Collaboration is increasingly popular across academia. Collaborative work raises certain ethical questions, however. How will the fruits of collaboration be divided? How will the work for the collaborative project be split? In this paper, we consider the following question in particular. Are there ways in which these divisions systematically disadvantage certain groups? -/- We use evolutionary game theoretic models to address this question. First, we discuss results from O'Connor and Bruner (unpublished). In this paper, we show that underrepresented groups in (...) academia can be disadvantaged in such situations by dint of their small numbers. Second, we present novel results exploring how the hierarchical structure of academia can lead to bargaining disadvantage. We investigate models where one actor has a higher baseline of academic success, less to lose if collaboration goes south, or greater rewards for non-collaborative work. We show that in these situations, the less powerful partner is disadvantaged in bargaining over collaboration. (shrink)

Plea bargaining in criminal cases is a process whereby the accused and the prosecution work out a mutually satisfactory disposition of the case, subject to court approval (daan vs. Sandiganbayan, g.R. Nos. 163972-77). The supreme court (sc) has issued new guidelines that enhanced and clarified plea bargaining in illegal drug cases where an accused seeks to plead guilty to a lesser offense for a lighter penalty. The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of plea (...) class='Hi'>bargaining agreements on drug police operations in sta. Mesa police station, manila. The respondents were PNP personnel of sta. Mesa police station (ps-8) currently and formerly designated as station drug enforcement unit and selected barangay anti-drug abuse council (badac) members wherein persons who availed plea bargaining reside were the respondents of the study. The area of study was done at sta. Mesa police station (ps-8), manila. Santa Mesa is a district in Manila, Philippines. It was found out that the PNP personnel assessed believed that the persons who entered plea bargaining agreements have fully supported the police officers in drug police operations. An operational plan was developed to increase support for the plea bargaining agreement among arrested drug suspects. (shrink)

As well as disagreeing about how much one should donate to charity, moral theories also disagree about where one should donate. In light of this disagreement, how should the morally uncertain philanthropist allocate her donations? In many cases, one intuitively attractive option is for the philanthropist to split her donations across all of the charities that are recommended by moral views in which she has positive credence, with each charity’s share being proportional to her credence in the moral theories that (...) recommend that particular charity. Despite the fact that something like this approach is already being used by real-world philanthropists to distribute billions of dollars of donations, it is not supported by any of the approaches to moral uncertainty that have been proposed thus-far in the philosophical literature. In this paper, we will develop a bargaining-based approach to moral uncertainty that honors the proportionality intuition in favor of splitting one’s donations. We also show how this bargaining-based approach has several further advantages over the best alternative proposals. (shrink)

Iris Marion Young (2011) introduces a paradigm shift in the conceptualization of responsibility through the elaboration of her Social Connection Model (SCM) to combat structural injustice. This model offers a shared political understanding of responsibility, aiming to avoid victim-blaming and the imposition of supererogatory duties on the oppressed. However, two objections emerge regarding the application of the SCM. First, Young’s approach of assigning differentiated duties based on individual circumstances raises concerns about potential evasion by both oppressors and victims, leading to (...) the phenomenon of ‘undererogation’. Second, some question the SCM’s effectiveness in transcending blame, with the allocation of differentiated duties potentially resulting in a resurgence of victim-blaming. In this paper, I address both objections in relation to the issue of patriarchal bargains. To tackle the first, I propose turning to Serene Khader’s deliberative perfectionist approach (Khader 2011), which advocates for an intersubjectively defined spectrum of vulnerability. This spectrum can help determine the scope and degrees of victims’ duties, thus mitigating the issue of undererogation. To address the second objection regarding the risk of victim-blaming, I suggest two strategies: 1) Robin Zheng’s clarification of Young’s distinction between blaming and criticizing (Zheng 2018; 2019), and 2) differentiating between victim-blaming and blaming victims after the allocation of justified duties. While both strategies have their limitations, they provide valuable insights for navigating the complexities of Young’s reconceptualization of responsibility in relation to blame. (shrink)

This article addresses the emergence of African– European business relationships. Its focus is on the role of bargaining power and information tech- nology and its impact on the different stakeholders in (electronic) markets (sellers, market maker, buy- ers). Information technology is seen as an enabling technology that facilitates reaching a wider cus- tomer base (called reach) and providing a channel for increased customer services (called richness). The central question is how African suppliers can create bargaining power by means (...) of information technology and therefore enter and improve their position in European markets. Research is carried out in the flower industry. In this industry African flower growers create competitive advantage and develop business relationships with European buy- ers (wholesalers, retailers). In this article we inves- tigate three flower markets (Tele Flower Auction, FloraHolland Auction, and Aalsmeer Auction), the role of African flower growers, and the use and impact of information technology in these markets. The results of our research show that there are pot- entials for African flower growers to enter the Euro- pean flower markets and to increase their position of bargaining power. A first potential is using and implementing information technology for the access to new and large European markets. African flower growers use information technology to streamline transaction processes and lower transac- tion costs. A second potential is related to the qual- ity and specificity of the produced flower products. Information technology can remove the quality uncertainty of products and can provide rich infor- mation services to buyers. The results in the flower industry suggest that information technology pro- vides opportunities for the African producers to expand the reach and richness of their product and service offerings, thus creating economic value. Ó 2004 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. (shrink)

This paper revisits the classical use of Nash bargaining to model the social contract by addressing the two central objections of John Rawls: the influence of threat advantage and the multiplicity of bargaining solutions. We introduce an innovative framework that applies an optimific moral rule, termed Pure Strategy Deontarianism (PSD), to the Nash Bargaining Game. PSD is a synthesis of Kantian deontology and utilitarian altruism. By applying PSD to the Nash bargaining game, we demonstrate how rational (...) agents can normatively select maximal disagreement points as rights, thereby equalizing bargaining power and aligning with Rawls’ first principle of justice. Furthermore, we derive the Kantian solution (KS) for surplus division from PSD, and prove that KS satisfies five key axioms of fairness - symmetry, Pareto optimality, scale invariance, strong monotonicity, and contraction consistency. We argue that KS is an ideal solution, since it does not always lie in the feasible set and so serves as an ideal benchmark that practical approximations like the Nash Bargaining Solution can approach. This synthesis not only offers a robust theoretical resolution to Rawls’ objections but also provides a structured methodology for integrating moral considerations into game-theoretic models of justice. (shrink)

