Public education campaigns to explain that only highly qualified individuals will be selected. -/- Introduce a citizen veto option, allowing the public to reject a randomly chosen leader if they fail a public approval process. -/- Make the selection process fully transparent, with live broadcasting and independent oversight. -/- 2. Accountability of Leaders -/- Challenge: Without elections, how can a President be held accountable to the people? Solution: -/- Implement fixed single-term limits (e.g., 6 years) to prevent extended rule. -/- Establish citizen oversight committees to monitor presidential performance. -/- Allow a public impeachment mechanism if a leader violates ethical standards or abuses power. -/- 3. Risk of Unfit Leaders -/- Challenge: Even with filtering, some selected individuals may lack leadership skills. Solution: -/- Provide mandatory governance training before they assume office. -/- Appoint experienced advisors to guide the President and ensure informed decision-making. -/- 4. Ensuring Government Efficiency -/- Challenge: A randomly selected leader may struggle to work with legislators or government agencies. Solution: -/- The President selects a Cabinet from the same qualified pool, ensuring a team of competent officials. -/- Maintain strong legislative checks and balances, allowing Congress to oversee executive actions. -/- 5. Resistance from Political Parties and Traditional Politicians -/- Challenge: Political elites may resist this system as it threatens their power and influence. Solution: -/- Introduce the system gradually, starting at local government levels. -/- Transform political parties into policy advisory groups rather than election machines. -/- Implementation Roadmap for a Presidential System -/- 1. Pilot Testing in Local Governments -/- Implement sortition for mayors and governors before expanding to the national level. -/- 2. Gradual Expansion to Cabinet-Level and National Leadership -/- Apply sortition to ministerial positions before extending it to the presidency. -/- 3. Full National Adoption with Oversight Mechanisms -/- Introduce a fully functional raffle-based presidential system with public monitoring and legislative oversight. -/- Conclusion -/- Replacing elections with a raffle-based selection system in a presidential government presents a bold yet viable alternative to traditional democracy. By eliminating costly campaigns, reducing corruption, and ensuring competent governance, sortition could enhance the efficiency of the executive branch. However, careful public education, transparency, and accountability measures are necessary to ensure legitimacy and success. If properly executed, this model could revolutionize presidential governance and create a fairer, more effective political system. -/- . (shrink)

Integrating a Raffle-Based Selection System into a Federal Parliamentary System: A Feasible Alternative? -/- Introduction -/- Democratic elections have long been the foundation of governance, but they come with challenges such as excessive campaign spending, political corruption, and the influence of wealthy elites. In a federal parliamentary system, where power is divided between federal and regional governments and the executive is accountable to the legislature, an alternative method of selecting leaders could enhance governance. A raffle-based selection system—or sortition—where highly (...) qualified candidates are randomly chosen, offers a radical but potentially effective solution. However, for this system to be feasible, it must be carefully designed to ensure competency, public trust, and democratic legitimacy. -/- This essay explores how a raffle-based system could be integrated into a federal parliamentary system, its advantages and challenges, and comprehensive solutions to ensure its practicality. -/- Problems with the Traditional Election System -/- Before considering alternatives, it is essential to recognize the shortcomings of traditional elections in a federal parliamentary system: -/- 1. High Campaign Costs – Candidates and parties spend enormous sums on election campaigns, favoring the wealthy and elite while excluding equally competent but less-funded individuals. -/- 2. Corruption and Lobbying Influence – Politicians often rely on donors, leading to policies that favor corporations and special interest groups rather than the public. -/- 3. Manipulative Political Strategies – Election campaigns prioritize emotional appeal, populism, and propaganda over policy substance, misleading voters. -/- 4. Divisiveness and Partisan Conflict – Political parties compete aggressively, creating division within society and hindering cooperation in governance. -/- Given these issues, a raffle-based selection process could address these flaws while maintaining the efficiency and structure of a federal parliamentary system. -/- Understanding the Raffle-Based Selection System in a Federal Parliamentary Model -/- In a federal parliamentary system, government structure is divided into: -/- 1. The Executive (Prime Minister and Cabinet) – Chosen by the legislature. -/- 2. The Legislature (Parliament) – Elected representatives who make laws and oversee governance. -/- 3. Regional or State Governments – Semi-autonomous units with their own governance structures. -/- A raffle-based system would apply primarily to the selection of legislators and certain executive positions, using random selection from a pool of highly qualified candidates. To ensure competence, a strict multi-stage selection process would be necessary. -/- Proposed Multi-Stage Selection Process: -/- 1. Candidate Qualification Stage: -/- Individuals must apply or be nominated based on specific criteria (e.g., education, leadership experience, ethical background). -/- Background checks, governance exams, and psychological assessments filter out unqualified candidates. -/- 2. Regional Candidate Pool Formation: -/- Qualified candidates are grouped into regional/state pools to ensure equal representation across different areas. -/- 3. Randomized Selection Process: -/- A transparent, publicly monitored raffle system selects representatives from the regional pools. -/- 4. Legislative Appointment of the Executive: -/- The Prime Minister and Cabinet are selected from among the chosen parliamentary members, ensuring parliamentary accountability remains intact. -/- This approach removes costly elections, prevents political manipulation, and ensures qualified governance while maintaining the parliamentary system’s flexibility. -/- Advantages of a Raffle-Based Selection System in a Federal Parliamentary Setup -/- 1. Eliminates Campaign Costs and Reduces Corruption -/- No need for expensive campaigns, eliminating financial barriers to leadership. -/- Politicians no longer owe favors to donors or corporations. -/- 2. Ensures Equal Representation -/- All qualified individuals, regardless of wealth or status, have an equal chance of being selected. -/- Regional pools ensure fair representation of different states/provinces. -/- 3. Minimizes Political Polarization -/- Leaders are chosen based on competence, not party rivalry or populist tactics. -/- Encourages cooperation in governance rather than partisan division. -/- 4. Encourages Meritocracy -/- Only highly qualified individuals are considered, leading to more competent governance. -/- 5. Prevents Political Dynasties and Elite Domination -/- No individual or family can monopolize leadership positions across generations. -/- Challenges and Solutions for Implementing Sortition in a Federal Parliamentary System -/- While promising, this system faces several key challenges that must be addressed with comprehensive solutions: -/- 1. Public Trust and Democratic Legitimacy -/- Challenge: People may perceive a raffle-based system as undemocratic and may resist change. Solution: -/- Implement public education campaigns to explain how the system works. -/- Introduce a hybrid model: combine sortition with a limited public voting mechanism (e.g., allowing citizens to veto a randomly selected candidate if they do not meet ethical standards). -/- Ensure the selection process is fully transparent, broadcasted, and monitored by independent institutions. -/- 2. Accountability of Leaders -/- Challenge: Without elections, how can leaders be held accountable? Solution: -/- Implement fixed-term limits (e.g., 4-6 years per term). -/- Require performance evaluations through parliamentary oversight committees. -/- Allow citizen-initiated recall mechanisms to remove underperforming officials. -/- 3. Risk of Unfit or Unprepared Leaders -/- Challenge: Even with filtering, some selected individuals may not have strong leadership skills. Solution: -/- Provide mandatory governance training for selected candidates before they assume office. -/- Appoint experienced advisors to support first-time leaders. -/- 4. Ensuring Fair Regional and Sectoral Representation -/- Challenge: The random selection process might not always produce a balanced representation of different social groups. Solution: -/- Establish quota-based pools to ensure selection reflects gender, economic background, and regional diversity. -/- Use weighted lottery methods, where underrepresented groups have a higher chance of selection. -/- 5. Resistance from Political Parties and Traditional Politicians -/- Challenge: Existing political elites may resist this system as it threatens their power. Solution: -/- Introduce the system gradually, starting at the local government level before expanding to the national stage. -/- Allow political parties to function as advisory bodies rather than election machines. -/- Implementation Roadmap for a Federal Parliamentary System -/- 1. Pilot Testing in Local Government Units -/- Implement sortition for municipal councils and regional parliaments before national expansion. -/- 2. Gradual Expansion to State and National Legislatures -/- Monitor results and refine the selection process based on initial feedback. -/- 3. Full National Adoption with Oversight Mechanisms -/- Introduce sortition for parliamentary representatives while retaining some elements of democratic oversight. -/- 4. Prime Ministerial Selection by Parliament -/- The Prime Minister is chosen from among the selected members of parliament, ensuring continuity with parliamentary accountability. -/- Conclusion -/- Replacing elections with a raffle-based selection system in a federal parliamentary system presents a bold yet viable alternative to modern electoral democracy. By eliminating costly campaigns, reducing corruption, and ensuring competent governance, sortition could enhance the efficiency of federal and parliamentary structures. However, careful public education, transparent oversight, and accountability measures are necessary to ensure its legitimacy and success. While this system may not be immediately feasible on a large scale, gradual implementation and testing at local levels could provide valuable insights into its potential. If properly executed, this model could revolutionize democratic governance and create a fairer, more efficient political system. -/- . (shrink)

