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The Return of the Political

Science and Society 60 (1):116-119 (1993)

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  1. Realism in Normative Political Theory.Enzo Rossi & Matt Sleat - 2014 - Philosophy Compass 9 (10):689-701.
    This paper provides a critical overview of the realist current in contemporary political philosophy. We define political realism on the basis of its attempt to give varying degrees of autonomy to politics as a sphere of human activity, in large part through its exploration of the sources of normativity appropriate for the political and so distinguish sharply between political realism and non-ideal theory. We then identify and discuss four key arguments advanced by political realists: from ideology, from the relationship of (...)
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  • With radicals like these, who needs conservatives? Doom, gloom, and realism in political theory.Lorna Finlayson - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 16 (3):1474885114568815.
    This paper attempts to get some critical distance on the increasingly fashionable issue of realism in political theory. Realism has an ambiguous status: it is sometimes presented as a radical challenge to the _status quo_; but it also often appears as a conservative force, aimed at clipping the wings of more ‘idealistic’ political theorists. I suggest that what we might call ‘actually existing realism’ is indeed a conservative presence in political philosophy, and that its ambiguous status plays a part in (...)
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  • On the limits of the political: The problem of overly permissive pluralism in Mouffe's agonism.Ugur Aytac - 2021 - Constellations 28 (3):417-431.
    This paper argues that the critique of depoliticization in Mouffe’s agonistic political theory needs to be revised. This is because her account of the political does not succeed in filtering out undesirable forms of politicization such as science denialism and other types of post-truth politics. Mouffe's conception of the common symbolic space does not accomplish the task of limiting extreme pluralism in the absence of certain standards about how to correctly apply the fundamental notions of this space. By drawing on (...)
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  • Can an Algorithm be Agonistic? Ten Scenes from Life in Calculated Publics.Kate Crawford - 2016 - Science, Technology, and Human Values 41 (1):77-92.
    This paper explores how political theory may help us map algorithmic logics against different visions of the political. Drawing on Chantal Mouffe’s theories of agonistic pluralism, this paper depicts algorithms in public life in ten distinct scenes, in order to ask the question, what kinds of politics do they instantiate? Algorithms are working within highly contested online spaces of public discourse, such as YouTube and Facebook, where incompatible perspectives coexist. Yet algorithms are designed to produce clear “winners” from information contests, (...)
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  • The Republican critique of capitalism.Stuart White - 2011 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):561-579.
    Although republican political theory has undergone something of a revival in recent years, some question its contemporary relevance on the grounds that republicanism has little to say about central questions of modern economic organization. In response, this paper offers an account of core republican values and then considers how capitalism stands in relation to these values. It identifies three areas of republican concern related to: the impact of unequal wealth distribution on personal liberty; the impact of the private control of (...)
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  • On Politics and Violence: Arendt Contra Fanon.Elizabeth Frazer & Kimberly Hutchings - 2008 - Contemporary Political Theory 7 (1):90-108.
    This paper considers the implications of Hannah Arendt's criticisms of Frantz Fanon and the theories of violence and politics associated with his influence for our understanding of the relationship between those two phenomena. Fanon argues that violence is a means necessary to political action, and also is an organic force or energy. Arendt argues that violence is inherently unpredictable, which means that end reasoning is in any case anti-political, and that it is a profound error to naturalize violence. We evaluate (...)
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  • The Ignorant Citizen: Mouffe, Rancière, and the Subject of Democratic Education.Gert Biesta - 2011 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 30 (2):141-153.
    Much work in the field of education for democratic citizenship is based on the idea that it is possible to know what a good citizen is, so that the task of citizenship education becomes that of the production of the good citizen. In this paper I ask whether and to what extent we can and should understand democratic citizenship as a positive identity. I approach this question by means of an exploration of four dimensions of democratic politics—the political community, the (...)
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  • The Politics of Orientation: Deleuze Meets Luhmann.Hannah Richter - 2023 - SUNY Press.