Climate negotiations under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change have so far failed to achieve a robust international agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Game theory has been used to investigate possible climate negotiation solutions and strategies for accomplishing them. Negotiations have been primarily modelled as public goods games such as the Prisoner’s Dilemma, though coordination games or games of conflict have also been used. Many of these models have solutions, in the form of equilibria, corresponding to possible (...) positive outcomes—that is, agreements with the requisite emissions reduction commitments. Other work on large-scale social dilemmas suggests that it should be possible to resolve the climate problem. It therefore seems that equilibrium selection may be a barrier to successful negotiations. Here we use an N-player bargaining game in an agent-based model with learning dynamics to examine the past failures of and future prospects for a robust international climate agreement. The model suggests reasons why the desirable solutions identified in previous game-theoretic models have not yet been accomplished in practice and what mechanisms might be used to achieve these solutions. (shrink)

New AI technologies have the potential to cause unintended harms in diverse domains including warfare, judicial sentencing, biomedicine and governance. One strategy for realising the benefits of AI whilst avoiding its potential dangers is to ensure that new AIs are properly ‘aligned’ with some form of ‘alignment target.’ One danger of this strategy is that – dependent on the alignment target chosen – our AIs might optimise for objectives that reflect the values only of a certain subset of society, and (...) that do not take into account alternative views about what constitutes desirable and safe behaviour for AI agents. In response to this problem, several AI ethicists have suggested alignment targets that are designed to be sensitive to widespread normative disagreement amongst the relevant stakeholders. Authors inspired by voting theory have suggested that AIs should be aligned with the verdicts of actual or simulated ‘moral parliaments’ whose members represent the normative views of the relevant stakeholders. Other authors inspired by decision theory and the philosophical literature on moral uncertainty have suggested that AIs should maximise socially expected choiceworthiness. In this paper, I argue that both of these proposals face several important problems. In particular, they fail to select attractive ‘compromise options’ in cases where such options are available. I go on to propose and defend an alternative, bargaining-theoretic alignment target, which avoids the problems associated with the voting- and decision-theoretic approaches. (shrink)

With the historic rise in cloud computing, mega-enterprises are now more and more shifting their on-premises IT infrastructures to cloud environments. Even though such migration is being adopted more and more, there still remains a paucity of research focused on autonomous resource negotiation between cloud consumers and providers. The current paper introduces a complete designed framework for multi-party, multi-issue negotiation in cloud resource provision. It offers a sophisticated cloud marketplace in which resources are dynamically purchased and sold. It employs belief–desire–intention (...) (BDI) model-based consumer and provider agents, which negotiate simultaneously on multiple axes. The negotiations employ a hybrid approach that integrates time-aware and resource-aware dynamic deadline methods for computing offers and counteroffers. In addition, the marketplace proposed herein also includes a behavior norm score mechanism and Reputation Index to build agents' mutual trust. (shrink)

This paper elucidates some features of law that generally go overlooked in collective bargaining. Using examples from collective bargaining agreements at universities in Florida, we unearth how assumptions about the nature of law (championed by the conservative legal movement) may undermine the ability for unions to influence the material working conditions at their universities. We believe negotiators need to reject these assumptions, and embrace an approach to ‘bargaining as pedagogy,’ which emphasizes the need for faculty and administrators (...) alike to arrive at shared understandings of what the law means (be it the collective bargaining agreement, university policy, or state statute). (shrink)

Plea bargains are the stock-in-trade of the modern American prosecutor’s office. The basic scenario, wherein a defendant agrees to plea guilty in exchange for a reduced sentence, is familiar to viewers of police procedurals. In an equally famous variation on the theme, the prosecutor requests something more than an admission of guilt: leniency will only be forthcoming if the defendant is willing to cooperate with the prosecutor in securing the conviction of another suspect. In some of these cases, the defendant (...) is a low-level criminal who has information on a high-level malefactor who is of more interest to the police. In others, the defendant and the person she is asked to testify against are of the same criminal rank, but evidentiary weaknesses induce the prosecutor to seek the aid of one suspect in order to convict the other. In this latter version, the classic tactic of film detectives is to offer the bargain to both defendants in the hopes that one will crack and agree to reveal what he knows about the other. The defendants could either be in custody for different crimes or be accomplices in the same offense. -/- The last variation (involving accomplices) is the subject of this Article. I take issue with the prosecutorial tactics in these cases because of the risk they create of punishing the comparatively virtuous person more than the comparatively vicious one for the same acts. As I will argue, it is the less honest person who is more likely to accept the prosecutor’s deal, leading the more honest person, who resisted temptation, to suffer greater penalties. -/- I contend that this scenario offends distributive justice, runs counter to the idea (accepted by some) that a proper goal of the state is the cultivation of good character in the citizenry, and is perverse insofar as a person will suffer more from the prosecutor's dilemma insofar as she is more or less a person of conscience. These negative considerations notwithstanding, I do not call for the abolition of accomplice plea bargaining but argue that the problems I raise should be considered when weighing its pros and cons. -/- This article was published in the company of a strong critical response by Guha Krishnamurthi, whose contribution I greatly appreciate. (shrink)

Competitive negotiators frequently use tactics which others view as "unethical", in that these tactics either violate standards of truth telling or violate the perceived rules of negotiation. This paper sought to determine how business students viewed a number of marginally ethical negotiating tactics, and to determine the underlying factor structure of these tactics. The factor analysis of these tactics revealed five clear factors which were highly similar across the two samples, and which parallel (to a moderate degree) categories of tactics (...) proposed by earlier theory. Data from one sample also permitted comparisons of the appropriateness of certain tactics across gender, nationality, ethnic origin and perception of one's negotiating style. (shrink)

I argue in this paper that there are two considerations which govern the dynamics of a two-person bargaining game, viz. relative proportionate utility loss from conceding to one's opponent's proposal and relative non-proportionate utility loss from not conceding to one's opponent's proposal, if she were not to concede as well. The first consideration can adequately be captured by the information contained in vNM utilities. The second requires measures of utility which allow for an interpersonal comparison of utility differences. These (...) considerations respectively provide for a justification of the Nash solution and the Kalai egalitarian solution. However, none of these solutions taken by themselves can provide for a full story of bargaining, since, if within a context of bargaining one such consideration is overriding, the solution which does not match this consideration will yield unreasonable results. I systematically present arguments to the effect that each justification from self-interest for respectively the Nash and the Kalai egalitarian solution is vulnerable to this kind of objection. I suggest that the search for an integrative model may be a promising line of research. (shrink)