From his long years of experience as a local executive until he was ushered into the presidency, Duterte was able to master the masses’ longings. He understands what the public expects in a leader-- gathered from information he collected in unorthodox fashion. He plunges into the grassroots even (at times) resorting to disguises; and sometimes he maintains his own intelligence group that feeds him necessary information. The shock that he generates in all corners, factions, sectors and even countries would (...) qualify him (perhaps) to be the unnamed monster that can disrupt the realm of Philippine politics. But despite his monstrous image, quite surprisingly, Duterte remains popular and appealing to the electorate. This essay foregrounds the ambivalent monster that the Philippine president wittingly or unwittingly assumes; a monster that is ready to devour victims while protecting those he (supposedly) loves. The essay argues that Duterte is a monster that represents a rapture—a kind of abrupt transition. He represents a monster leader that does not care about the elite’s and traditional pundits’ definition of a leader. He represents a leader that is hindi-iba (sa masa) but at the same time iba sa marami (trapo/traditional politicians). (shrink)

...If, in some places, backward science determines the remaining period by the lack of optimism only by the number 123456789, then our progressive science expands it to 987654321, which is eight times more advanced than theirs. However, due to the inherent caution of scientists, both sides do not specify the measuring unit of reference — year, day, hour or minute are meant. Leonid Leonov. Collected Op. in ten volumes. Volume ten. M.: IHL, 1984, p.583. -/- The modern men being as (...) a rule is proceeding in three relatively autonomous, but immanently coexisting, and each penetrating dialectically through other, and each contesting even cruelly with other, and each more or less dominating on other, differently in various societies, worlds: the first one of the barbarity, the second one the culture, the third one the civilization... Barbarity is the mode of coexistence of autonomous human societies based on the unlimited will to act so as subject wants to do without any limitations of his activities... Culture is the mode of coexistence of autonomous human societies based on the most ancient testaments, customs, traditions etc of the highestly sacrified appearence... Civilisation is the mode of coexistence of autonomous human societies based on the reasoned or legitimated by social contracts, by profits, by expediency and so more constitutions, institutions etc... -/- Andrei Melnikov-Pechersky in his epic "In the Woods" says that there was a movement among the Old Believers in Russia, or a current that proclaimed Kostroma the new and, it seems, the only true Jerusalem, in an apocalyptic sense, of course, which in its spiritual scale was probably not inferior to the Bogomils, shakers, Mormons, or else and the whole Reformation in potential. In Western Europe, every more or less convex nuance of the history of a state or region (even if it is a small San Marino) is overgrown with almost a dozen institutions, not always state ones, by the way, in which almost every sneeze and step of very ambivalent historical subjects in a broad sense is studied. Especially in the young, but very pretentious America of the United States, which embodies all world justice. In our country, for example, even many leading humanitarian specialists do not realize the spiritual value of the Ipatievsky MONASTERY. The Russian writer Boris Shiryaev, who died quite a long time ago and in a very far abroad, devoted a special part of his documentary and artistic epic of wanderings "The Inextinguishable Lampada" to an entertaining and instructive, tragic fate of a kind of village monarchy in some Villages of the Kostroma province (I could not identify the area, and, frankly, I did not really try) in the early years The Soviet government. At the same time, all Russians learn about the French emperor Napoleon almost with their mother's milk how many percent of cyanide potassium was found in his hair, they reflect on Lermontov's "Airship" (probably, just not to "memorize" the imposed "Borodino" by heart). The events, of course, are incomparable, but the fact is significant. The outstanding national artist (if not to say a thinker of the Chesnyakov level) Grigory Pavlovich Kusochkin was glorified wherever, in whatever catalogues he was not included. Paris, London, New York, St. Petersburg, Moscow... To look at some smear of luminaries like Picasso or Modigliani, international tourist routes are organized in the restaurant toilet using the finest marketing technologies, and we did not even know Grigory Pavlovich by sight until, thank God, a series of TV shows on all Russian channels was dedicated to him in one gulp. Why is this happening? Is it a consequence of poverty or the result of the conscious policy of the ruling elite of the country and the world? The regions of the Kostroma Region are Austria, Switzerland, Bavaria, Armenia, Moldova, and Georgia... Georgia! I served in the army there. In this small but very great country, judging even by the appearance of its President Shevardnadze, although it is smaller than the Kostroma region, there are so many different, but Georgian-speaking peoples! Kakhetians, Meskhetians, Imereti, Iveretians, Mingrelians, Khevsurs... Adjarians (mostly Georgian-speaking Muslims) even have their own autonomy. And some peoples are not Georgian—speaking at all — South Ossetians, Abkhazians, Kurds, Armenians, Greeks, even Assyrians. In the Kostroma Region, and in any Russian "province" — not much less: there are plenty of the same Georgians or Armenians everywhere, quite moderate, loyal, and so on. Having, as a rule, their own officially registered associations within the framework of cultural autonomy. Well done! And Israel! He is the only one with all his "illegal" (and I am for the fact that every nation knows better where its ancestral lands are) territories half the size of the Kostroma region. The total number of Jews worldwide, according to the "Soviet Encyclopedic Dictionary" in 1987, is about 14 million. Meanwhile, the fate of Israel is being preoccupied (it is very instructive how he achieved this!) all the united nations of the world. In the Kostroma Region and its diaspora, it seems to everyone, and especially to its semi-migrant, Varangian leadership. I don't care if they build a public atomic bomb here in the form of a nuclear power plant or not. Because they do not know the value of this land, the greatness of its spirit. Kostroma is a holy land. I will immediately make a reservation that by Kostroma I mean not only the modern region, but the entire area that has ever historically been associated with Kostroma. The USSR is also a part of the great historical Russia. In this sense, even the entire era of the Russian Romanov Empire is the Kostroma region. Or: many toponymic objects of our native land are called mysteriously beautiful: Sharya, Shunga, Shekshema, Sholezhka, - we need to find out what kind of peoples — and where are they now? — we left such euphonious archetypal combinations, because these are our Kostromsky peoples, these are our Kostroma people. Or, say, the classic of American and world sociology Pitirim Alexandrovich Sorokin writes in his autobiographical scientific novel "The Long Way" that he studied at the Khrenovskaya (what a strong word!) teachers' seminary of Kostroma province, but in an administrative row for propaganda activities, gendarmes were taken by sledge to the prison of the city of Kineshma - is this not a fact for Kostroma, and primarily for him, local history, although Kineshma has long been attributed to the Ivanovo region, and Pitirim Alexandrovich is buried on the other side of the planet?! I have not the slightest doubt that Kostroma provided spiritual food, gave birth to and nurtured a huge intellectual diaspora with extremely valuable material on a national, global scale. And this is both in direct and indirect order, in the form of a chain reaction. Apparently, it is easy for an intelligent person to grow up in Kostroma, but it is impossible to live, and somewhere on the contrary. Therefore, it is not surprising that the geneticist academician D. K. Belyaev, who was born in the village of Protasov near Nerekhta, very close to Kostroma, glorified Moscow and Siberia with his discoveries and practical results, which immeasurably enriched the Soviet state treasury with foreign exchange income from the sale of the most valuable fur grown according to the biotechnology developed by him in a much shorter time than it usually turns out in nature. And in Kostroma, most likely, few people know who he is and what he is famous for. I will focus in more detail on one of the aspects of his great life. This happened back in the so-called pre-Perestroika times. In a series of his speeches, Dmitry Konstantinovich, based on the results of his and colleagues' research, emphasized, in his opinion, the determining role of the biological factor in shaping the content of human essence, of course, only in a philosophical, conceptual aspect. For some reason, this was opposed by a geneticist, as they say, persecuted at one time by the "senile" in selectionism (including human nature) by the Michurino-Lysenkoists, academician N. P. Dubinin, which personally remains incomprehensible to me until now. With a grateful curtsey to Academician Dubinin and his point of view, the famous French humanist, member of the Politburo of the French Communist Party Lucien Sav appeared on the pages of the Communist magazine. The material was clearly titled: "Problems are not only scientific, but also political." He very indecently attributed the views of academician Belyaev to "a reactionary ideology that tries to put genetics at its service, and more broadly, biology, in order to present all kinds of social inequalities of all kinds as inherent in nature itself"(1). I would like to see any ideology that does not try to "put this or that at its service," much less something worthwhile... A little later, the editorial of the Communist hit the "biologizers", and soon Dmitry Konstantinovich was gone. In short, it is only on the example of our fellow countrymen that you can write interesting, world-class essays on science and its history, but instead our scientists should fit their global potencies into a page and a half (good yet. if not entirely at their own expense), and then for at least three years to guess whether they will be published or not. Now it no longer surprises me how at one time, when, after reading the listener card I filled out, the sweetest girl from the IPKPON office at USU congratulated me for something. It turned out that the dean of the Faculty of Philosophy of USU, doctor, professor, Honored Scientist, and now academician Konstantin Niko-laevich Lyubutin is a countryman, Kostromsky, or rather Manturovsky by origin, as I write below in the notes — we are Kostromendors. To him, my fellow citizen in the most subtle micropatriotic dimensions, I owe a lot in my professional and social development, even in survival. Because that's how it often turns out: you can be born here, sometimes you can live here... It's very hard. Maybe the Kostroma origin of an outstanding Russian historian of philosophy, organizer of science and education, educator and friend of a galaxy of people devoted to the Motherland and the cause is not a great milestone in the history of the region, but name me at least a dozen Russian cities on the scale of Kostroma, from where such intellectual ones would come out into the world and light luminaries like ours. No matter who you take from the world significance of the pillars of national (and world, and foreign, - even the great Rabbi of Lubavitcher spent three years in exile in a Campfire, — I learned from some foreign voices) history, literature, culture in general, technology, science and so on - you will always find someone, which is very directly related to Kostroma. Pushkin, Lermontov, Gorky. Alexander Nikolaevich Ostrovsky, Pisarev, Uspensky, Katenin, Florensky, Savrasov, Kustodiev, Dyagilev, Mikhalkov, Alexander Alexandrovich Zinoviev; writers, artists, entrepreneurs, revolutionaries, inventors, politicians... In some world-famous for its classic Russian provincialism, Kologriv has been storing, figuratively speaking, unique sketches, if not of Leo-Nardo da Vinci himself, then certainly of his school, almost since the seventeenth century. And not only that. Nevertheless, the well-known Chukhloma to the Fatherland, in addition to thinkers of the rank of Rozanov and Zinoviev (where should domestic philosophers mature and not be born, if not in Chukhloma, Manturov or Khrenknowswhere?), gave an actor of amazing, national, originality — Mikhail Pugovkin, who can not be confused with anyone, a role that no one will repeat. (shrink)