    The Politics of Orientation provides the first substantial exploration of a surprising theoretical kinship and its rich political implications, between Gilles Deleuze's philosophy and the sociological systems theory of Niklas Luhmann. Through their shared theories of sense, Hannah Richter draws out how the works of Luhmann and Deleuze complement each other in creating worlds where chaos is the norm and order the unlikely and yet remarkably stable exception. From the encounter between Deleuze and Luhmann, Richter develops a novel take on (...)
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  • The Promise of Pragmatism: Richard Rorty and Business Ethics.Sareh Pouryousefi & R. Edward Freeman - 2021 - Business Ethics Quarterly 31 (4):572-599.
    Pragmatists believe that philosophical inquiry must engage closely with practice to be useful and that practice serves as a source of social norms. As a growing alternative to the analytic and continental philosophical traditions, pragmatism is well suited for research in business ethics, but its role remains underappreciated. This article focuses on Richard Rorty, a key figure in the pragmatist tradition. We read Rorty as a source of insight about the ethical and political nature of business practice in contemporary global (...)
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  • Education and articulation: Laclau and Mouffe’s radical democracy in school.Itay Snir - 2017 - Ethics and Education 12 (3):1-13.
    This paper outlines a theory of radical democratic education by addressing a key concept in Laclau and Mouffe’s Hegemony and Socialist Strategy: articulation. Through their concept of articulation, Laclau and Mouffe attempt to liberate Gramsci’s theory of hegemony from Marxist economism, and adapt it to a political sphere inhabited by a plurality of struggles and agents none of which is predominant. However, while for Gramsci the political process of hegemony formation has an explicit educational dimension, Laclau and Mouffe ignore this (...)
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  • Agonistic Critiques of Liberalism: Perfection and Emancipation.Thomas Fossen - 2008 - Contemporary Political Theory 7 (4):376–394.
    Agonism is a political theory that places contestation at the heart of politics. Agonistic theorists charge liberal theory with a depoliticization of pluralism through an excessive focus on consensus. This paper examines the agonistic critiques of liberalism from a normative perspective. I argue that by itself the argument from pluralism is not sufficient to support an agonistic account of politics, but points to further normative commitments. Analyzing the work of Mouffe, Honig, Connolly, and Owen, I identify two normative currents of (...)
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  • An Agonistic Approach to Technological Conflict.Eugen Octav Popa, Vincent Blok & Renate Wesselink - 2020 - Philosophy and Technology 34 (4):717-737.
    Traditional approaches to conflict are oriented towards establishing consensus, either in the form of a resolution of the conflict or in the form of an ‘agree-to-disagree’ standstill between the stakeholders. In this paper, we criticize these traditional approaches, each for specific reasons, and we propose and develop the agonistic approach to conflict. Based on Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic democratic theory, the agonistic approach to conflict is more welcoming of dissensus, replacing discussion stoppers with discussion starters and replacing standstills with contestation. We (...)
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  • An Adversarial Ethics of Campaigns and Elections.Samuel Bagg & Isak Tranvik - 2019 - Perspectives on Politics 4 (17):973-987.
    Existing approaches to campaign ethics fail to adequately account for the “arms races” incited by competitive incentives in the absence of effective sanctions for destructive behaviors. By recommending scrupulous devotion to unenforceable norms of honesty, these approaches require ethical candidates either to quit or lose. To better understand the complex dilemmas faced by candidates, therefore, we turn first to the tradition of “adversarial ethics,” which aims to enable ethical participants to compete while preventing the most destructive excesses of competition. As (...)
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  • Toward Political Explanation of Change in Corporate Responsibility: Political Scholarship on CSR and the Case of Palm Oil Biofuels.Martin Fougère & Ville-Pekka Sorsa - 2021 - Business and Society 60 (8):1895-1923.