Recent work on the evolution of social contracts and conventions has often used models of bargaining games, with reinforcement learning. A recent innovation is the requirement that every strategy must be invented either through through learning or reinforcement. However, agents frequently get stuck in highly-reinforced “traps” that prevent them from arriving at outcomes that are efficient or fair to the both players. Agents face a trade-off between exploration and exploitation, i.e. between continuing to invent new strategies and reinforcing strategies (...) that have already become highly reinforced by yielding high rewards. In this paper I systematically study the relationship between rates of invention and the efficiency and fairness of outcomes in two-player, repeated bargaining games. I use a basic reinforcement learning model with invention, and five variations of this model, designed introduce various forms of forgetting, to prioritize more recent reinforcement, or to maintain a higher rate of invention. I use computer simulations to investigate the outcomes of each model. Each models shows qualitative similarities in the relationship between the efficiency and fairness of outcomes, and the relative amount of exploration or exploitation that takes place. Surprisingly, there are often trade-offs between the efficiency and the fairness of the outcomes. (shrink)

The lie detector test has long been treated with suspicion by the law. Recently, several authors have called this suspicion into question. They argue that the lie detector test may have considerable forensic benefits, particularly if we move past the classic, false-positive prone, autonomic nervous system-based (ANS-based) control question test, to the more reliable, brain-based, concealed information test. These authors typically rely on a “comparative advantage” argument to make their case. According to this argument, we should not be so suspicious (...) of lie detection evidence if it has comparative advantages over the epistemic methods currently utilised by the legal system. In this article, I add to this growing support by making a novel comparative advantage argument in favour of brain-based lie detection evidence. The argument focuses on the P300 concealed information test (P300 CIT), which has several unique properties, and on the effect it may have on pre-trial bargaining in criminal cases rather than in-court evidence. The thesis is that P300 CIT could allow for innocent defendants to credibly signal their innocence to investigators and prosecutors during pre-trial bargaining more effectively than current proposed methods for doing the same thing. I defend this argument from a number of objections, and suggest that it opens up an interesting avenue in the ongoing debate about the merits of this technology. Although the argument is presented with the criminal law in mind, it could form part of a more general cumulative case in favour of this technology. (shrink)

This book review begins with a historical overview of the English law of trial by jury and continues to the present topic of plea bargaining. It is both legal and philosophical in its outlook and it is hoped that those who take the time to study this book might find among the many topics at least one such topic of research that will sustain you through legal studies for some years to come. The reviewer makes no apologies for the (...) length of this review as it reflects the tremendous amount of academic labour by many professors and their teams in managing to produce this tome of a research handbook. which the reader is bound to dip into time and time again for years and years to come. It was published in April 2024 when I began the review, but my husband was ill and died in hospital many weeks later, hence the postponement of this review's publication, for which I am very sorry indeed. (shrink)

This Article describes a jurisprudential puzzle—what I call the puzzle of the beneficiary’s bargain—and contends that adequately resolving this puzzle will require significant revisions to basic premises of contract law. The puzzle arises when one party enters into two contracts requiring the same performance, and the promisee of the second contract is the third-party beneficiary of the first. For example, a taxi driver contracts with a woman to transport her parents from the airport next week, and then the driver separately (...) enters a contract with the parents to transport them when the time comes. Is the second contract valid and enforceable, or does it fail for lack of consideration? This specific question—on which courts have split—implicates several important contract law doctrines. Moreover, it highlights a deep tension in our modern understanding of contractual obligation. This Article argues that adequately resolving the puzzle necessitates a general reconsideration of the relationship between rights and liability in contract law. Surprisingly, the best solution requires abandoning the foundational understanding that contract liability arises out of breach of a promisee’s right to performance. The puzzle thus offers a lens through which to examine—and even revise—the central concepts of modern contract law. (shrink)

If asked whether stereotypes about people have the potential to help overcome injustice, I suspect that many think there is a clear-cut answer to this question, and that answer is “no.” Many stereotypes do have harmful effects, from the blatantly dehumanizing to the more subtly disruptive. Reasonably then, a common attitude toward stereotypes is that they are at best shallow, superficial assumptions, and at worst degrading and hurtful vehicles of oppression. I argue that on a broad account of stereotypes, this (...) is not is not an inherent feature of them nor a foregone conclusion about them. At least some positive stereotypes have the potential to help resist certain forms of epistemic injustice--though they likely can only play a limited or temporary role in this regard. The takeaway is that we should approach moral and epistemic analyses of stereotypes by thinking about them as (crude) cognitive tools, and as such, focus on what these tools are being used for, and what their actual impact is. (shrink)

The idea that pushing for more equality comes at a cost in terms of economic efficiency is widely accepted. Underpinning this idea is the premise that some of the most productive members of society will work less if we lower their pay. If this is true, some argue, it justifies paying the most productive a premium to work, provided doing so benefits everyone. This chapter argues that the standard version of the incentives argument suffers from two important blind spots. First, (...) it assumes that the comparative advantage of the most productive members of society is rooted in their natural talents, that is, in a factor exogenous to the production process. Second, it adopts a static framework to analyze the bargaining process in which incentive payments are negotiated, where static means taking all informational inputs from the same moment in time. The chapter uses the debate between John Rawls (1999) and G.A. Cohen (2008) to illustrate the normative repercussions of making these two assumptions. The chapter qualifies as unjust incentive payments that reward individual productivity due to specialization rather than to natural talent. In addition, it argues that individuals would not be in a position to obtain such incentive payments if bargaining took place before rather than after the acquisition of specialized skills. Finally, the chapter discusses the objection that eliminating this type of incentive payments would be inefficient. (shrink)

What endogenous factors contribute to minority (Red Queen) or majority (Red King) domination under conditions of coercive bargaining? We build on previous work demonstrating minority disadvantage in non-coercive bargaining games to show that under neutral initial conditions, majorities are advantaged in high conflict situations, and minorities are advantaged in low conflict games. These effects are a function of the relationship between (1) relative proportions of the majority and minority groups and (2) costs of conflict. Although both Red King (...) and Red Queen effects can occur, we further show that agents’ increased initial propensity toward conflict advantages majorities. (shrink)

This study investigates transnational relations and global challenges which the European Industrial Relations have been facing recently. The paper, methodologically, was structured with taking into account both socio- political and judicial arguments. The social theory, and ergo, the practice in Europe were analyzed according to Marxist point of view. Basically, industrial relations and employment relationship were examined from the perspectives of employees, employee representatives and nation-states. The influence of the Charter of Fundamental Rights which is legally binding with the Lisbon (...) Treaty (TFEU) was examined. Likewise, the effectiveness of the acquis communautaire within the EU was argued with respect to the European Social Model; such as, social dialogue, tripartite and bipartite information exchange and consultation, collective bargaining and legal provisions regarding employment conditions and social protection. The importance of Europeanisation and convergence of national industrial relations was illustrated. (shrink)

