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  1. Democracia deliberativa: una apuesta por el valor epistémico de la deliberación pública.Pedro Jesús Pérez Zafrilla - 2009 - Revista de Filosofía (Madrid) 34 (1):155-173.
    Frente al sistema político liberal, basado en la agregación de intereses egoístas, los teóricos de la democracia deliberativa defienden la superioridad epistémica de la deliberación como método de toma de decisiones. En mi artículo pretendo tratar algunas de las cuestiones fundamentales concernientes a la democracia deliberativa como una teoría epistémica. Primero analizaré los elementos definitorios de la superioridad epistémica de la deliberación. Después expondré las diferentes formas en que los autores articulan el valor epistémico de la deliberación en sus propuestas. (...)
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  • Epistemic Trust and Liberal Justification.Michael Fuerstein - 2012 - Journal of Political Philosophy 21 (2):179-199.
    In this paper I offer a distinctive epistemic rationale for the liberal practice of constant and ostentatious reason-giving in the political context. Epistemic trust is essential to democratic governance because as citizens we can only make informed decisions by relying on the claims of moral, scientific, and practical authorities around us. Yet rational epistemic trust is also uniquely fragile in the political context in light of both the radical inclusiveness of the relevant epistemic community (i.e., everyone who participates in the (...)
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  • Disentangling Diversity in Deliberative Democracy: Competing Theories, Their Blind Spots and Complementarities.André Bächtiger, Simon Niemeyer, Michael Neblo, Marco R. Steenbergen & Jürg Steiner - 2009 - Journal of Political Philosophy 18 (1):32-63.
    IN the last decade deliberative democracy has developed rapidly from a “theoretical statement” into a “working theory.”1 Scholars and practitioners have launched numerous initiatives designed to put deliberative democracy into practice, ranging from deliberative polling to citizen summits.2 Some even advocate deliberation as a new “revolutionary now.”3 Deliberative democracy has also experienced the beginning of an empirical turn, making significant gains as an empirical (or positive) political science. This includes a small, but growing body of literature tackling the connection between (...)
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  • Epistemic democracy and the social character of knowledge.Michael Fuerstein - 2008 - Episteme 5 (1):pp. 74-93.
    How can democratic governments be relied upon to achieve adequate political knowledge when they turn over their authority to those of no epistemic distinction whatsoever? This deep and longstanding concern is one that any proponent of epistemic conceptions of democracy must take seriously. While Condorcetian responses have recently attracted substantial interest, they are largely undermined by a fundamental neglect of agenda-setting. I argue that the apparent intractability of the problem of epistemic adequacy in democracy stems in large part from a (...)
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  • Good governance: Contemporary issues in political philosophy.Nikolas Kirby - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (12):e12790.
    The legislature and the judiciary have been a constant focus of contemporary political philosophy. However, the executive – ‘the government’ itself – has been comparatively neglected. Today, this is changing with a well-spring of new work that bears upon what we might call the ideal of ‘good governance’, that is, how governments (and/or their agents) should exercise their powers. This review paper begins by clarifying the concepts of ‘governance’ and ‘good’ governance (§1). It then highlights five sets of values, working (...)
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  • Why Populists Do Well on Social Networks.Kai Spiekermann - 2020 - Global Justice : Theory Practice Rhetoric 12 (2):50-71.
    A link between populism and social media is often suspected. This paper spells out a set of possible mechanisms underpinning this link: that social media changes the communication structure of the public sphere, making it harder for citizens to obtain evidence that refutes populist assumptions. By developing a model of the public sphere, four core functions of the public sphere are identified: exposing citizens to diverse information, promoting equality of deliberative opportunity, creating deliberative transparency, and producing common knowledge. A wellworking (...)
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  • Relational Egalitarianism and Emergent Social Inequalities.Dan Threet - 2021 - Res Publica 28 (1):49-67.
    This paper identifies a challenge for liberal relational egalitarians—namely, how to respond to the prospect of emergent inequalities of power, status, and influence arising unintentionally through the free exercise of fundamental individual liberties over time. I argue that these emergent social inequalities can be produced through patterns of nonmalicious choices, that they can in fact impede the full realization of relational equality, and that it is possible they cannot be eliminated entirely without abandoning fundamental liberal commitments to leave individuals substantial (...)