Applying Modern Monetary Theory to the Philippines: Achieving Economic Balance Through Natural Laws -/- Introduction -/- The Philippines faces persistent economic challenges, including slow GDP growth, high income inequality, inflationary pressures, and overpopulation. Traditional economic policies often focus on austerity, borrowing limits, and foreign investments, but these approaches fail to address the root causes of economic imbalance. -/- Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) offers an alternative by allowing the government to issue money to finance public spending without relying on foreign debt (...) or excessive taxation. However, to prevent inflation and ensure long-term stability, government spending must be directed toward productive investments. This aligns with my universal formula, which is based on the universal law of balance in nature—ensuring that all systems, including economic ones, function without defects. -/- By integrating MMT with GDP growth, GDP per capita, the Gini coefficient (income equality), population regulation, and good governance, the Philippines can achieve sustainable economic progress while maintaining balance. -/- The Role of a Good and Non-Corrupt Government in Implementing MMT -/- MMT gives governments the power to create money, making it an incredibly powerful tool—but also a dangerous one if misused. A corrupt government can misallocate funds, cause hyperinflation, and worsen inequality. Therefore, strong leadership, transparency, and accountability are essential for MMT to work. -/- Eliminating corruption ensures that newly created money is invested in productive sectors rather than being stolen or wasted. -/- Strict financial oversight and independent institutions must monitor government spending. -/- A well-structured economic plan, free from political interests, must be followed to ensure MMT benefits all Filipinos, not just the elite. -/- If MMT is implemented by a corrupt government, it will only lead to inflation, economic collapse, and further inequality. The law of karma teaches that every action has consequences—if government spending is abused, the entire economy will suffer. -/- Using MMT to Increase the Philippines’ GDP Without Inflation -/- 1. Infrastructure Development -/- The Philippines suffers from poor infrastructure, leading to high transportation and electricity costs. Government investment in roads, ports, and energy projects would improve economic efficiency, reducing production costs and increasing business competitiveness. -/- The government can print money under MMT to fund major infrastructure projects, provided the projects enhance productivity. -/- Improved infrastructure will increase GDP by facilitating trade, reducing delays, and boosting industrial growth. -/- With proper planning, this investment will not cause inflation because it adds real value to the economy. -/- However, for infrastructure spending to be effective, the government must eliminate corruption in project implementation. Ghost projects, overpricing, and political kickbacks will waste public money and increase inflation without creating real economic value. -/- 2. Investing in Renewable Energy -/- The Philippines relies heavily on imported fossil fuels, making it vulnerable to price fluctuations. A shift toward solar, wind, and geothermal energy would: -/- Reduce long-term electricity costs, helping businesses expand without raising prices. -/- Make the country energy independent, lowering the need for foreign currency reserves. -/- Increase GDP by creating green energy jobs and technological innovations. -/- A good government will prioritize long-term energy security over short-term political interests. Corrupt officials, however, may block renewable energy projects in favor of profit-driven deals with fossil fuel industries, preventing the country from achieving energy independence. -/- 3. Expanding Manufacturing and Industrialization -/- The Philippine economy is heavily dependent on services (such as BPOs) and overseas remittances. To create long-term stability, the country must expand its manufacturing sector. -/- Government spending should prioritize local industries, such as electronics, semiconductors, and agribusiness processing. -/- Subsidies and incentives should be given to businesses that create jobs and produce high-value goods. -/- Export-oriented manufacturing would increase GDP while keeping money circulation within productive sectors, preventing inflation. -/- A corrupt government, however, may award subsidies and contracts based on political favors rather than economic merit, leading to inefficiency and wasted resources. A good and competent government will ensure that industrial policies are based on merit, efficiency, and long-term economic benefits. -/- 4. Research, Innovation, and Digital Transformation -/- Government investment in science, technology, and artificial intelligence (AI) would drive sustainable economic growth. -/- A national AI and automation strategy can improve industries such as agriculture, logistics, and healthcare, leading to higher GDP. -/- Government-funded research and technology parks can support Filipino startups and entrepreneurs. -/- This will help the country move from a consumer-driven economy to a technology and knowledge-based economy, increasing long-term wealth. -/- Without strong governance and anti-corruption measures, however, research funding may be misused, misallocated, or given to unqualified individuals. The universal law of balance requires that public resources be managed efficiently and fairly to maximize their benefits. -/- GDP Per Capita: Ensuring Growth Benefits Every Filipino -/- While GDP growth is important, it must translate to real improvements in people’s lives. A high GDP with a rapidly growing population leads to a lower GDP per capita, keeping the majority poor. -/- Government policies must regulate population growth through education and family planning. -/- Higher GDP per capita ensures that public investments in healthcare, education, and housing can meet the needs of citizens. -/- A well-balanced population ensures that economic growth does not lead to overconsumption of resources. -/- The Gini Coefficient: Reducing Income Inequality in the Philippines -/- The Philippines has one of the highest income inequality rates in Southeast Asia. The Gini coefficient reveals that wealth is concentrated in the hands of a few, while many struggle to survive. -/- MMT can be used to: -/- Fund free quality education and vocational training, allowing Filipinos to get better-paying jobs. -/- Provide universal healthcare, ensuring that people are not trapped in poverty due to medical expenses. -/- Invest in affordable housing and social safety nets for vulnerable populations. -/- Without addressing inequality, economic growth will only benefit the elite, leading to social unrest and instability. However, corrupt leaders often resist wealth redistribution because they benefit from maintaining economic inequality. A non-corrupt government is necessary to ensure fair wealth distribution. -/- Ensuring MMT Aligns with the Universal Law of Balance -/- The Philippines must apply MMT carefully to prevent economic imbalance. Simply printing money without strategic allocation will lead to inflation and instability. -/- Strict anti-corruption policies must be enforced to ensure MMT is used only for productive investments. -/- Public funds should be managed transparently, with regular audits and independent oversight. -/- Government leaders must be held accountable for economic decisions, ensuring they act in the best interest of all Filipinos. -/- A corrupt and incompetent government will lead to economic collapse under MMT, while a good, disciplined, and visionary government can use it to create lasting prosperity and stability. -/- Conclusion -/- Modern Monetary Theory, when properly applied, aligns with the universal law of balance in nature by ensuring that economic systems function without defects. The Philippines can use MMT to: -/- Increase GDP by investing in infrastructure, renewable energy, and industrialization. -/- Ensure GDP per capita growth by regulating population and creating sustainable jobs. -/- Reduce income inequality through education, healthcare, and wealth redistribution. -/- Maintain economic balance by applying feedback mechanisms such as taxation, productivity growth, and responsible government spending. -/- However, MMT requires a government that is competent, transparent, and corruption-free. Without ethical leadership, MMT will be abused and lead to inflation, economic collapse, and inequality. The law of balance demands that all systems—including governance—function properly to achieve economic stability. -/- By ensuring good governance, economic discipline, and strategic spending, the Philippines can use MMT to build a just, prosperous, and balanced society. -/- . (shrink)