Two of the most important ideas in the philosophy of law are the “Coase Theorem” and the “Prisoner’s Dilemma.” In this paper, the authors explore the relation between these two influential models through a creative thought-experiment. Specifically, the paper presents a pure Coasean version of the Prisoner’s Dilemma, one in which property rights are well-defined and transactions costs are zero (i.e. the prisoners are allowed to openly communicate and bargain with each other), in order to test the truth value of (...) the Coase Theorem. In addition, the paper explores what effect (a) uncertainty, (b) exponential discounting, (c) and elasticity have on the behavior of the prisoners in the Coasean version of the dilemma. Lastly, the paper considers the role of the prosecutor (and third-parties generally) in the Prisoner’s Dilemma and closes with some parting thoughts about the complexity of the dilemma. The authors then conclude by identifying the conditions under which the Prisoner’s Dilemma refutes the Coase Theorem. (shrink)

Molinists offer a tempting bargain: accept divine middle knowledge, and reap solutions to a number of philosophical/theological problems. The prime benefit we are meant to reap from middle knowledge is a solution to the problem of freedom and providence. I argue that they cannot deliver. Even if we make metaphysical and semantic assumptions that have generally been considered friendly to Molinism, Molinism is in danger of undermining divine providence altogether. This “collapse" persists despite fairly uncontroversial assumptions, and plagues the best (...) Molinist theories defended in the literature. (shrink)

While the challenges workers face in the gig economy are now well-known, reflections on emancipatory solutions in political philosophy are still underdeveloped. Some have pleaded for enhancing workers' bargaining power through unionisation; others for enhancing exit options in the labour market. Both strategies, however, come with unin-tended side-effects and do not exhaust the full potential for worker self-government present in the digital gig economy. Using the republican theory of freedom as non-domination , I argue that G.D.H. Cole's 20th-century defence (...) of guild socialism offers a promising avenue for enhancing worker autonomy in the gig economy. Platform companies rely on relational and structural domination to undermine worker autonomy, but Cole's guild socialism was specifically designed to enhance autonomy in the workplace. Following Cole's advice today would amount to a defence of worker-owned cooperative platforms. By putting workers in control of platform design and governance, cooperative platforms create new opportunities for worker autonomy. However, platform coopera-tivism faces serious challenges if it plans on becoming a realistic alternative to the traditional gig economy. (shrink)

Workplace democracy is often defined, and has recently been defended, as a form of intra-firm governance in which workers have control rights over management with no ownership requirement on their part. Using the normative tools of republican political theory, the paper examines bargaining power disparities and moral hazard problems resulting from the allocation of control rights and ownership to different groups within democratic firms, with a particular reference to the European codetermination system. With various qualifications related to potentially mitigating (...) factors, such as workforce and shareholder composition or risk aversion and reallocation, the paper contends that forms of workplace democracy in which workers control and own the firm, such as cooperativism, are preferable to other forms, such as codetermination, in which ownership and control rights are formally separated. (shrink)

For years now, unionization has been under vigorous attack. Membership has been steadily declining, and with it union bargaining power. As a result, unions may soon lose their ability to protect workers from economic and personal abuse, as well as their significance as a political force. In the Name of Liberty responds to this worrying state of affairs by presenting a new argument for unionization, one that derives an argument for universal unionization in both the private and public sector (...) from concepts of liberty that we already accept. In short, In the Name of Liberty reclaims the argument for liberty from the political right, and shows how liberty not only requires the unionization of every workplace as a matter of background justice, but also supports a wide variety of other progressive policies. (shrink)

Is capitalism inherently predatory? Must there be winners and losers? Is public interest outdated and free-riding rational? Is consumer choice the same as self-determination? Must bargainers abandon the no-harm principle? Prisoners of Reason recalls that classical liberal capitalism exalted the no-harm principle. Although imperfect and exclusionary, modern liberalism recognized individual human dignity alongside individuals' responsibility to respect others. Neoliberalism, by contrast, views life as ceaseless struggle. Agents vie for scarce resources in antagonistic competition in which every individual seeks dominance. This (...) political theory is codified in non-cooperative game theory; the neoliberal citizen and consumer is the strategic rational actor. Rational choice justifies ends irrespective of means. Money becomes the medium of all value. Solidarity and good will are invalidated. Relationships are conducted on a quid pro quo basis. However, agents can freely opt out of this cynical race to the bottom by embracing a more expansive range of coherent action. (shrink)

I argue in this paper that the process of compromising needs to be deliberative if a fair compromise is the goal. More specifically, I argue that deliberation is structurally necessary in order to achieve a fair compromise. In developing this argument, this paper seeks to overcome a problematic dichotomy that is prevalent in the literature on deliberative democracy, which is the dichotomy between compromise and deliberation. This dichotomy entails the view that the process preceding the achievement of a compromise is (...) essentially a process of negotiating or bargaining, which, I claim, should not be the case if a fair compromise is the goal. The reason for this claim is, in a nutshell, that negotiation or bargaining processes do not provide for an in-depth understanding of the reasons that each party has for holding their respective position. However, an in-depth understanding of each other’s reasons, is, as I will show, a necessary condition for achieving a fair compromise. In contrast to negotiation or bargaining, the deliberative process, by its very structure, provides for mutual understanding and is therefore a necessary condition for achieving a fair compromise. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue that there are a number of ethical issues facing college and professional athletes that admit of a unified treatment: viewing athletes as workers. By worker, I mean an agent who sells their labor for compensation. With this notion of worker in place, I present and discuss arguments for four claims: not paying college athletes is morally wrong; that the N.C.A.A. infringes on the right of college athletes to collectively bargain; that it is prima facie wrong (...) to draft and trade professional athletes; and that fans fail to respect athletes’ right to strike when they complain about labor stoppages in professional leagues. I argue that sports fans and members of sports media should explicitly conceive of athletes as workers to recognize and prevent these wrongs. I conclude by suggesting that all with an interest in the welfare of labor have an interest in conceiving of athletes as workers, as it puts what is owed to all workers into stark relief. (shrink)

Game theorists tend to model climate negotiations as a so-called ‘tragedy of the commons’. This is rather worrisome, since the conditions under which such commons problems have historically been solved are almost entirely absent in the case of international greenhouse gas emissions. In this paper, I will argue that the predictive accuracy of the tragedy model might not stem from the model’s inherent match with reality but rather from the model’s ability to make self-fulfilling predictions. I then sketch some possible (...) ways to dispel the tragedy, including (1) recognizing some ways the assumptions of the model fail, (2) taking seriously recent work suggesting that increasing greenhouse gas emissions is not in most nations’ own self-interest, and (3) preferring alternative models like collective risk dilemmas, bargaining games, or cooperative models. (shrink)

Sartori (1970) warned a long time ago of the danger of concept stretching for effective and cumulative theory building. Such concept stretching has happened with regard to deliberation, which has become a very faddish term. For theoretically well-founded empirical research it is better conceptually to distinguish clearly between strategic bargaining and deliberation, although in the empirical political world the two concepts are usually heavily intertwined. Keywords deliberation; concept stretching; strategic bargaining.