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  • Must Egalitarians Condemn Representative Democracy?Adam Lovett - 2021 - Social Theory and Practice 1 (1):171-198.
    Many contemporary democratic theorists are democratic egalitarians. They think that the distinctive value of democracy lies in equality. Yet this position faces a serious problem. All contemporary democracies are representative democracies. Such democracies are highly unequal: representatives have much more power than do ordinary citizens. So, it seems that democratic egalitarians must condemn representative democracies. In this paper, I present a solution to this problem. My solution invokes popular control. If representatives are under popular control, then their extra power is (...)
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  • Does a Mugger Dominate? Episodic Power and the Structural Dimension of Domination.Dorothea Gädeke - 2019 - Journal of Political Philosophy 28 (2):199-221.
    Imagine you are walking through a park. Suddenly, a mugger points a gun at you, threatening to shoot you if you do not hand over your valuables. Is this an instance of domination? Many authors working within the neo-republican framework - including Philip Pettit himself - are inclined to say 'yes'. After all, the mugger case seems to be a paradigmatic example of what it means to be at someone's mercy. However, I argue that this conclusion is based on a (...)
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  • Neorepublicanism and the Domination of Posterity.Corey Katz - 2019 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 22 (2):151-171.
    Some have recently argued that the current generation dominates future generations by causing long-term climate change. They relate these claims to Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett’s neorepublican theory of domination. In this paper, I examine their claims and ask whether the neorepublican conception of domination remains theoretically coherent when the relation is between current agents and nonoverlapping future subjects. I differentiate between an ‘outcome’ and a ‘relational’ conception of domination. I show how both are theoretically coherent when extended to posterity (...)
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  • Injustiças epistêmicas, Dominação e Virtudes.Breno Ricardo Guimarães Santos - 2017 - In Felipe de Matos Muller & Kátia Martins Etcheverry (eds.), Ensaios sobre epistemologia do testemunho. Porto Alegre: Editora Fi. pp. 143-172.
    ‘Injustiça epistêmica’ é o termo usado por Miranda Fricker para descrever um tipo de injustiça que ocorre quando excluímos a contribuição de uma ou mais pessoas à produção, disseminação e manutenção do conhecimento. Em seu livro de mesmo nome (2007), e em uma série de outros trabalhos, Fricker examina de que modo interações interpessoais e sistemas sociais estruturais podem ser responsáveis por influenciar nossa prática cotidiana, consciente ou não, de atribuir status epistêmico a membros de uma comunidade. Seu trabalho se (...)
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  • Gruesome Freedom: The Moral Limits of Non-Constraint.John Lawless - 2018 - Philosophers' Imprint 18.
    Many philosophers conceive of freedom as non-interference. Such conceptions unify two core commitments. First, they associate freedom with non-constraint. And second, they take seriously a distinction between the interpersonal and the non-personal. As a result, they focus our attention exclusively on constraints attributable to other people’s choices – that is, on interference. I argue that these commitments manifest two distinct concerns: first, for a wide range of options; and second, for other people’s respect. However, construing freedom as non-interference unifies these (...)
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  • Neorepublicanism and the Domination of Posterity.Corey Katz - 2017 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 20 (3):294-313.
    Some have recently argued that the current generation dominates future generations by causing long-term climate change. They relate these claims to Philip Pettit and Frank Lovett's neorepublican theory of domination. In this paper, I examine their claims and ask whether the neorepublican conception of domination remains theoretically coherent when the relation is between current agents and nonoverlapping future subjects. I differentiate between an ‘outcome’ and a ‘relational’ conception of domination. I show how both are theoretically coherent when extended to posterity (...)
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  • The labors of justice: democracy, respect, and judicial review.Jeffrey W. Howard - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (2):176-199.
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  • The Hanford Advisory Board: participatory democracy, technology, and representation.Alex Sager & Alex Zakaras - 2014 - Journal of Environmental Studies and Sciences 4 (2):142-155.