Alternative Solutions to a Failed Democratic System Due to Ignorant Voters and Black Propaganda Politics -/- Introduction -/- Democracy is often considered the best form of government because it allows people to choose their leaders and influence policies. However, democracy is only as strong as the knowledge and wisdom of its citizens. When voters are ignorant and easily manipulated by black propaganda, democracy fails to serve its true purpose. Corrupt politicians take advantage of misinformation, and elections become a contest of (...) deceit rather than competence. In such cases, it becomes necessary to explore alternative governance systems that align with the universal law of balance in nature, ensuring societal stability and progress. This essay explores five potential solutions: meritocratic democracy, hybrid governance, decentralized governance with AI oversight, temporary educational dictatorship, and whole-process democracy with reforms. -/- 1. Meritocratic Democracy: A Government of the Competent -/- One of the main weaknesses of democracy is that it allows uninformed individuals to vote, often leading to the election of incompetent or corrupt leaders. Meritocratic democracy solves this by introducing a system where voters and candidates must meet certain educational or competency requirements. -/- In this system: -/- Voters must pass a basic competency test on political, economic, and social issues before they can vote. -/- Candidates must demonstrate expertise in governance, ethics, and leadership before being allowed to run for office. -/- Decision-making is guided by knowledge and logic, rather than emotional manipulation or populism. -/- By ensuring that only informed citizens and competent leaders participate in the electoral process, a meritocratic democracy prevents the spread of ignorance and manipulation, making governance more stable and effective. -/- 2. Hybrid Governance Model: Balancing Democracy and Technocracy -/- A pure democratic system, when controlled by an uninformed majority, can lead to poor decision-making. A hybrid governance model combines democratic participation with expert-driven decision-making. -/- This system includes: -/- Direct democracy for issues that require public participation, ensuring people still have a voice. -/- Technocratic leadership for areas that require expertise, such as economic planning, environmental policies, and legal reforms. -/- AI-assisted decision-making, where policies are analyzed based on logic, data, and the universal law of balance in nature. -/- By integrating democracy with technocracy, this model ensures that governance is based on both public engagement and expert knowledge, reducing the influence of ignorance and propaganda. -/- 3. Decentralized Governance with AI Oversight -/- Corruption and manipulation thrive in centralized political systems where power is concentrated in a few individuals. A decentralized governance model distributes power across local communities while maintaining oversight through artificial general intelligence (AGI) programmed with the universal formula to ensure balance and ethical governance. -/- This system includes: -/- Local decision-making councils that handle community affairs, reducing dependence on central authorities. -/- AI oversight to prevent misinformation, corruption, and propaganda in governance. -/- Policy-making based on natural balance, ensuring that human actions align with long-term sustainability and fairness. -/- By decentralizing power and using AI to monitor governance, this system prevents political elites from manipulating the public while ensuring that all decisions follow rational and ethical principles. -/- 4. Temporary Educational Dictatorship: A Path to Enlightened Democracy -/- If a democratic system is completely destroyed by ignorance and propaganda, a temporary educational dictatorship may be necessary to restore order. This approach involves: -/- A temporary leadership regime that enforces strict educational reforms before returning power to a well-informed electorate. -/- A governance structure that prioritizes truth, logic, and natural laws in policymaking. -/- A mandatory educational system focusing on critical thinking, ethics, and scientific reasoning to eliminate ignorance from the voting population. -/- This dictatorship would not be based on oppression but on restoring the intellectual foundation necessary for democracy to function properly. Once society reaches a stable level of awareness, democratic processes can be reinstated. -/- 5. Whole-Process People’s Democracy with Reforms -/- China’s whole-process people’s democracy is a system that allows both public participation and centralized decision-making. However, for it to be truly effective, it must integrate the universal law of balance in nature and eliminate ideological biases. -/- To reform whole-process democracy: -/- Education and critical thinking must be central to governance, ensuring the population is not easily misled. -/- Leaders must be selected based on knowledge and competence, not political loyalty. -/- Policies must align with natural balance, ensuring long-term societal stability. -/- By modifying this system with scientific and ethical principles, it can serve as a stable alternative to failing democracies. -/- Conclusion -/- Democracy is valuable, but when ignorant voters and black propaganda politics take control, it leads to instability and poor governance. To correct this failure, alternative systems must be considered. Meritocratic democracy ensures only informed citizens and competent leaders participate in elections. Hybrid governance balances democratic participation with expert decision-making. Decentralized governance with AI oversight prevents corruption and misinformation. A temporary educational dictatorship restores knowledge before returning to democracy. Whole-process democracy, when modified with the universal law of balance, can also serve as a viable alternative. -/- The best solution depends on the specific problems of a country, but the core principle remains the same: governance must follow the universal law of balance in nature, ensuring stability, truth, and progress. Only through such reforms can society escape the cycle of ignorance and manipulation, creating a future where human decisions align with natural laws and rational thought. -/- . (shrink)

Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva1 eisaque335@gmail.com WhatsApp: (81) 97109-4655 -/- Somente a partir do século XX, a democracia passou a ser considerada por muitos um critério de legitimação da vida política. Ao longo de sua trajetória, o pensamento democrático se modificou, incorporando e abolindo diferentes elementos. Desse modo, duas expressões da democracia, a direta e a representativa, tiveram lugar na história ocidental. Democracia direta Na democracia clássica, em Atenas, todos aqueles que fossem considerados cidadãos podiam e deviam participar da criação (...) e da manutenção de uma vida em comum. O demos (povo) era a autoridade soberana para exercer funções legislativas e judiciárias. Ou seja, a cidadania ateniense requeria participação direta dos cidadãos nos assuntos da pólis (cidade). Ostracismo, uma prática da Grécia antiga Com atual significado de isolamento, exclusão ou afastamento das próprias funções, a prática do ostracismo era uma forma de desterro na Grécia antiga. De tempos em tempos, ocorria uma votação em que os indivíduos considerados uma ameaça à comunidade podiam ser deportados. Utilizando um pedaço de cerâmica (ostraka, em grego), os cidadãos anotavam o nome da pessoa impopular para que ela fosse banida por dez anos. Apesar da punição, não havia prejuízos para o condenado o que se referia aos direitos e bens. A virtude cívica, princípio de compromisso de todos os atenienses, implicava dedicação à cidade republicana e subordinação da vida privada aos assuntos públicos e ao bem comum. Nesse modelo, o conceito de cidadão está associado à participação, pois cada cidadão interfere diretamente nos interesses do Estado. Na prática, o exercício da democracia direta consiste na discussão, sem intermediários, das principais questões de interesse comum. Na Grécia antiga, as assembleias populares reuniam os cidadãos na Ágora, praça pública onde se deliberaram leis, impunham-se sanções etc. Esse modelo, entretanto, dificilmente seria possível em comunidades mais numerosas do que as das cidades-Estado gregas, nas quais o conceito de “cidadão” era aplicado a um número restrito de pessoas. Democracia representativa O conceito moderno de democracia representativa surgiu com as revoluções burguesas da Europa, entre os séculos XVII e XIX, especialmente com os ideais iluministas de liberdade e primado da razão, bem como da independência dos Estados Unidos, no século XVIII. O pilar desse modelo é a noção de soberania popular, que se efetiva pelo exercício do voto. Além dela, outras instituições políticas foram criadas e se tornaram indispensáveis para caracterizar um regime como democrático: a separação dos poderes, o respeito às leis, a livre manifestação do pensamento e a cidadania. O modelo se caracteriza pela representação política. Na democracia representativa as deliberações coletivas não são tomadas diretamente pelos cidadãos, mas por pessoas eleitas para tal finalidade. A participação dos cidadãos é indireta, periódica, formal e se expressa por meio das instituições eleitorais e dos partidos políticos. Nas últimas décadas, em diversas partes do mundo, inclusive no Brasil, surgiram questionamentos ao modelo representativo, na medida em que, em muitos casos, os representantes eleitos pelo voto popular constam agir em defesa de interesses de grupos dominantes. Democracia participativa Em muitos países ocidentais, como os da América Latina, a democracia representativa mostrou-se incapaz de fazer que os governos agissem de acordo com os interesses da maioria dos cidadãos. Então, a democracia participativa surgiu como alternativa de superação das deficiências do sistema representativo, já que os dois não são necessariamente antagônicos. Suas principais propostas buscam ampliar a participação cidadã nos assuntos públicos e reduzir a distância entre representantes e representados. Apesar de não ser amplamente adotada, a democracia participativa visa propiciar uma ação política mais igualitária, baseada em grande número de grupos sociais, que, articulados em rede contribuem para orientar as ações governamentais no sentido de atender às necessidades da maioria dos cidadãos. Um dos exemplos desse modelo de democracia é o orçamento participativo, que tem o intuito de sujeitar o uso dos recursos municipais à opinião pública. Por meio de reuniões comunitárias, propostas são coletadas, prioridades são votadas e, com base nessas emendas, é elaborada a Lei Orçamentária Anual (LOA), que depois é encaminhada ao poder legislativo para votação. Nesse caso, a sociedade civil passa a preencher espaços que antes eram ocupados por uma elite burocrática, muitas vezes distante da realidade da população local e que atende outros interesses. De acordo com o sociólogo português Boaventura de Sousa Santos, a democracia participativa é exercida por mecanismos que buscam ampliar a participação social. Essa maneira de atuação do cidadão procura superar falhas do modelo representativo, já que este se tornou um método de formação de governo quando deveria ser uma prática social que inserisse na política os atores sociais excluídos. REFERÊNCIAS BIBLIOGRÁFICAS SILVA, A. et. al. Sociologia em Movimento. 2. ed. São Paulo: Moderna, 2016. (shrink)