By using multilevel mediation involving 322,589 posts made by 384 musicians over 104 weeks, we simultaneously analyze the short-term and long-term effects of charity-related signaling on sales, with social media engagement as the mediator. Specifically, we compare the effects of charity-related signals with those of two other types of signals: mission-related (i.e., promoting music and commercial products) and non-mission-related (i.e., other posts that do not relate to the other two categories). In the short term, the indirect effect of using charity (...) signaling on sales (through engagement) is positive, though smaller than the effects of mission-related and non-mission related signals. However, in the long term, the indirect effect of regularly using charity-related signaling on sales (through long-term engagement) is greater than for the effects involving the other types of signals. We derive from these findings three main implications for the business ethics literature. First, in the long term, the mutual economic benefits of charity signaling should encourage both entities (i.e., musicians and charities) to go beyond short-term, transactional philanthropy. Second, because it is profitable for musicians to partner with charities in the long-term, our research argues that charities have extensive bargaining power in such co-branding decisions. Third, our research highlights the importance of studying the longitudinal aspects of co-branding decisions involving non-profit organizations; the financial outlook of such decisions could greatly vary depending on the timeframe (i.e., short vs. long). (shrink)

Is public policy ethics possible and, if so, is it desirable? This twofold question can – and sometimes does — elicit a smile or a frown. The smile implies that ethical theorizing rests on a naïve idea of policy-making; the frown implies that there is something tasteless or incongruous in expecting philosophy to engage with problems of policy and with the political bargaining and compromise that policy-making often involves. These reactions – familiar to many working in this academic discipline (...) – point to the ways in which ethics and public policy have been taken to be separate areas of practical concern and theoretical inquiry. (shrink)

We present a game-theoretic analysis of the evolution of moral agency via deontological autonomy. Unlike traditional models that rely on kin selection, reciprocity, punishment, group selection, or assortative matching, our parameter-free approach demonstrates that a “moral conception” of human behavior can emerge endogenously from the strategic dynamics of interactions. We show that deontologically autonomous agents can successfully invade a monomorphic Nashian society and eventually comprise approximately 60% of the population under random matching. We further show that with high enough assortment, (...) deontologically autonomous agents can invade a monomorphic society of Nashians completely. Our unified framework accounts for diverse phenomena including public goods provision, coordination in stag-hunt scenarios, fair splits in Nash bargaining, and reduced aggression in hawk-dove conflicts. (shrink)

One of the more obscure arguments for Rawls’ difference principle dubbed ‘the Pareto argument for inequality’ has been criticised by G. A. Cohen (1995, 2008) as being inconsistent. In this paper, we examine and clarify the Pareto argument in detail and argue (1) that justification for the Pareto principles derives from rational selfinterest and thus the Pareto principles ought to be understood as conditions of individual rationality, (2) that the Pareto argument is not inconsistent, contra Cohen, and (3) that the (...) kind of bargaining model required to arrive at the particular unequal distribution that the difference principle picks out is a model that is not based on bargaining according to one’s threat advantage. (shrink)

Distributive justice, defined as justice in distribution of income and wealth, is impossible. Income and wealth are distributed either unequally or equally. If unequally, then those with less are unjustly subject to social contempt. But equal distribution is impossible because it is inconsistent with bargaining to advance our own good. Hence justice in distribution of income and wealth is impossible. More generally, societies where social relations are mediated by money are necessarily unjust, and Marx was wrong to think a (...) socialist society which retained money would lead to communism. Contributive justice proposes that each flourishes by advancing the flourishing of others. To achieve this goal all labor, both simple and complex, must be shared among all capable of doing it. The good of contributing our abilities to benefit others is then available to all non-competitively. (shrink)

The goal of this dissertation is to specify the feasibility conditions of compromise. More specifically, the goal of this dissertation is to specify the conditions of increasing the feasibility of compromise. The underlying assumption here is that feasibility is a scalar concept, meaning that a socio-political ideal can be feasible to different degrees (Lawford-Smith 2013). In order to specify the conditions of increasing the feasibility of compromise, it is necessary to first identify potential feasibility constraints. The main chapters of this (...) dissertation are devoted to this task. -/- My research identifies two kinds of feasibility constraints that compromise potentially faces: A psychological feasibility constraint on realizing moral compromise (i.e. compromise on moral issues) and a structural feasibility constraint on realizing fair compromise. The psychological feasibility constraint consists in what I call an “affective aversion” to compromise. Affective aversion designates a deep emotional reluctance to compromise on moral values, which, I propose, can be reduced by cultivating an affective attitude of respect for other persons. The structural feasibility constraint refers to the process through which a compromise is achieved. I argue that if a fair compromise is the goal, the process of compromising needs to be based on deliberation rather than on the negotiation or bargaining processes that are commonly associated with compromise. Based on these results, my research indicates a) that an affective cultivation of respect is a condition for increasing the feasibility of moral compromise; and b) that deliberation, not negotiation or bargaining, is a condition for increasing the feasibility of fair compromise. (shrink)

Better instruments to predict the future evolution of artificial intelligence (AI) are needed, as the destiny of our civilization depends on it. One of the ways to such prediction is the analysis of the convergent drives of any future AI, started by Omohundro. We show that one of the convergent drives of AI is a militarization drive, arising from AI’s need to wage a war against its potential rivals by either physical or software means, or to increase its bargaining (...) power. This militarization trend increases global catastrophic risk or even existential risk during AI takeoff, which includes the use of nuclear weapons against rival AIs, blackmail by the threat of creating a global catastrophe, and the consequences of a war between two AIs. As a result, even benevolent AI may evolve into potentially dangerous military AI. The type and intensity of militarization drive depend on the relative speed of the AI takeoff and the number of potential rivals. We show that AI militarization drive and evolution of national defense will merge, as a superintelligence created in the defense environment will have quicker takeoff speeds, but a distorted value system. We conclude with peaceful alternatives. (shrink)

Social animals need to share space and resources, whether sexual partners, parents, or food. Sharing is indeed at the core of social life. Humans, however, of all social animals, have distinct ways of sharing. They evolved to become Homo Negotiatus; a species that is prone to bargain and to dispute the value of things until some agreement is reached.