    The Hanford Advisory Board (HAB) is a broadly representative, deliberative body that provides formal policy advice on Department of Energy (DOE) proposals and decisions at the Hanford nuclear cleanup site near Richland, Washington. Despite considerable skepticism about the effectiveness of citizen advisory boards, we contend that the HAB offers promising institutional innovations. Drawing on our analysis of the HAB’s formal advice as well as our interviews with board members and agency officials, we explore the HAB’s unique design, outline a normative (...)
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  • The capital flight quadrilemma: Democratic trade-offs and international investment.Michael Bennett - 2021 - Ethics and Global Politics 4 (14):199-217.
    This article argues that capital flight of real investment presents governments with a quadrilemma. First, governments can tailor their policies to attract investors – but this is incompatible with a whole range of alternative policy choices. Second, they can simply accept capital flight – but this is incompatible with a robust capital stock and tax base. Third, they can harmonize its taxes and regulations with other states – but this is incompatible with international independence. Fourth, they can impose capital controls (...)
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  • Defending democracy against technocracy and populism: Deliberative democracy's strengths and challenges.Daniel Gaus, Claudia Landwehr & Rainer Schmalz-Bruns - 2020 - Constellations 27 (3):335-347.
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  • The Political Literacy of Experts.Andreas Eriksen - 2020 - Ratio Juris 33 (1):82-97.
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  • Justice and public participation in universal health coverage: when is tiered coverage unfair and who should decide?Bridget Pratt - 2019 - Asian Bioethics Review 11 (1):5-19.
    Universal health coverage is often implemented within countries through several national insurance schemes that collectively cover their populations. Yet the extent of services and benefits available can vary substantially between different schemes. This paper argues that these variations in coverage comprise tiering and then reviews different accounts of health and social justice that consider whether and when a tiered health system is fair. Using these accounts, it shows that the fairness of tiering can be determined by assessing whether differences in (...)
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  • Fred Dallmayr’s postmodern vision of Confucian democracy: a critical examination.Sungmoon Kim - 2018 - Asian Philosophy 28 (1):35-54.
    As an advocate of ‘comparative political theory,’ Fred Dallmayr has long engaged with Confucianism with a new vision for democracy suitable in East Asia but little attention has been paid to his idea of Confucian democracy, which he presents as a specific mode of ethical or relational democracy. This paper investigates Dallmayr’s ethical vision of Confucian democracy, first, by articulating his postmodern reconceptualization of democracy in terms of post-humanism and, second, by examining his post-humanist reevaluation of Confucian virtue ethics as (...)
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  • High Stakes Instrumentalism.John Halstead - 2017 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 20 (2):295-311.
    In this paper, I aim to establish that, according to almost all democratic theories, instrumentalist considerations often dominate intrinsic proceduralist considerations in our decisions about whether to make extensive use of undemocratic procedures. The reason for this is that almost all democratic theorists, including philosophers commonly thought to be intrinsic proceduralists, accept ‘High Stakes Instrumentalism’. According to HSI, we ought to use undemocratic procedures in order to prevent high stakes errors - very substantively bad or unjust outcomes. However, democratically produced (...)
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  • An Epistemic Defense of Democracy: David Estlund's Democratic Authority.Elizabeth Anderson - 2008 - Episteme 5 (1):129-129.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund (2008) presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  • Between Ethics and Right: Kantian Politics and Democratic Purposes.Garrath Williams - 2012 - European Journal of Philosophy 20 (3):479-486.
    Arthur Ripstein's book Force and Freedom insists that, ‘Freedom, understood as independence of another person's choice, is [all] that matters’. In this paper I suggest that this premise leads Ripstein to an instrumentalization of democracy that neglects a properly public and collective notion of freedom. The paper first criticizes Ripstein's key argument against any extension of public purposes beyond the upholding of persons’ ‘independence of others’ choice’. More constructively, the paper then suggests that a space of public freedom is opened (...)
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  • Reason Giving: When Public Leaders Ignore Evidence.Jennifer Walter & Susan Dorr Goold - 2011 - American Journal of Bioethics 11 (12):13-16.