There are many phenomena where politicians try to perpetuate their power through political dynasties, especially in local government. This is worrying, considering that the abuse of power will be easier with the political elite consisting of their own families. This research will then look at how political dynasties can occur in the Indonesian government system. This research will be carried out using a descriptive qualitative approach. The data used in this research was obtained through the literature study method. The (...) results of this research then found that several factors cause political dynasties to occur in Indonesia. The first factor is Indonesian society which is plural, so individual political behavior is strongly influenced by social, economic, psychological, historical, political, and cultural factors. Another factor is that candidates who have charisma and popularity will provide great opportunities and make it easier for other family members to run for office in society. (shrink)

Divus Augustus Pater. The cult of divine Augustus under the rule of the Julio-Claudian dynasty -/- Summary The cult of divine Augustus was one of the most important phenomena of ideological nature under the rule of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. The crucial point of its development was the apotheosis conducted on 17 September 14 AD. The new cult was derived greatly from numerous borrowings from the rites of various gods of the Roman Pantheon. As divus, Augustus received a separate priest, a (...) private priestess, and a college of priests. The first flamen Augustalis became Germanicus. The holder of this title enjoyed many privileges. It seems unlikely, however, that flamen Augustalis controlled the entire cult of divine Augustus. This was the role of the emperor as both the supreme priest and the inheritor of political power. Sodales Augustales also had special cult functions. This religious fraternity had a mixed private-state character just like many of the institutions of the early principate. It was a cult college of gens Iulia and, most of all, of Augustus. From its beginning it enjoyed high prestige. The members of this religious fraternity were recruited among the Senate elite and the family of the emperor. Sacerdos divi Augusti occupies a different place in the priesthood established to worship Augustus. This female priesthood, despite its humble cult and political role, is of great interest to scholars. In spite of discerning investigations by researchers, there seem to have been only two priestesses in the Julio-Claudian dynasty – Julia Augusta, the widow of the creator of the principate, and Antonia Augusta. There is even no certainty that the latter had preformed the function at all. Augustus, as a god, was given a separate temple under a Senate decree. However, the construction work went slowly ahead. Therefore, divus Augustus was initially worshipped in other places of worship. At first, it was the temple of Mars Ultor. He was also worshipped in the sacrarium on the Palatine. One encounters certain difficulties when trying to identify the places of Augustus’ worship in Rome. Ultimately, there seem to have been two sacraria in the capital of the Empire. There is no certainty, however, whether yet another temple was located next to the templum novum divi Augusti on the Palatine. In trying to analyse the phenomenon of the divinity of the Roman emperors, and Augustus in particular, it is necessary to refer to the genesis of Emperor worship. Within the framework of official religion it is important to distinguish such elements as genius and numen. Although the consecratio act conducted by the Senate meant the crossing of the boundary between the human Augustus and the divine Augustus, it is important to remember that Augustus had prepared his apotheosis for a long time and already enjoyed divine honours during his lifetime. Certain elements of Augustus worship developed under his rule continued to exist for some time after the death of the creator of the principate. Augustus divinity was guarded by the law of maiestas. At the beginning of the rule of Tiberius it mostly protected divus Augustus himself. Gradually, despite some opposition, the law began to serve the ruling emperor. There is little certainty of how many cases were brought under the crimen laesae maiestatis against those who insulted the divine Augustus. The issue of trials for offending the law of maiestas is accounted for one-sidedly by ancient historians, which complicates the work of contemporary researchers. There is, however, no denying that for Tiberius (Augustus’ successor) the trials on the charge of maiestas turned out to be a trap. The cult of divus Augustus was approved throughout the Empire. Nevertheless, some weaker voices of opposition could be heard. These were present in the Senate circles cherishing the memory of the last defenders of the Republic, as well as among some ethnic and religious communities. The latter included Judaism and emerging Christianity. The political consequences of Augustus’ deification were very serious. He significantly contributed to the ruling of the Julio-Claudian dynasty for over 50 years. The main reason for that was the fact that in the Rome of that time the tradition of power succession was not yet well-grounded. Directly after the principate creator’s death, his consecratio took place – he was assigned priests and many godly honours and a temple was erected in his honour. These actions obviously took place under Augustus’ successor Tiberius who, during his rule, constantly tried to emulate the divine predecessor and referred to his decrees on numerous occasions. Tiberius was the emperor who contributed to the cult of his adoptive father to the greatest extent. However, one cannot fail to notice that his actions were somehow ambiguous. It has to be remembered that, in addition to his sincere respect for the divine Augustus, Tiberius also tried to use the authority of the creator of the principate to strengthen his power. This is exemplified by the motto imprinted on coins: DIVVS AVGVSTVS PATER. Caligula took a different approach to the Augustan cult. When assuming power after Tiberius, he was in a different position. The 20-year rule by Augustus’ successor greatly contributed to the strengthening of the idea of the principate ’s stability in the minds of the Romans. This allowed Caligula to pay less heed to the Senate aristocracy, as well as other institutional elements of the Republic. Under these circumstances, the cult of Augustus underwent modifications. Divus Augustus still remained at the heart of the religious propaganda of the Roman state and gens Iulia, but also other members of the family of the young Emperor received a number of honours drawing them closer to the world of gods. Drusilla, for that matter, was made a diva. By this, the idea of domus Augusta received a new confirmation. Caligula himself did not cease to participate in, and support, the rites performed to worship his divine grandfather. The available sources lead us to believe that Augustus constituted for the young princeps a role model and a character to which he often compared himself with. For Claudius, the use of the cult of divine Augustus was important as a tool to strengthen political power. But due to the fact that his personal links with divus Augustus were rather weak, Claudius focused on the cult of his grandmother Livia, Augustus’ wife. He also emphasised the function of sacerdos divi Augusti which his mother Antonia Augusta was to fulfil. Claudius faced the task of the ‘reconstruction’ of the cult of Augustus which had deteriorated, especially during the second part of Caligula’s rule. Claudius took a different direction in imitating Augustus than his two predecessors. Augustus’ model was very capacious, allowing him to find examples which could be adjusted to fit his own political goals and personality. Claudius avoided the stiffness characteristic of Tiberius and, at the same time, respected Augustus’ traditions which he Caligula inadvertently abused. Claudius’ attitude to Augustus is not quite clear. Undoubtedly he kept alive the memory of the first princeps, however, there is a lack of testimony about the new honours conferred on divine Augustus during the rule of this Emperor. Almost all of them concentrate around the person of Claudius or his family. There are, however, no honours conferred on the creator of the principate. This type of attitude caused the cult of divine Augustus to be eclipsed by the cult of the ruling Emperor. Nero, the last representative of the Julio-Claudian dynasty descended, unlike Claudius, directly from the line of Augustus. The new emperor deified his predecessor by using the model of Augustus’ apotheosis. In the first part of his rule he drew greatly from the Augustus model of exercising power. Nero ’s ideological platform seems to be the richest in comparison with other emperors of the Julio-Claudian dynasty. The tradition of links with divus Augustus was, however, only one of many different elements. With time, the tradition appeared to play a still smaller role. The departure from the Augustus model took place on many levels. Some of the steps were very radical, whereas others were less significant. The most serious was the elimination of the members of gens Iulia and gens Claudia, and those who could prove their kinship with both the houses. The devastation in Nero ’s closest family put an end to the concept of domus Augusta. Formally, the Emperor did not renounce the divine creator of the principate but, in practice, the idea of the new domus Augusta no longer aimed at presenting Augustus’ descendants united in a single family. Nero was now alone and any creation of ideological concepts of power under those circumstances had to be based around him. These actions ended in disaster. By giving up the Augustan model, Nero lost the support of the army and, as a result, lost power. Apart from the worship of the state religion in the capital, divus Augustus was the subject of a provincial and municipal cult. Here, the worship of divine Augustus was often a continuation, sometimes in an extended form, of the honours Augustus had been granted during his lifetime. In the cult of divus Augustus, in the provinces one can observe a mutual interweaving of elements copied from the capital model and local traditions. The beginning of the provincial cult of Augustus dates back to the rule of Tiberius. The crucial point for the establishment of the provincial cult in the West was the request of the citizens of Hispania Tarraconensis to build a temple for divine Augustus. It is important to emphasise here that he was appointed on a local initiative. In the East, the genesis of the provincial cult is related to the functioning of koinon. In comparison with the western regions, the cult here was characterised not only by longer history but also an extensive system of priesthood and rich ritual. The intensity of development of municipal and private cult in the West depended on the level of social and economic development of the regions. It assumed the most complex forms in the provinces with well-developed city life – generally in the eastern provinces. Whereas the cult of divine Augustus in the western municipal provinces was similar in character to the cult of the principate’s creator in Italy. The greatest testimony to the cult’s development comes from relatively strongly romanised and, at the same time, the wealthiest regions which had been part of the Empire for a long time. These included the mainly proconsular Africa, Spain and Narbonese Gaul. The sources coming from these regions constitute not only an illustration of the development of the cult of divine Augustus and members of domus Augusta, but are also a sign of the processes of romanisation of great numbers of city populations. It is necessary to note that outside Rome we do not encounter an isolated cult of divine Augustus. Whenever we deal with information concerning temples or rituals dedicated to the deified creator of the principate, other members of the family are also worshipped. In fact, during the whole rule of the Julio-Claudian dynasty we actually deal with the cult of divine Augustus in close association with the worship of domus Augusta – domus divina. (shrink)