Besides being the title of an EP by The (International) Noise Conspiracy, “Bigger cages, longer chains!” is an anarchist rallying cry. It’s meant to ridicule those political activists who compromise their ideals, make demands and then settle for partial concessions or, to put it bluntly, bargain with the Man. In the T.V. series Mr. Robot, Christian Slater plays the anarchist leader of a hacktivist group known as fsociety. Mr. Robot won’t negotiate with the FBI and E(vil) Corp for bigger cages (...) and longer chains. He tells Elliot Anderson, the young cybersecurity expert and hacker, “We live in a kingdom of bullshit!” Victory over the tyranny of corporations and states requires radical means to achieve radical ends. Mr. Robot wants freedom without limits, total liberation from corporate and statist control, and the opportunity to live in a world without bullshit. Mr. Robot’s objective is to free citizens of first-world nations from the cages of consumer debt and citizens of third-world nations from the shackles of extreme poverty. Meeting half-way will not do. So what are the inspirations for Mr. Robot’s hacktivist philosophy? The most proximate sources are David Graeber’s anarchism, which also influenced the Occupy Wall Street movement, and the hacktivist group Anonymous’s moralfaggery, that is, the policy of some of its members to use collective computer hacking to serve the greater good. Candidates for more remote sources are Marxism and pragmatism; the former, a blueprint for freeing the working class from their bourgeois oppressors; the latter, a philosophy of action, intelligent inquiry and democratic reform. Some might object that pragmatism is too conventional to be compatible with the radical ideas that motivate Mr. Robot’s worldview. Hacktivism demands action, not mere thinking! But any organized social-political movement requires a well-thought-out plan as well as a vision of what its participants hope to achieve. Since pragmatism is a philosophy of action and reform, it’s possible that Mr. Robot is a closet pragmatist! (shrink)

Vietnam has seen fast-rising debts, both domestic and external, in recent years. This paperreviews the literature on credit market in Vietnam, providing an up-to-date take on the domesticlending and borrowing landscape. The study highlights the strong demand for credit in both therural and urban areas, the ubiquity of informal lenders, the recent popularity of consumer financecompanies, as well as the government’s attempts to rein in its swelling public debt. Given thehigh level of borrowing, which is fueled by consumerism and geopolitics, (...) it is inevitable that theamount of debt will soon be higher than the saving of the borrowers. Unlike the conventional wisdom that creditors have more bargaining power over the borrowers, we suggest that—albeitlacking a quantitative estimation—when the debts pile up so high that the borrowers could not repay, the power dynamics may reverse. In this new politics of debt, the lenders fear to lose the money's worth and continue to lend and feed the insolvent debtors. The result is a toxic lending/borrowing market and profound lessons, from which the developing world could learn. (shrink)

The scale and character of past injustice can seem overwhelming. Grievous wrongdoing characterizes so much of human history, both within and between different political communities. This raises a familiar question of reparative justice: what is owed in the present as a result of the unjust actions of the past? This article asks what should be done in situations where contemporary debts stemming from past injustice are massive in scale, and seemingly call for nonideal resolution or settlement. Drawing on recent work (...) by Sara Amighetti and Alasia Nuti on deliberative reparative processes, the article differentiates between two different approaches to settling claims for reparation. The first pursues settlement in a legal or quasi legal sense, seeking to close a matter through discussion, compromise, and bargaining in such a way as to maximize one’s interest while drawing a line under the events in question. The second is grounded not in one’s own interest but in an acknowledgement of the inevitable inadequacy of one’s reparative response. Such an approach to settlement centres the agency of the individuals and groups harmed by past wrongdoing. The article examines the reparations issue with reference to a range of recent cases of alleged settlement, including claims for reparation for torture by the British army in Kenya in the 1950s, for sexual slavery by the Japanese Imperial Army in East Asia in the Second World War, and for genocide by German colonial forces between 1904 and 1908. (shrink)

This paper argues that we hold two key duties to future people: to leave them enough in an absolute sense, and to leave them their fair share. Even if we benefit people by bringing them into existence, we can wrongly exploit our position to take more than our share of benefits. As in paradigm cases of exploitation, just because future people might agree to the ‘bargain’, this does not mean that they receive enough.

I examine how co-parents should handle differing commitments about how to raise their child. Via thought experiment and the examination of our practices and affective reactions, I argue for a thesis about the locus of parental authority: that parental authority is invested in full in each individual parent, meaning that that the command of one parent is sufficient to bind the child to act in obedience. If this full-authority thesis is true, then for co-parents to command different things would be (...) for them to contest one another’s authority. The only course that respects the authority of both parents is for co-parents to agree to command the same thing. Further, what is commanded must not result from a ‘capitulation’ by one co-parent, rather, it should result from a compromise. Parental authority involves a duty to deliberate about which commands it is best to give the child. If a command results from a capitulation, one parent will rightly think of themselves as not having fulfilled their parental duty. Parental compromises are not best understood as bargains or conflicts, but by the metaphor of gifts given by each parent out of respect for the other’s authority. (shrink)

This is an interview by the Erasmus Journal for Philosophy and Economics with John E. Roemer. The interview covers Roemer’s intellectual biography; his extensive writings on exploitation, egalitarianism, socialism, bargaining, and justice; his latest work on Kantian optimization, his vision for the future of socialism; and, finally, his methodological commitments and the value of interdisciplinarity.