    Corporate social responsibility (CSR) has been recently conceptualized and studied as a political phenomenon. Most debates in this scholarship have thus far focused on normative issues. Less attention has been paid to the explanatory potential of CSR research grounded in political theory and philosophy. In this article, we conduct a pragmatist reading of political scholarship on CSR and seek to deploy existing knowledge for research pursuing political explanation. We argue that the political ontologies that underlie scholarship on CSR can be (...)
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  • Blank slate: squares and political order of city.Asma Mehan - 2016 - Journal of Architecture and Urbanism 40 (4):311-321.
    This paper aims to analyze the square beyond an architectural element in the city, but weaves this blank slate, with its contemporary socio political atmosphere as a new paradigm. As a result, this research investigates the historical, social and political concept of Meydan – a term which has mostly applied for the Iranian and Islamic public squares. This interpretation, suggested the idea of Meydan as the core of the projects in the city, which historically exposed in formalization of power relations (...)
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  • Decolonizing radical democracy.Jakeet Singh - 2019 - Contemporary Political Theory 18 (3):331-356.
    This article explores some of the central challenges presented by decolonial thought to other critical, progressive, or emancipatory theories, especially theories of radical democracy. The article has two main aims. First it seeks to synthesize and highlight a number of key strands and interventions of contemporary decolonial thought. It does so through a reading of several decolonial literatures including the Latin American modernity/coloniality school, as well as research in Indigenous Studies and Settler Colonial Studies focused largely on the Anglo settler (...)
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  • Does Collective Identity Presuppose an Other: On the Alleged Incoherence of Global Solidarity.Arash Abizadeh - 2005 - American Political Science Review 99 (1):45-60.
    Two arguments apparently support the thesis that collective identity presupposes an Other: the recognition argument, according to which seeing myself as a self requires recognition by an other whom I also recognize as a self (Hegel); and the dialogic argument, according to which my sense of self can only develop dialogically (Taylor). But applying these arguments to collective identity involves a compositional fallacy. Two modern ideologies mask the particularist thesis’s falsehood. The ideology of indivisible state sovereignty makes sovereignty as such (...)
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  • The twilight of the Liberal Social Contract? On the Reception of Rawlsian Political Liberalism.Enzo Rossi - 2019 - In Kelly Becker & Iain D. Thomson, The Cambridge History of Philosophy, 1945–2015. New York, NY, USA: Cambridge University Press.
    This chapter discusses the Rawlsian project of public reason, or public justification-based 'political' liberalism, and its reception. After a brief philosophical rather than philological reconstruction of the project, the chapter revolves around a distinction between idealist and realist responses to it. Focusing on political liberalism’s critical reception illuminates an overarching question: was Rawls’s revival of a contractualist approach to liberal legitimacy a fruitful move for liberalism and/or the social contract tradition? The last section contains a largely negative answer to that (...)
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  • Wanted: A New Ethics Field for Health Policy Analysis.Nuala Kenny & Mita Giacomini - 2005 - Health Care Analysis 13 (4):247-260.
    Ethics guidance and ethical frameworks are becoming more explicit and prevalent in health policy proposals. However, little attention has been given to evaluating their roles and impacts in the policy arena. Before this can be investigated, fundamental questions must be asked about the nature of ethics in relation to policy, and about the nexus of the fields of applied ethical analysis and health policy analysis. This paper examines the interdisciplinary stretch between bioethics and health policy analysis. In particular, it highlights (...)
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  • Political Realism and Fact-Sensitivity.Edward Hall - 2013 - Res Publica 19 (2):173-181.
    Political realists complain that much contemporary political philosophy is insufficiently attentive to various facts about politics yet some political philosophers insist that any critique of normative claims on grounds of unrealism is misplaced. In this paper I focus on the methodological position G.A. Cohen champions in order assess the extent to which this retort succeeds in nullifying the realist critique of contemporary political philosophy. I argue that Cohen’s work does not succeed in doing so because the political principles that we (...)
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  • The figure of the child in democratic politics.Daniel Bray & Sana Nakata - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (1):20-37.