    The American Journal of Bioethics, Volume 11, Issue 12, Page 13-16, December 2011.
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  • Incommunicative Action: An Esoteric Warning About Deliberative Democracy.Geoffrey M. Vaughan - 2010 - Critical Review: A Journal of Politics and Society 22 (2-3):293-309.
    Deliberative democracy is a noble project: an attempt to make citizens philosophize. Critics of deliberative democracy usually claim either that the proposed deliberation threatens an existing moral consensus or, instead, that deliberation is impossible amid power imbalances that oppress the weak. But another problem is that combining democracy and deliberation is inherently an attempt to engage publicly in a private activity—where sensitivity to each interlocutor may require a special form of address. Can this be done? Yes, in some contexts. The (...)
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  • Democratic reasonableness.Thomas A. Spragens - 2008 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 11 (2):193-214.
    This essay considers the nature of reasonableness, the distinctive elements of democratic reasonableness, and the benefits that having reasonable citizens confer upon democratic societies. The central theses of the essay include the claims that we can identify a set of norms and a mode of political behavior justifiably construable as constituting democratic reasonableness and that widespread adherence to norms of democratic reasonableness contributes significantly to the stability, legitimacy, and effectiveness of democratic regimes. There are, however, limits to the substantive determinacy (...)
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  • Non-domination and democratic legitimacy.Christian F. Rostbøll - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (4):424-439.
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  • Democracy, Elites and Power: John Dewey Reconsidered.Melvin L. Rogers - 2009 - Contemporary Political Theory 8 (1):68-89.
    This essay demonstrates that the management and contestability of power is central to Dewey's understanding of democracy and provides a middle ground between two opposite poles within democratic theory: Either the masses become the genuine danger to democratic governance (à la Lippmann) or elites are described as bent on controlling the masses (à la Wolin). Yet, the answer to managing the relationship between them and the demos is never forthcoming. I argue that Dewey's response to Lippmann for how we ought (...)
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  • Noncognitivist Trumpism: Partisanship and Political Reasoning.Henry S. Richardson - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (4):642-663.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • Governance of Transnational Global Health Research Consortia and Health Equity.Bridget Pratt & Adnan A. Hyder - 2016 - American Journal of Bioethics 16 (10):29-45.
    Global health research partnerships are increasingly taking the form of consortia of institutions from high-income countries and low- and middle-income countries that undertake programs of research. These partnerships differ from collaborations that carry out single projects in the multiplicity of their goals, scope of their activities, and nature of their management. Although such consortia typically aim to reduce health disparities between and within countries, what is required for them to do so has not been clearly defined. This article takes a (...)
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  • Deliberative disagreement and compromise.Ian O’Flynn & Maija Setälä - 2022 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 25 (7):899-919.
    Deliberative democracy entails a commitment to deciding political questions on their merits. To that end, people engage in an exchange of reasons in a shared endeavour to arrive at the right answer or the best judgement they can make in the circumstances. Of course, in practice a shared judgement may be impossible to reach. Yet while compromise may seem a natural way of dealing with the disagreement that deliberation leaves unresolved – for example, some deliberative theorists argue that a willingness (...)
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  • Rawls on Markets and Corporate Governance.Wayne Norman - 2015 - Business Ethics Quarterly 25 (1):29-64.
    ABSTRACT:Like most egalitarian political philosophers, John Rawls believes that a just society will rely on markets and business firms for much of its economic activity—despite acknowledging that market systems will tend to create very unequal distributions of goods, opportunities, power, and status. Rawls himself remains one of the few contemporary political philosophers to explore at any length the way an egalitarian theory of justice might deal with fundamental options in political economy. This article examines his arguments and conclusions on these (...)
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  • Republicanism as a Paradigm for Public Health--Some Comments.M. E. J. Nielsen - 2011 - Public Health Ethics 4 (1):40-52.
    Some theorists, worried about liberalism’s potential as a foundation for public health ethics, suggest that republicanism provides a better background of justification for public health policies, interventions, etc. In this article, this suggestion is put to the test, and it is argued that (i) contemporary (civic) republicanism and liberalism are not nearly as opposed as it is sometimes suggested, and that (ii) the kind of republicanism which one leading scholar in the field, Bruce Jennings, as an alternative to liberalism, does (...)