A presente dissertação de Mestrado em Direito propõe a observação de que a colonização praticada não apenas em território brasileiro, mas também em toda a América Latina, caracterizou-se pela inexistência de reconhecimento dos povos originários como sujeitos de plenos direitos. Isto porque o método colonizador no continente latino-americano importou para o meio local um sistema baseado na burocracia e no formalismo em benefício dos grupos dominantes, resultando em um constitucionalismo hegemônico na região. Neste sentido, a emancipação política das Colônias (...) latino-americanas das Metrópoles não erradicou a subjugação étnica e cultural existente. Dito isto, os novos Estados latino-americanos foram ordenados sob a égide de Constituições liberais, mas com traços neocoloniais de subordinação indígena e/ou afrodescendente. Em outros termos, como o colonizador inseriu seu modo de vida e seus valores em benefício das classes sociais privilegiadas, cujas etnias eram entendidas como superiores, os novos Estados emergiram das elites brancas e não das demandas das minorias, deixando lastros, barreiras excludentes e heranças discriminatórias até os dias contemporâneos. Isto leva à reflexão de que a centralidade característica do monismo jurídico da Modernidade justapõe o tema étnico/cultural plural por uma questão centralizada, contrária aos pluralismos normativos latino-americanos originários, em que a concepção de segurança jurídica estaria pautada não na legalidade, mas em um sistema interpretativo costumeiro. O método de pesquisa utilizado nesta dissertação de Mestrado foi uma revisão bibliográfica qualitativa da literatura acadêmica/científica pertinente. (shrink)

Business corporations hold an enormous amount of power towards employees, contractors, customers, and the general public and they do so largely without effective democratic control. Within the workplace democracy debate scholars have argued that this current state is unjustifiable and that corporations must be democratized. But what exactly does that mean? In my thesis, I explore three questions regarding the details of democratization. First, who should be enfranchised in a democratic business corporation? Second, what are plausible pathways towards democratic corporations? (...) And, third, how can we ensure that democratized business corporations last? I discuss these questions in the spirit of methodological realism, paying special attention to considerations of feasibility, ability, and motivation as well as empirical data and examples. I argue that democratization should involve a number of constituencies beyond workers, especially customers and local populations, because an all-affected principle of participation best captures what is distinctive about corporate power. I then offer a number of institutional innovations for the process of democratization. Building on the example of the Berlin expropriation campaign, I argue that expropriation policies can help circumvent the power of those opposed to democratization and provide a helpful path towards democratization. I suggest that a transitional democratic dictatorship modelled after Marx's dictatorship of the proletariat could solve problems of cooperation and sabotage for newly democratized corporations. And, finally, I propose a class-specific corporate tribunate and a right to strike for the democratic corporation to provide institutional counterpower in order to prevent elite capture and the degeneration of democratic corporations. (shrink)

The paper aims to explore the relationships that exist between party structure, party system, patronage, and the appointments of the political elites. It is focused on the extent to which political parties can control the allocation of jobs as well as find out which are the institutions over whom the political parties can exercise power; the extent to which historical legacies influence patronage patterns; the extent to which party patronage is exercised in a ‘majoritarian’ as opposed to a more (...) ‘consensual’ manner across the spectrum of political parties; and the relationship that exist between the structure of the party, the appointment of political elites and patronage. The conclusion is that the party in public office and its allies in the coalition cabinet control the post of ministers and vice-ministers. While these last ones control the posts of their subordinates, it is hard to understand whether they select the employees from the party pool or from their personal networks. The other finding is that the structure of the party creates strong links between patronage and appointment, these last ones done with the scope of having control over government resources and distribution of resources. On the other hand, the research didn’t prove any link between historical legacies and patronage and party system and patronage. (shrink)

Local food projects are steadily becoming a part of contemporary food systems and take on many forms. They are typically analyzed using an ethical, or sociopolitical, lens. Food focused initiatives can be understood as strategies to achieve ethical change in food systems and, as such, ethics play a guiding role. But local food is also a social movement and, thus social and political theories provide unique insights during analysis. This paper begins with the position that ontology should play (...) a more prominent part in the analysis of local food movements, as this lens could provide unique insights into basic commitments guiding such initiatives. The paper presents the argument that ontological analyses are imperative for fully understanding local food movements. It then provides an overview of the justice frameworks and ontological orientations that guide two dominant types of initiatives: Those committed to increasing food security and those committed to food sovereignty. The paper ends with the argument that food sovereignty projects are revolutionary, not only because they challenge us to change industrial food practices, but also because they are built on a radical new political ontology, and co-constitutive food-focused orientation, that forms the foundation for alternative social and political structures. (shrink)

In this chapter, I examine Max Deutsch’s dilemma for the implementation of newly engineered concepts. In the debate over this dilemma, the goal of conceptual engineering tends to be set either too high or too low. As a result, implementation tends to be seen as either very unlikely to succeed or too easily achievable. This chaper aims to offer a way out of this dilemma. I argue that the success conditions for implementation can be better understood if we distinguish between (...) different stages in the implementation process. Implementation is a complex process involving several stages, each of which can be evaluated as a success or a failure. I argue that even if an implementation does not reach the final stage in which a new concept is widely used in the society at large, it may not be a complete failure: conceptual engineers may not even aim for a new concept to be widely used in the society at large; or even if they do and a new concept only circulates in a smaller subgroup, this can still be a significant achievement. The upshot is that we should take more seriously the possibility that conceptual engineering can be implemented locally at the subgroup level. (shrink)