    This article seeks to illuminate the figure of the child in democratic politics by arguing that children play a constitutive role as temporary outsiders who present both renewal and risk to the demos. Using Hannah Arendt’s concept of natality, we begin with an ontological account of children as new individuals that are central to renewing democratic freedom and plurality. In the second section, we explore how children can be conceived in terms of political risk by focussing on Arendt’s debate with (...)
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  • Citizenship: Towards a Feminist Synthesis.Ruth Lister - 1997 - Feminist Review 57 (1):28-48.
    A synthesis of rights and participatory approaches to citizenship, linked through the notion of human agency, is proposed as the basis for a feminist theory of citizenship. Such a theory has to address citizenship's exclusionary power in relation to both nation-state ‘outsiders’ and ‘insiders’. With regard to the former, the article argues that a feminist theory and politics of citizenship must embrace an internationalist agenda. With regard to the latter, it offers the concept of a ‘differentiated universalism’ as an attempt (...)
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  • Tacit consent and political legitimacy.Matej Cibik - 2024 - European Journal of Political Theory 23 (3):340-358.
    Though historically important, the notion of tacit consent plays little role in contemporary discussions of political legitimacy. The idea, in fact, is often dismissed as obviously implausible. The ambition of this paper is to challenge this assumption and show that tacit consent can become a key ingredient in a theory of legitimacy. Instead of defining tacit consent through residence (where, according to John Locke or Plato's Socrates, staying in the country amounts to tacitly consenting to its system of rule), the (...)
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  • Understanding democratic conflicts: The failures of agonistic theory.Vincent August - 2024 - European Journal of Political Theory 23 (2):182-203.
    Western democracies experience profound conflicts that induce concerns about polarization and social cohesion. Yet although conflicts are a core feature of democracies, the forms, functions, and dynamics of democratic conflicts have rarely been subject of political theory. This paper aims at furthering our understanding of democratic conflicts. It analyzes the theory of conflict in Mouffe's agonistic pluralism, confronts it with sociological conflict theory, and presents concrete points of departure for a more comprehensive theory of democratic conflicts. The paper, thus, contributes (...)
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  • Agonism and deliberation— recognizing the difference.Fuat Gürsözlü - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 17 (3):356-368.
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  • Beyond liberal democracy: Dewey's renascent liberalism.Barbara J. Thayer-Bacon - 2006 - Education and Culture 22 (2):19-30.
    : My project aims to develop a relational, pluralistic political theory that moves us beyond liberal democracy, and to consider how such a theory translates into our public school settings. In this essay I argue that Dewey offers us possibilities for moving beyond one key assumption of classical liberalism, individualism, with his theory of social transaction. I focus my discussion for this paper on Dewey's renascent liberal democracy. I move from a discussion of Dewey's liberal democratic theory to what a (...)
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  • Democracy, Education and the Need for Politics.Ingerid S. Straume - 2016 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 35 (1):29-45.
    Even though the interrelationship between education and democratic politics is as old as democracy itself, it is seldom explicitly formulated in the literature. Most of the time, the political system is taken as a given, and education conceptualized as an instrument for stability and social integration. Many contemporary discussions about citizenship education and democracy in the Western world mirror this tendency. In the paper, I argue that, in order to conceptualise the socio-political potential of education we need to understand democracy (...)
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  • Politics and the political in critical discourse studies: state of the art and a call for an intensified focus on the metapolitical dimension of discursive practice.Jan Zienkowski - 2018 - Critical Discourse Studies 16 (2):131-148.
    ABSTRACTBased on an overview of the ways in which politics and the political have been thought in critical discourse analysis, the author calls for a focus on the metapolitical dimension of discourse. The author develops his notion of metapolitics on the basis of post-foundational insights into politics, the political and processes of politicization. Metapolitics refers to projects and struggles where conflicting modes and models of politics clash. Metapolitical debates potentially reshape the structure of the public realm as well as the (...)
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  • Notes Towards A Definition of Politics.James Alexander - 2014 - Philosophy 89 (2):273-300.