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  • In defense of a regulated market economy.Jukka Mäkinen & Eero Kasanen - 2015 - Journal of Global Ethics 11 (1):99-109.
    The dominant understanding of political corporate social responsibility suggests new, broader political roles for businesses in the globalized economy, challenging the classical liberal social order. In this paper, we show how the major framing of the political CSR discussion not only challenges the classical liberal social order but also goes against the more general political economic perspective of the regulated market economy. We argue that this latter tendency of the political CSR discussion is its main weakness. We introduce a Rawlsian (...)
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  • Is Neo‐Republicanism Bad for Women?M. Victoria Costa - 2013 - Hypatia 28 (4):921-936.
    The republican revival in political philosophy, political theory, and legal theory has produced an impressive range of novel interpretations of the historical figures of the republican tradition. It has also given rise to a variety of contemporary neo-republican theories that build on its historical themes. Although there have been some feminist discussions of its historical representatives, neo-republicanism has not generated a great deal of enthusiasm among feminists. The present paper examines Phillip Pettit's theory of freedom as nondomination in order to (...)
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  • An epistemic defense of democracy: David Estlund's democratic authority.Elizabeth Anderson - 2008 - Episteme 5 (1):pp. 129-139.
    In Democratic Authority, David Estlund 2008 presents a major new defense of democracy, called epistemic proceduralism. The theory claims that democracy exercises legitimate authority in virtue of possessing a modest epistemic power: its decisions are the product of procedures that tend to produce just laws at a better than chance rate, and better than any other type of government that is justifiable within the terms of public reason. The balance Estlund strikes between epistemic and non-epistemic justifications of democracy is open (...)
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  • Relations of mutual recognition: transforming the political aspect of autonomy.María Pía Méndez Mateluna - 2020 - Dissertation, University of Glasgow
    Being autonomous depends on the kind of relations we enjoy in the different domains of our lives, but the impact of decision-making and the power exercise that takes place in the political sphere, makes political relations crucial to our development and enjoyment of autonomy. This dissertation develops a novel view of political participation by interrogating its connection to our personal autonomy. According to this view, our political relations are partially constitutive of our personal autonomy, which in other words means there (...)
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  • Pluralism in Political Corporate Social Responsibility.Jukka Mäkinen & Arno Kourula - 2012 - Business Ethics Quarterly 22 (4):649-678.
    ABSTRACT:Within corporate social responsibility (CSR), the exploration of the political role of firms (political CSR) has recently experienced a revival. We review three key periods of political CSR literature—classic, instrumental, and new political CSR—and use the Rawlsian conceptualization of division of moral labor within political systems to describe each period’s background political theories. The three main arguments of the paper are as follows. First, classic CSR literature was more pluralistic in terms of background political theories than many later texts. Second, (...)
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  • Boundaries Between Business and Politics: A Study on the Division of Moral Labor.Jukka Mäkinen & Eero Kasanen - 2016 - Journal of Business Ethics 134 (1):103-116.
    The dominant framing of the political corporate social responsibility discussion challenges the traditional economic conception of the firm and aims to produce a paradigm shift in CSR studies wherein the traditional, apolitical view of corporations’ roles in society is replaced by the political conception of CSR. In this paper, we show how the major framing of the political CSR discussion calls for a redirection to take international hard legal and moral regulations, as well as the need for the boundaries between (...)
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  • Well-Being Policy: What Standard of Well-Being?Daniel M. Haybron & Valerie Tiberius - 2015 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 1 (4):712--733.
    ABSTRACT:This paper examines the norms that should guide policies aimed at promoting happiness or, more broadly, well-being. In particular, we take up the question of which conception of well-being should govern well-being policy, assuming some such policies to be legitimate. In answer, we lay out a case for ‘pragmatic subjectivism’: given widely accepted principles of respect for persons, well-being policy may not assume any view of well-being, subjectivist or objectivist. Rather, it should promote what its intended beneficiaries see as good (...)