James Sterba describes the egoist as thinking only egoist reasons decide the rationality of choices of action, the altruist, only altruistic reasons, that each in effect begs the question of what reasons there are against the other, and that the only non-question-begging and therefore rationally defensible position in this controversy is the middle-ground position that high-ranking egoistic reasons should trump low ranking-altruistic considerations and vice versa, this position being co-extensive with morality. Therefore it is rationally obligatory choose morally. I object (...) that the mere fact that a position is intermediate between two extremes does not mean it isn’t question-begging; that Sterba’s style of argument could be used to prove anything and therefore proves nothing; that it can be used to prove obvious falsehoods and therefore doesn’t necessarily track the truth; that it can be used to prove the truth of contingent, empirically obvious falsehoods when, since it is necessary a prior that one ought to be moral, something can be a good argument for the rationality of morality only if the argument’s style would entail only truths necessary a priori; that Sterba’s argument cannot inherit plausibility from what Sterba describes as the decision theoretic idea that when choosing among options where we have no evidence that one is more appropriate than the other, we must treat them as equally choice-worthy, since there is no such idea in decision theory, and shouldn’t be (for when, for example, there is no evidence that x exists and no evidence that x does not exist, one should believe that x does not exist; one should not chose as if x’s existence and non-existence were equally likely); that Sterba’s argument style is not analogous to the compromise strategies recommended in bargaining theory, nor in negotiating situations (although it would profit Sterba to consider David Gauthier’s approach in seeking to demonstrate that morality is both a middle ground between egoism and altruism, and is rationally obligatory); that it is problematic to see egoistic and altruistic reasons as commensurable and therefore admitting of a middle ground, especially a unique middle ground; that in any case, egoistic and altruistic reasons are not exhaustive of the reasons there could be; that the only sense in which moving to middle ground results in the parties not begging the question against each other is that it means they would be agreeing with each other and therefore not holding positions against each other, whether question-beggingly or otherwise, a fact which offers neither any rationally compelling reason to move her position closer to that of the other (for how can the mere fact that if we agreed we wouldn’t be begging the question against each other be a reason to agree?); and that even if morality is both rationally obligatory and a middle ground between egoism and altruism, it won’t be in any interesting sense true that this holds because the alternative would be question-begging, which means that analyzing the basis of the rationality of morality as being found in this principle of argumentation theory misconceives the nature of morality. (shrink)

The Importance of Socialist Principles in Balancing the Increasing Efficiency of Capitalism -/- Capitalism, as an economic system, thrives on innovation, competition, and efficiency. Over the centuries, it has fueled unprecedented advancements in technology, productivity, and global economic growth. However, capitalism’s focus on profit maximization and market efficiency often comes at the expense of social equity, environmental sustainability, and human well-being. This imbalance creates systemic issues such as income inequality, labor exploitation, and resource depletion. In this context, the integration of (...) socialist principles is essential to balance the increasing efficiency of capitalism and address its inherent shortcomings. -/- Mitigating Income Inequality -/- One of the most pressing consequences of capitalism’s efficiency is the widening gap between the wealthy elite and the working majority. As technological advancements increase productivity and profitability, the benefits often accumulate disproportionately to capital owners rather than laborers. Socialist principles, such as progressive taxation, wealth redistribution, and Universal Basic Income (UBI), can ensure that the gains of economic growth are shared more equitably across society. UBI, which involves providing all citizens with a guaranteed, unconditional income, offers a safety net for those displaced by automation and economic disruptions. Countries like Finland and Canada have piloted UBI programs, demonstrating its potential to reduce poverty, improve mental health, and foster economic stability by giving individuals the means to participate in the economy without fear of financial insecurity. -/- Protecting Workers’ Rights -/- Capitalism’s relentless pursuit of efficiency frequently leads to labor exploitation, such as low wages, poor working conditions, and job insecurity. Automation and artificial intelligence, while enhancing productivity, also threaten to displace millions of workers. Socialist principles emphasize the protection of workers’ rights through fair wages, safe workplaces, and collective bargaining. In Germany, for instance, co-determination policies ensure that workers have representation on corporate boards. Coupled with concepts like UBI, workers can face technological disruptions with greater resilience, as basic income offers a cushion against job displacement while they retrain or transition to new opportunities. -/- Promoting Environmental Sustainability -/- Capitalism’s focus on short-term profits often overlooks long-term environmental consequences. The pursuit of economic growth has led to overconsumption, pollution, and climate change, threatening the planet’s ecosystems and future generations. Socialist principles prioritize the common good over individual profit and advocate for sustainable development. Denmark has demonstrated this balance by integrating socialist-inspired environmental policies within its mixed economy. The country invests heavily in renewable energy and enforces strict environmental regulations. Additionally, concepts from Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) could play a crucial role in funding sustainability initiatives. MMT posits that governments with sovereign currencies can issue money to finance large-scale public projects without being constrained by budget deficits, as long as inflation remains under control. This framework could help finance green energy transitions and other critical investments needed to address climate change. -/- Ensuring Social Cohesion -/- Unbridled capitalism fosters competition and individualism, which can erode social cohesion and create divisions within society. Socialist principles, by contrast, emphasize solidarity, cooperation, and community well-being. A balanced approach to capitalism involves fostering a sense of shared responsibility for societal progress. Universal Basic Income is a key tool for enhancing social cohesion, as it guarantees a minimum standard of living for everyone, reducing inequality and poverty. For example, in Canada, the pilot UBI program in Ontario demonstrated how such initiatives could strengthen the social fabric by reducing financial stress, encouraging education, and improving health outcomes. When coupled with policies like free access to healthcare and education, socialist principles create a society where all members feel valued and supported. -/- Encouraging Ethical Capitalism with Modern Monetary Theory -/- Modern Monetary Theory provides a vital framework for ethical capitalism by allowing governments to prioritize public well-being over austerity measures. By rethinking budgetary constraints, MMT enables the funding of universal programs such as healthcare, education, and UBI. For example, New Zealand has embraced well-being-focused budgeting, prioritizing resources for mental health, child poverty reduction, and environmental protection. This approach aligns with socialist principles, ensuring that economic policies serve broader societal goals rather than simply maximizing GDP growth. MMT challenges the traditional capitalist notion that government spending must always be offset by tax revenues, opening the door for innovative social programs that benefit all. -/- Conclusion -/- While capitalism has proven to be a powerful engine for innovation and economic growth, its increasing efficiency can exacerbate systemic issues such as inequality, exploitation, and environmental degradation. Socialist principles provide a vital counterbalance, emphasizing fairness, equity, and collective responsibility. Tools like Modern Monetary Theory and Universal Basic Income further enhance the potential of socialist principles to address these challenges. Countries such as Finland, Germany, Denmark, Canada, and New Zealand exemplify how mixed economic systems can combine the strengths of capitalism with the equity of socialism. By adopting these principles, societies can create a sustainable and inclusive economic system that harnesses the strengths of capitalism while mitigating its weaknesses. In an era of rapid technological advancement and global interconnectivity, this balance is more important than ever for building a just and resilient future. -/- . (shrink)

A collection of articles on the the principles of social justice from an Australian Catholic perspective. Contents: Forward (Archbishop Philip Wilson), Introduction (James Franklin), The right to life (James Franklin), The right to serve and worship God in public and private (John Sharpe), The right to religious formation (Richard Rymarz), The right to personal liberty under just law (Michael Casey), The right to equal protection of just law regardless of sex, nationality, colour or creed (Sam Gregg), The right to freedom (...) of expression (Damian Grace), The right to choose and freely maintain a state of life, married or single, lay or religious (Marita Winters), The right to education (Anthony Cleary), The right to petition government for the redress of grievances (Paul Russell), The right to a nationality (Andrew Hamilton), The right to have access to the means of livelihood, by migration when necessary (Brenda Hubber), The right of association and peaceful assembly (Michael Hogan), The right to work and choose one's occupation (Ian Blandthorn), The right to personal ownership, use and disposal of property subject to the right of others (Brian Coman), The right to a living wage (Garrick Small), The right to collective bargaining (Keith Harvey), The right to associate by industries and professions to obtain economic justice (Henrik Jurisevic), The right to assistance from society, if necessary from the State, in distress of persons and family (Catherine Althaus), Afterword (James Franklin). (shrink)