    Politics has been defined in different and contradictory ways in the last century or so. If politics is to be a single subject of study then contradictory theories should be capable of being related together. In this article I argue that they can be related in terms of what I call the Aristotelian criterion. The article is in four parts. Firstly, I discuss the problem of defining politics; secondly, I introduce the criterion; thirdly, I consider five modern theories of politics (...)
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  • Deliberation interrupted: Confronting Jürgen Habermas with Claude Lefort.Stefan Rummens - 2008 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 34 (4):383-408.
    In this article I confront Jürgen Habermas' deliberative model of democracy with Claude Lefort's analysis of democracy as a regime in which the locus of power remains an empty place. This confrontation reveals several structural similarities between the two authors and explains how the proceduralization of popular sovereignty provides a discourse-theoretical interpretation of the empty place of power. At the same time, Lefort's insistence on the open-ended nature of the democratic struggle also points towards an unresolved tension at the core (...)
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  • Education as a pharmakon. Action art as political pedagogic device for enacting radical democracy.Guerra Luis - 2023 - Ethics and Education 18 (3-4):371-386.
    By considering the position of education as a pharmakon, highlighting its potential positive and negative effects on societies by its technical unfolding, the article proposes to explore the political and pedagogical role that public and collective performances can have within the public sphere as political devices for promoting and enacting radical democracy. To this end, it analyzes a contemporary collaborative artistic practice, the performance ‘Un Violador en Tu Camino’ (‘A rapist in your path’) by the feminist collective LASTESIS from Chile, (...)
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  • From agonistic to insurgent democracy.Lorenzo Buti - 2025 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 51 (2):263-279.
    This article uncovers an internal tension within theories of agonistic democracy. On the one hand, as radical pluralists, agonistic democrats want to institute a ‘symmetrical’ political scene where different identities can struggle on an equally legitimate basis. On the other hand, they often normatively prioritize the struggles of oppressed groups against domination. In response, this article proposes to collapse any strict distinction between pluralism and social relations of domination. The result is a move from agonistic to insurgent democracy, where insurgent (...)
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  • Critical republicanism: Jürgen Habermas and Chantal Mouffe.Gulshan Khan - 2013 - Contemporary Political Theory 12 (4):318-337.
    Jürgen Habermas’s theory of ‘discourse ethics’ has been an important source of inspiration for theories of deliberative democracy and is typically contrasted with agonistic conceptions of democracy represented by theorists such as Chantal Mouffe. In this article I show that this contrast is overstated. By focusing on the different philosophical traditions that underpin Mouffe’s and Habermas’s respective approaches, commentators have generally overlooked the political similarities between these thinkers. I examine Habermas’s and Mouffe’s respective conceptions of democratic politics and argue that (...)
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  • (1 other version)From body to flesh: Lefort, Merleau-Ponty, and democratic indeterminacy.Salih Emre Gerçek - 2017 - European Journal of Political Theory 19 (4):571-592.
    Claude Lefort’s theory of democratic indeterminacy has been an influential source among democratic theorists to demonstrate that democratic times lack absolute and determinate grounds on which to b...
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  • Laclau or Mouffe? Splitting the difference.Mark Anthony Wenman - 2003 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 29 (5):581-606.
    The majority of those who comment upon the theories of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe - both supporters and critics - treat the work of the two authors as a coherent unity. I see acute differences that demarcate the ideas of Laclau and Mouffe: differences that impede any straightforward delimitation of the authorial identity `Laclau and Mouffe'. The purpose of this paper is to bring to the fore the incommensurate political differences that separate the work of the two authors, and (...)
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  • Agonizing care: care ethics, agonistic feminism and a political theory of care.Kristin G. Cloyes - 2002 - Nursing Inquiry 9 (3):203-214.
    Agonizing care: care ethics, agonistic feminism and a political theory of care‘Care’ is central to nursing theory and practice, and has been described in a variety of ways. Intense conversations about care have been developing in other fields of study as well, from the social sciences to the humanities. Care ethics has grown out of intellectual exchange between feminist thought, moral theory and the critique of traditional western political philosophy. However, care ethics is not without its critics, as these accounts (...)