The “local food” movement has been growing since at least the mid- twentieth century with the founding of the Rodale Institute. Since then, local food has increasingly become a goal of food systems. Today, books and articles on local food have become commonplace, with popular authors such as Barbara Kingsolver1 and Michael Pollan2 espousing the virtues of eating locally. Additionally, local food initiatives, such as the “farm- tofork,” “Buying Local,” and “Slow Food” have gained a (...) strong international following with clearly visible impacts on the food industry and policy. The numbers of local farmers’ markets, community- supported agriculture projects, and community gardens have been on the rise steadily since 1994. (shrink)

This paper explores two non-standard supermajority rules in the context of judgment aggregation over multiple logically connected issues. These rules set the supermajority threshold in a local, context sensitive way—partly as a function of the input profile of opinions. To motivate the interest of these rules, I prove two results. First, I characterize each rule in terms of a condition I call ‘Block Preservation’. Block preservation says that if a majority of group members accept a judgment set, then so (...) should the group. Second, I show that one of these rules is, in a precise sense, a judgment aggregation analogue of a rule for connecting qualitative and quantitative belief that has been recently defended by Hannes Leitgeb. The structural analogy is due to the fact that Leitgeb sets thresholds for qualitative beliefs in a local, context sensitive way—partly as a function of the given credence function. (shrink)

One of the central topics in semantic theory over the last few decades concerns the nature of local contexts. Recently, theorists have tried to develop general, non-stipulative accounts of local contexts (Schlenker, 2009; Ingason, 2016; Mandelkern & Romoli, 2017a). In this paper, we contribute to this literature by drawing attention to the local contexts of subclausal expressions. More specifically, we focus on the local contexts of quantificational determiners, e.g. `all', `both', etc. Our central tool for probing (...) the local contexts of subclausal elements is the principle Maximize Presupposition! (Percus, 2006; Singh, 2011). The empirical basis of our investigation concerns some data discussed by Anvari (2018b), e.g. the fact that sentences such as `All of the two presidential candidates are crooked' are unacceptable. In order to explain this, we suggest that the local context of determiners needs to contain the information carried by their restrictor. However, no existing non-stipulative account predicts this. Consequently, we think that the local contexts of subclausal expressions will likely have to be stipulated. This result has important consequences for debates in semantics and pragmatics, e.g. those around the so-called "explanatory problem" for dynamic semantics (Soames, 1982; Heim, 1990; Schlenker, 2009). (shrink)

Many advocate practices of ‘local food’ or ‘locavorism’ as a partial solution to the injustices and unsustainability of contemporary food systems. I think that there is much to be said in favor of local food movements, but these virtues are insufficient to immunize locavorism from criticism. In particular, three duties of international ethics—beneficence, repair and fairness—may provide reasons for constraining the developed world’s permissible pursuit of local food. A complete account of why (and how) the fulfillment of (...) these duties constrains locavorism will require extensive empirical evidence about the relationship between agricultural demand-led industrialization, international trade (rules), and local food practices. In this paper I can only gesture at some of this evidence and, for that reason, my policy prescriptions are merely provisional. Instead, the upshot of this paper is that advocates of locavorism ought to be attentive to the empirical-dependence of the moral permissibility of their projects. As local food ‘scales up’—and comes to be embraced as a goal of political communities—these concerns should receive even greater attention. (shrink)

Critical race theorists and standpoint epistemologists argue that agents who are members of dominant social groups are often in a state of ignorance about the extent of their social dominance, where this ignorance is explained by these agents' membership in a socially dominant group (e.g., Mills 2007). To illustrate this claim bluntly, it is argued: 1) that many white men do not know the extent of their social dominance, 2) that they remain ignorant as to the extent of their dominant (...) social position even where this information is freely attainable, and 3) that this ignorance is due in part to the fact that they are white men. We argue that on Buchak's (2010, 2013) model of risk averse instrumental rationality, ignorance of one's privileges can be rational. This argument yields a new account of elite-group ignorance, why it may occur, and how it might be alleviated. (shrink)

Non-locality is one of the great mysteries of quantum mechanics (qm). There is a new realist interpretation of qm on the table whose notion of time incorporates both of McTaggart's A-series and B-series. In this philosophically motivated interpretation there is no fact of the matter as to whether the 'now' of one system is the 'now' of another system, until measurement. But this reproduces the idea that the spins of a Bell pair of electrons do not become definite 'until' measurement. (...) And this almost trivially allows for non-locality. (shrink)

For Humean atomists, cosmic contents supervene on a spatiotemporal mosaic of modally insulated, freely recombinable local qualities. One piecemeal subspecies of Humean atomism promises more than global supervenience—somehow or other—on a separable base; it constrains how exactly elemental inputs yield everything else. Roughly, the distribution of basic local qualities across elements in one part of our cosmos metaphysically suffices for the complete local physical state of that part: anything sharing this part’s basic elemental decoration should share its (...) more complete contents, regardless of what may be happening elsewhere. On a non-piecemeal alternative, derivative contents can be recognizably local to, or manifest within, one part of our cosmos while reflecting some more global elemental base. To develop this alternative, non-piecemeal Humeans can borrow inspiration from some critics of Humean supervenience, who already distinguish a broader notion of locality from strict Humean intrinsicality. (shrink)

A norm of local expert deference says that your credence in an arbitrary proposition A, given that the expert's probability for A is n, should be n. A norm of global expert deference says that your credence in A, given that the expert's entire probability function is E, should be E(A). Gaifman (1988) taught us that these two norms are not equivalent. Stalnaker (2019) conjectures that Gaifman's example is "a loophole". Here, I substantiate Stalnaker's suspicions by providing characterisation theorems (...) which tell us precisely when the norms give different advice. They tell us that, in a good sense, Gaifman's example is the only case where the two norms differ. I suggest that the lesson of the theorems is that Bayesian epistemologists need not concern themselves with the differences between these two kinds of norms. While they are not strictly speaking equivalent, they are equivalent for all philosophical purposes. (shrink)

The terms “patriotism” and “nationalism” are distinguished historically, conceptually, and geographically. Historically, patriotism is shown to have roots in the classical republican tradition of political thought, according to which citizens should give priority to the common good of their political or civic, as distinct from national, community. Conceptually, it is argued that patriotism is best understood as a political philosophy, an account of the form or forms of dialogue that citizens should engage in when responding to their conflicts, whereas nationalism (...) is a political ideology, an account of the kinds of things that citizens should be saying within those dialogues, in particular, when they take the form of negotiation. Patriotism, then, is that political philosophy which endorses the maxim “conversation first, negotiation second, force third,” since conversation between citizens has the best prospects for realizing and developing the common good. Nationalism, by contrast, is the ideology of those who, when it comes to political negotiations, give the greatest weight to the needs of their national community. Finally, regarding geography, patriotism is shown to be concerned with the jurisdiction of the state, whereas nationalism emphasizes the permanent and sharply demarcated territory where the national community is located. The chapter then concludes with the recommendation that we all need to affirm a global patriotism, alongside the more local forms. (shrink)

Roger Penrose is known for his proposals, in collaboration with Stuart Hameroff, for quantum action in the brain. These proposals, which are still recent, have a prior, less known basis, which will be studied in the following work. First, the paper situates the framework from which a mathematical physicist like Penrose proposes to speak about consciousness. Then it shows how he understands the possible relationships between computation and consciousness and what criticism from other authors he endorses, to conclude by explaining (...) how he understands this relationship between consciousness and computation. Then, it focuses on the concept of non-locality so essential to his understanding of consciousness. With some examples, such as impossible objects or aperiodic tiling, the study addresses the concept of non-locality as Penrose understands it, and then shows how far he intends to arrive with that concept of non-locality. At all times the approach will be more philosophical than physical. (shrink)

The global/local contrast is ubiquitous in mathematics. This paper explains it with straightforward examples. It is possible to build a circular staircase that is rising at any point (locally) but impossible to build one that rises at all points and comes back to where it started (a global restriction). Differential equations describe the local structure of a process; their solution describes the global structure that results. The interplay between global and local structure is one of the great (...) themes of mathematics, but rarely discussed explicitly. (shrink)

Local human rights organizations (LHROs) in the global South are increasingly keen to raise funds from cocitizens and local businesses to diversify their funding, to increase their political legitimacy, and to bolster their resilience to fluctuations in international donor trends. This concern with local funds has assumed new urgency today following the global governmental crackdown on foreign aid to domestic civil society. This article focuses on the potential for local human rights fundraising in Mumbai, one of (...) India’s most important economic centers, as well as a hub of social movements and human rights organizing. Like other governments, India has launched a crackdown on foreign aid to local NGOs. Interviews with a representative sample of Mumbai’s LHRO leaders indicate that they depend on foreign aid, worry about government regulation, and are keen to raise funds from the city’s booming corporate sector. Our representative survey of 1,680 adults living in Mumbai and its rural environs, however, shows that LHRO fundraising among Mumbai businesses could pose an acute reputational challenge. While Indian human rights groups do enjoy some public support in Mumbai, the public’s trust in these groups is statistically associated with greater mistrust in local businesses. LHRO leaders in Mumbai face a critical dilemma: The city’s booming corporate sector presents a tempting fundraising target but any attempt to access these funds risks undermining the local rights sector’s reserves of public support. (shrink)