Farmers’ organizations all over the world are very well aware that in order to build and retain a critical mass with sufficient bargaining power to democratically influence local governments and international organizations they will have to unite by identifying common goals and setting aside their differences. After decades of local movements and struggles, farmers’ organizations around the globe found in the concept of “food sovereignty” the normative framework they were long searching for. The broadness of the concept has had (...) a remarkable success in embracing the interests of food producers and consumers from all geographic locations and development levels. (shrink)

A Comprehensive Analysis of the Rice Tariffication Law: Economic, Political, and Social Perspectives -/- Introduction -/- The Rice Tariffication Law (Republic Act No. 11203), signed into law in 2019, represents one of the most significant agricultural reforms in the Philippines in recent decades. Spearheaded by Senator Cynthia Villar, the legislation sought to liberalize rice importation, replacing quantitative restrictions with tariffs, while establishing mechanisms to enhance the competitiveness of local rice farmers. While the law has garnered praise for its structural reforms (...) and market-oriented approach, it has also faced criticism for its immediate adverse effects on the local farming sector. This paper provides a comprehensive analysis of the Rice Tariffication Law, examining its economic, political, and social implications, as well as its long-term consequences. -/- Economic Analysis -/- Advantages -/- One of the key economic benefits of the Rice Tariffication Law is the stabilization and reduction of rice prices, which directly benefits millions of Filipino consumers. By allowing private traders to import rice with a 35% tariff for ASEAN countries, the market became more competitive, contributing to lower inflation and greater food affordability. -/- Additionally, the law established the Rice Competitiveness Enhancement Fund (RCEF), which allocates a minimum of PHP 10 billion annually to support the local rice industry. These funds are used for farm mechanization, development and distribution of high-yielding seeds, credit access, and farmer education and training. Furthermore, the reform has helped align the Philippines with its World Trade Organization (WTO) commitments, promoting a rules-based and liberalized trade regime. -/- Disadvantages -/- Despite these advantages, the law has led to significant economic challenges, particularly for small-scale rice farmers. The influx of cheaper imported rice has depressed local farmgate prices, reducing the income and profitability of Filipino rice producers. Moreover, the implementation of RCEF has been marred by delays and inefficiencies, with many farmers yet to receive the intended support. Another economic risk is the increasing dependence on rice imports, which could jeopardize national food security in times of global supply disruptions. -/- Political Analysis -/- Advantages -/- Politically, the Rice Tariffication Law represents a move towards compliance with international trade agreements, fulfilling longstanding WTO obligations. It also positions the government as committed to structural reforms that aim to improve efficiency and reduce corruption and fiscal burden associated with the National Food Authority (NFA). -/- Disadvantages -/- However, the law has been criticized for favoring large agribusinesses and rice importers over smallholder farmers. Allegations of conflict of interest and political favoritism have surfaced, particularly against lawmakers with business ties to agriculture. The resulting backlash from farmer groups and advocacy organizations has created political challenges, casting doubts on the government’s commitment to inclusive development. -/- Social Analysis -/- Advantages -/- From a social perspective, the reduction in rice prices benefits low-income households who spend a substantial portion of their income on food. The RCEF, if effectively implemented, has the potential to transform rural communities by providing farmers with tools and knowledge to increase productivity and resilience. -/- Disadvantages -/- Conversely, the law has contributed to increased rural poverty and distress among farmers who are unable to compete with imported rice. Reports of worsening livelihoods, farmer displacement, and even mental health issues have raised serious concerns about the law’s social impact. Moreover, the erosion of traditional farming practices and community cohesion threatens the cultural fabric of agricultural societies. -/- Long-Term Implications -/- In the long term, the Rice Tariffication Law could lead to a more competitive and modernized rice industry, provided that RCEF is effectively managed and equitably distributed. However, if current issues persist, the Philippines may face a decline in domestic rice production, overdependence on imports, and increased vulnerability to external shocks. -/- Comprehensive Solution -/- To address the multifaceted challenges posed by the Rice Tariffication Law, a comprehensive and integrated solution must be pursued: -/- 1. Immediate Economic Relief for Farmers -/- Provide direct cash assistance to rice farmers affected by the decline in farmgate prices. -/- Implement a guaranteed minimum support price to stabilize farmers’ income during periods of import surges. -/- 2. Accelerated and Transparent RCEF Implementation -/- Establish a public monitoring and evaluation system to track fund disbursement and project outcomes. -/- Ensure equitable distribution of farm equipment, seeds, and training by prioritizing marginalized and smallholder farmers. -/- 3. Strategic Import Management -/- Introduce flexible tariff mechanisms that adjust based on local supply and global price volatility. -/- Maintain a buffer stock policy through a restructured and reformed NFA that purchases directly from local farmers. -/- 4. Agricultural Modernization and Sustainability -/- Promote climate-resilient and sustainable rice farming techniques to improve yields. -/- Increase investments in research and development tailored to Filipino rice varieties and local conditions. -/- 5. Institutional and Legal Reforms -/- Amend the law to include safeguards against the adverse impacts of liberalization. -/- Strengthen farmer cooperatives and institutions to enhance collective bargaining and market access. -/- 6. Social Protection and Capacity Building -/- Expand access to affordable credit, insurance, and health services in rural areas. -/- Integrate financial literacy and entrepreneurial training into agricultural extension programs. -/- 7. Balanced Policy Governance -/- Involve farmer organizations, local governments, and civil society in policymaking and monitoring. -/- Promote transparency and accountability to restore trust in agricultural governance. -/- Conclusion -/- The Rice Tariffication Law is a complex and multifaceted policy with both commendable goals and serious drawbacks. While it has succeeded in lowering rice prices and initiating structural reforms, its uneven implementation and negative impact on small farmers highlight the need for continuous policy adjustments. A balanced approach that supports both consumer welfare and farmer sustainability is essential to ensure that the law fulfills its intended objectives without compromising national food security or social equity. The proposed comprehensive solution aims to reconcile these competing priorities and foster a more inclusive and resilient agricultural system in the Philippines. -/- . (shrink)