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  • Foucault’s politicization of ontology.Johanna Oksala - 2010 - Continental Philosophy Review 43 (4):445-466.
    The paper explicates a politicized conception of reality with the help of Michel Foucault’s critical project. I contend that Foucault’s genealogies of power problematize the relationship between ontology and politics. His idea of productive power incorporates a radical, ontological claim about the nature of reality: Reality as we know it is the result of social practices and struggles over truth and objectivity. Rather than translating the true ontology into the right politics, he reverses the argument. The radicality of his method (...)
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  • The Politics of Autonomy and the Challenge of Deliberation: Castoriadis Contra Habermas.Andreas Kalyvas - 2001 - Thesis Eleven 64 (1):1-19.
    Contemporary Anglo-American political thought is witnessing a revival of theories of deliberative democracy. The principle of public argumentation, according to which the legitimation of a general norm is predicated upon a rational and open dialog among all those affected by this norm, constitutes their common underlying assumption. This assumption is itself grounded in the metatheoretical claim that arguing is the defining activity of a demos of free and equal members. Habermas' well-known formulation of communicative or discursive democracy represents one of (...)
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  • Feminism as Revolutionary Practice: From Justice and the Politics of Recognition to Freedom.Marieke Borren - 2013 - Hypatia 28 (1):197-214.
    In the 1980s extra-parliamentary social movements and critical theories of race, class, and gender added a new sociocultural understanding of justice—recognition—to the much older socioeconomic one. The best-known form of the struggle for recognition is the identity politics of disadvantaged groups. I argue that there is still another option to conceptualize their predicament, neglected in recent political philosophy, which understands exclusion not in terms of injustice, more particularly a lack of sociocultural recognition, but in terms of a lack of freedom. (...)
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  • Schmitt’s democratic dialectic: On the limits of democracy as a value.Larry Alan Busk - 2021 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 47 (6):681-701.
    In this essay, I attempt to measure various prevailing democratic theories against an argument that Carl Schmitt advances in the first chapter of his ‘Crisis of Parliamentary Democracy’. In practice, he claims there, democratic politics is compelled to introduce a distinction between ‘the will of the people’ and the behaviour of the empirical people, thus justifying the bracketing and unlimited suspension of the latter in the name of the former, even to the point of dictatorship. I argue that no contemporary (...)
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  • Recognition and Redistribution.Jacinda Swanson - 2005 - Theory, Culture and Society 22 (4):87-118.
    Nancy Fraser has elaborated a framework for analyzing different forms of oppression using the categories of redistribution and recognition. This framework has come under criticism from Iris Marion Young and Judith Butler, despite the fact that all three theorists similarly insist that justice is not reducible solely to economic justice and that struggles against ‘cultural’ forms of oppression are equally important. Drawing on the debate between these theorists, in this article I examine the ways in which their respective theoretical frameworks (...)
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  • Identifying Difference, Engaging Dissent: What is at Stake in Democratizing Knowledge?L. King, B. Morgan-Olsen & J. Wong - 2016 - Foundations of Science 21 (1):69-88.
    Several prominent voices have called for a democratization of science through deliberative processes that include a diverse range of perspectives and values. We bring these scholars into conversation with extant research on democratic deliberation in political theory and the social sciences. In doing so, we identify systematic barriers to the effectiveness of inclusive deliberation in both scientific and political settings. We are particularly interested in what we call misidentified dissent, where deliberations are starkly framed at the outset in terms of (...)
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  • Judicial Decision-Making, Ideology and the Political: Towards an Agonistic Theory of Adjudication.Rafał Mańko - 2022 - Law and Critique 33 (2):175-194.