Scientific realism and anti-realism are most frequently discussed as global theses: theses that apply equally well across the board to all the various sciences. Against this status quo I defend the localist alternative, a methodological stance on scientific realism that approaches debates on realism at the level of individual sciences, rather than at science itself. After identifying the localist view, I provide a number of arguments in its defense, drawing on the diversity and disunity found in the sciences, as well (...) as problems with other approaches (such as basing realism debates on the aim of science). I also show how the view is already at work, explicitly or implicitly, in the work of several philosophers of science. After meeting the objections that localism collapses either into globalism or hyperlocalism, I conclude by sketching what sorts of impacts localism can have in the philosophy of science. (shrink)

In this paper we examine the role the Dutch gymnasium continues to play in the institutional maintenance of educational inequality. To that end we examine the relational and spatial features of state-sponsored elite education in the Dutch system: the unique identity the gymnasium seeks to cultivate; its value to its consumers; its geographic significance; and its market position amidst a growing array of other selective forms of schooling. We argue that there is a strong correlation between a higher social class (...) background and the concern to transmit one’s cultural habitus. We further speculate on the moral implications of state-sponsored elite education, both as it concerns the specific role of the gymnasium in the reproduction of social inequality as well as the curious tendency among its supporters to rationalise the necessity of its existence. (shrink)

A Locally Spherical GRT predicts Quantum Spin Dynamics, QSD, where Time is A Dynamic Relativistic Aether or the Singularity, Linking GRT, Loop Quantum Gravity & String theory.

The book provides a theoretical explanation of the major outcomes of Ethiopia’s social revolution, namely, the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie in 1974 and the implementation of a far-reaching Marxist-Leninist revolution by a military committee (the Derg) and its collapse in 1991. The book extensively discusses the question of knowing whether existing theories of revolution throw light on the eruption of a radical revolution in Ethiopia and, most of all, whether they can accommodate the major anomaly of a socialist revolution (...) being executed by a military committee that radicalized after the removal of the imperial regime. Hence the central thesis of the book: both the overthrow of the monarchical order and the radicalization of the Derg must be tied to social conditions that exasperated elite conflicts for scarce resources, with the consequence that the espousal of radical ideologies (socialism and ethnonationalism) became the sole avenue for the exclusive control of state power. Moreover, the book shows how the struggle of exclusive elites for the control of the state explains the Derg’s need to put its fate in the hands of a providential leader, to wit, Mengistu Haile Mariam. In light of the theoretical debate over the role of charismatic leaders in history, the book establishes how Mengistu’s narcissism led him to become the sole owner of the revolution and how his dictatorial rule brought about his own demise and that of the Derg, following the military defeat of the Ethiopian army in the hands of ethnonationalist insurgents. Another fundamental contribution of the book is a theoretical articulation of political conflicts and ideology that critically intervenes in the divisive issue of the primary cause of revolutions. Granted that ideology is more of a justification than a drive, the Ethiopian case illustrates how conflicts between mutually exclusive elites favor the path of political outbidding mobilizing utopian projects so as to galvanize the support of the masses. The perceived transcendence of utopia from partisan politics gives the proof that ideology is a predatory form of thinking in that it hijacks values belonging to different cognitive and affective realms for the purpose of empowering exclusionary interests. -/- . (shrink)

One motivation for preferring the many worlds interpretation of quantum mechanics over realist rivals, such as collapse and hidden variables theories, is that the interpretation is able to preserve locality (in the sense of no action at a distance) in a way these other theories cannot. The primary goal of this paper is to make this argument for the many worlds interpretation precise, in a way that does not rely on controversial assumptions about the metaphysics of many worlds.

Responsive governance during the COVID-19 pandemic became a severe challenge for countries worldwide. With a relatively poor healthcare structure, Bangladesh performed moderately well in managing the first wave of the pandemic (March-December 2020). With substantive policy and decision-making support from the Centre, local governments collaborated with various relevant actors to enhance their pandemic-related services. In this background, this research used an integrative framework to study a case of local-level collaborative governance-the Saturia Model. Based on the authors' experience, reflections (...) and review, this analysis explores various socioeconomic and environmental factors behind the effectiveness of this collaboration in containment policies and providing support services to vulnerable groups. Findings indicate that coordination between state and non-state actors, resource mobilization, access and communication, community engagement and the adaptative capacity of the government are vital for making such collaborations work in a crisis. The lessons are valuable for prospective understanding and policy interventions. (shrink)

A step towards constructing an ethics of international activism is proposed by formulating a series of constraints on what would constitute morally permissible agency in the context that involves delivering services abroad, directly or indirectly. Perhaps surprisingly, in this effort the author makes use of the concept of ‘force multiplier’. This idea and its official applications have explanatory importance in considering the correlation between the post-Cold War phenomenal growth in the number of international non-governmental organizations and the emergence of the (...) US as the sole, unchallenged superpower. Four moral constraints useful for morally assessing international activism are formulated and defended. The final outcome is an argument in favor of an overarching duty for any activist-minded Westerner to go local, while developing nations are urged to closely regulate, even criminalize, activities by international activists and ‘human rights organizations’ on their territory when not in solidarity or in support of local movements. The position defended, urging the normative primacy of local over international activism, also finds support in Immanuel Kant’s Third Definitive Article for A Perpetual Peace. (shrink)

We present a minimum message length (MML) framework for trajectory partitioning by point selection, and use it to automatically select the tolerance parameter ε for Douglas-Peucker partitioning, adapting to local trajectory complexity. By examining a range of ε for synthetic and real trajectories, it is easy to see that the best ε does vary by trajectory, and that the MML encoding makes sensible choices and is robust against Gaussian noise. We use it to explore the identification of micro-activities within (...) a longer trajectory. This MML metric is comparable to the TRACLUS metric – and shares the constraint of abstracting only by omission of points – but is a true lossless encoding. Such encoding has several theoretical advantages – particularly with very small segments (high frame rates) – but actual performance interacts strongly with the search algorithm. Both differ from unconstrained piecewise linear approximations, including other MML formulations. (shrink)

According to global skepticism, we know nothing. According to local skepticism, we know nothing in some particular area or domain of discourse. Unlike their global counterparts, local skeptics think they can contain our invincible ignorance within limited bounds. I argue that they are mistaken. Local skepticism, particularly the kinds that most often get defended, cannot stay local: if there are domains whose truths we cannot know, then there must be claims outside those domains that we cannot (...) know even if they are true. My argument focuses on one popular form of local skepticism, ethical skepticism, but I believe that the argument generalizes to cover other forms as well. (shrink)

Marcelo Fischborn discusses the significance of neuroscience for debates about free will. Although he concedes that, to date, Libet-style experiments have failed to threaten “libertarian free will”, he argues that, in principle, neuroscience and psychology could do so by supporting local determinism. We argue that, in principle, Libet-style experiments cannot succeed in disproving or even establishing serious doubt about libertarian free will. First, we contend that “local determination”, as Fischborn outlines it, is not a coherent concept. Moreover, determinism (...) is unlikely to be established by neuroscience in any form that should trouble compatibilists or libertarians—that is, anyone who thinks we might have free will. We conclude that, in principle, neuroscience will not be able undermine libertarian free will and explain why these conclusions support a coherent compatibilist notion of causal sourcehood. (shrink)

Despite concerted efforts to nurture SMMEs through a number of methods, including LED initiatives, a high failure rate persists in South Africa. As the quest for a sustainable solution continues, this paper investigates the challenges that SMMEs face in the context of the Bushbuckridge Local Municipality (BLM). The quantitative approach was adopted for data collection. Through the use of a survey questionnaire, data were collected from a sample of fifty owners/managers who were reached through the stratified sampling technique. The (...) study singled out lack of financial assistance, managerial skills, inaccessible global markets as the most dominant challenges to the development of SMMEs apart from the high crime rate and the fear of xenophobia. Lack of technology and insufficient government support received far lesser approval from participants as these were perceived to have less impact on SMMEs growth. This paper draws attention to the ineffectiveness of LED programmes at the grassroots level with specific reference to rural municipalities. (shrink)