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  • The US' food and drug administration, normativity of risk assessment, gmos, and american democracy.Zahra Meghani - 2009 - Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics 22 (2):125-139.
    The process of risk assessment of biotechnologies, such as genetically modified organisms (GMOs), has normative dimensions. However, the US’ Food and Drug Administration (FDA) seems committed to the idea that such evaluations are objective. This essay makes the case that the agency’s regulatory approach should be changed such that the public is involved in deciding any ethical or social questions that might arise during risk assessment of GMOs. It is argued that, in the US, neither aggregative nor deliberative (representative) democracy (...)
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  • National identity, political trust and the public realm.Matthew Festenstein - 2009 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 12 (2):279-296.
    The representative institutions of democratic government require the public sphere; but this in turn rests on the fellow‐feeling of citizens. In this article, I explore some recent ways of fleshing out Mill’s thought that patriotic fellow‐feeling is instrumental for a form of trust that the public sphere requires. Deliberation, argument and negotiation in the public sphere require a willingness to discuss, alter one’s position, compromise with others, and do so in good faith and in the belief that other participants are (...)
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  • Roles and responsibilities of clinical ethics committees in priority setting.Morten Magelssen, Ingrid Miljeteig, Reidar Pedersen & Reidun Førde - 2017 - BMC Medical Ethics 18 (1):68.
    Fair prioritization of healthcare resources has been on the agenda for decades, but resource allocation dilemmas in clinical practice remain challenging. Can clinical ethics committees be of help? The aim of the study was to explore whether and how CECs handle priority setting dilemmas and contribute to raising awareness of fairness concerns. Descriptions of activities involving priority setting in annual reports from Norwegian CECs were studied and categorized through qualitative content analysis. Three hundred thirty-nine reports from 38 CECs were studied. (...)
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  • Roles and responsibilities of clinical ethics committees in priority setting.Morten Magelssen, Ingrid Miljeteig, Reidar Pedersen & Reidun Førde - 2017 - BMC Medical Ethics 18 (1):1-8.
    Background Fair prioritization of healthcare resources has been on the agenda for decades, but resource allocation dilemmas in clinical practice remain challenging. Can clinical ethics committees be of help? The aim of the study was to explore whether and how CECs handle priority setting dilemmas and contribute to raising awareness of fairness concerns. Method Descriptions of activities involving priority setting in annual reports from Norwegian CECs were studied and categorized through qualitative content analysis. Results Three hundred thirty-nine reports from 38 (...)
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  • Fiduciary Representation and Deliberative Engagement with Children.Ethan J. Leib & David L. Ponet - 2012 - Journal of Political Philosophy 20 (2):178-201.
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  • Is Bureaucracy Compatible with Democracy?Sandy Koll - 2009 - South African Journal of Philosophy 28 (2):134-145.
    In his book, Democratic Autonomy: Public Reasoning about the Ends of Policy, Henry Richardson suggests a process-based objection to bureaucracy – that is, an objection to bureaucracy that does not refer primarily to results, but rather to an ethical flaw that is inherent to bureaucratic procedures. Richardson’s worry is that, while large and complex societies rely on bureaucratic agencies to implement policies, there is a threat of those within bureaucratic institutions having more power than the average citizen when it comes (...)
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  • Democracy and the European Central Bank's Emergency Powers.Jens van 'T. Klooster - 2018 - Midwest Studies in Philosophy 42 (1):270-293.
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  • Democracy and the European Central Bank's Emergency Powers.Jens van ‘T. Klooster - 2018 - Midwest Studies in Philosophy 42 (1):270-293.
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  • Why societies need public goods.Angela Kallhoff - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (6):635-651.
    The most distinctive features of public goods are usually understood to be the difficulty of excluding potential beneficiaries and the fact that one appropriator’s benefits do not diminish the amount of benefits left for others. Yet, because of these properties (non-excludability and non-rivalry), public goods cause market failures and contribute to problems of collective action. This article aims to portray public goods in a different light. Following a recent reassessment of public goods in political philosophy, this contribution argues that public (...)
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  • The labors of justice: democracy, respect, and judicial review.Jeffrey W. Howard - 2019 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 22 (2):176-199.
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