    The present paper puts forward a first outline of a possible agonistic theory of adjudication, conceived of as an extension of Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory of democracy onto the domain of the juridical, and specifically, judicial decision-making. Mouffe’s concept of the political as the dimension of inherent and unalienable conflicts (antagonisms) which, nonetheless, need to be tamed for a pluralist democracy to function, creates an excellent vantage point for a critical theory of adjudication. The paper argues for perceiving all judicial (...)
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  • At the Outer Limits of Democratic Division: on Citizenship, Conflict and Violence in the Work of Chantal Mouffe and Étienne Balibar.Christiaan Boonen - 2020 - International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society 33 (4):529-544.
    This article’s guiding thesis is that the theory of radical democratic citizenship is built on a tension between a radical, conflictual element and a democratic element. As radical democrats, these philosophers point to the intimate relation between conflict and both emancipation and democracy. But as radical democrats, they also propose different methods that prevent conflict from breaking up the polis—the common ground that makes democratic conflict possible. I look at two radical democrats’ way of dealing with this tension: Chantal Mouffe (...)
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  • (1 other version)Democracy, citizenship and the bits in between.Sarah Fine - 2011 - In Richard Bellamy, Citizenship. New York: pp. 623-640.
    This paper lays the foundations for a democratic defence of the argument that at least some non-citizens are entitled to claim rights of political participation with regard to states in which they are not resident. First I outline a distinctively democratic case for granting participatory rights to certain non-resident non-citizens, based upon the central claim that in a democracy those who are governed ought to have the opportunity to participate in the exercise of government. I offer support for extending rights (...)
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  • (1 other version)Democracy, citizenship and the bits in between.Sarah Fine - 2011 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 14 (5):623-640.
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  • Science, Technology, and the Political.Gert Goeminne - 2013 - Techné: Research in Philosophy and Technology 17 (1):93-123.
    In this paper, I elaborate on the very political dimension of epistemology that is opened up by the radical change of focus initiated by constructivism: from science as knowledge to science as practice. In a first step, this brings me to claim that science is political in its own right, thereby drawing on Mouffe and Laclau’s framework of radical democracy and its central notion of antagonism to make explicit what is meant by ‘the political.’ Secondly, I begin to explore what (...)
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  • From Weimar to Ankara: Carl Schmitt, sovereignty and democracy.Acar Kutay - 2019 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 45 (6):728-752.
    In this article, I draw on Carl Schmitt’s political and constitutional thought in order to reflect on the political struggle over the foundational norms and values of a constitutional settlement in...
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  • Ge-Stell, das Man y neoliberalismo. Críticas a la democracia capitalista desde el pensamiento heideggeriano / Ge-Stell, das Man and Neoliberalism. Critiques of Capitalist Democracy from Heideggerian Thought.Fernando Gilabert - 2024 - Open Insights. Issn: 2395-8936 15 (35):61-85.
    Nuestro objetivo es presentar una crítica a la sociedad contemporánea a partir de una lectura de la obra de Heidegger, buscando elucidar algunos supuestos establecidos en las democracias occidentales conforme a un modelo económico capitalista, tal y como presentan su hegemonía. Desde Heidegger, términos como Ge-Stell y das Man han de ser revisados nuevamente para exponer su desarrollo en el mundo actual, mostrando cómo están inmersos dentro de las estructuras del sistema político y económico del neoliberalismo. ---- The aim of (...)
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  • Value-Pluralism in Contemporary Liberalism.Glen Newey - 1998 - Dialogue 37 (3):493-.
    RÉSUMÉ: Plusieurs libéraux modernes soutiennent que le pluralisme des valeurs a d’importantes conséquences pour l’élaboration des procédures et des institutions politiques. Mais les arguments fondés sur l’incommensurabilité et sur l’indétermination de la rationalité ou de la délibération se révèlent tous compatibles avec le monisme; et certaines formes de pluralisme sont compatibles soit avec une hiérarchisation des valeurs soit avec une hiérarchisation méta-éthique de certains types de concepts normatifs. En outre le «pluralisme» en tant que thèse métaphysique concernant les valeurs est (...)
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