The notion that there exists a fundamental need to exert control over or to influence one’s environment has enjoyed a long history in psychology (e.g., DeCharms, 1968; Heider, 1958) and has stimulated considerable theoretical work. Such a need has been characterized by theorists at multiple levels of analysis. Control motivation, for example, has been characterized broadly in terms of proactive (White, 1959) or reactive (e.g., Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978; Brehm, 1966; Brehm & Brehm, 1981) strivings for control over general (...) or specific (Brehm & Brehm, 1981) and central or peripheral outcomes (Thompson, 1993). Additionally, various types of control strategies used to gain or maintain a sense of personal control have been proposed (e.g., Averill, 1973; Heckhausen & Schulz, 1995; Rothbaum, Weisz, & Snyder, 1982; Thompson, 1981). Modes of control, for instance, have been categorized as either primary or secondary. Primary strategies involve direct action undertaken to produce desirable and avoid undesirable outcomes in the external world, whereas secondary strategies employ primarily cognitive processes undertaken to produce a change within the person. Recently, Heckhausen and Schulz (1995) have further delineated these primary and secondary forms of control according to whether they are based on veridical or illusory causal understandings of the world and whether they are functional or dysfunctional. While most control theorists view primary control as preferable to secondary control, the latter is viewed as critical in the process of adaptation to control failures and in the promotion of future primary control attempts. (shrink)

The present study investigated relationships between counterfactual thinking, control motivation, and depression. Mildly depressed and nondepressed participants described negative life events that might happen again (repeatable event condition) or probably will not happen again (nonrepeatable event condition) and then made upward counterfactuals about these events. Compared to nondepressed participants, depressed participants made more counterfactuals about controllable than uncontrollable aspects of the events they described, and this effect was mediated by general control loss perceptions in the repeatable event condition. Making (...) more counterfactuals about controllable than uncontrollable aspects also enhanced retrospective control perceptions, but only in the repeatable event condition. Functional and dysfunctional implications of making counterfactuals about controllable features of events are discussed. (shrink)

The present study examined relationships among counterfactual thinking, perceived control, and depressive symptoms. Undergraduate participants, grouped according to nondepressed, mild–to–moderately depressed, and severely depressed symptom categories, described potentially repeatable negative academic events and then made upward counterfactuals about those events. Whereas participants endorsing mild–to–moderate depressive symptom levels generated more counterfactuals about controllable than uncontrollable aspects of the events they described, participants endorsing severe levels of depressive symptoms generated counterfactuals that were less controllable, less reasonable, and more characterological in nature. Furthermore, (...) controllable (relative to uncontrollable) counterfactual thinking enhanced retrospective control perceptions for less depressed participants, but depleted control perceptions for more depressed participants. Discussion focuses on the possibility that whereas controllable counterfactual thinking may be functional for nondepressed individuals, it may be less functional, if not dysfunctional, with increasingly depressed symptoms. (shrink)

Counterfactual thinking—the capacity to reflect on what would, could, or should have been if events had transpired differently—is a pervasive, yet seemingly paradoxical human tendency. On the one hand, counterfactual thoughts can be comforting and inspiring (Carroll & Shepperd, Chapter 28), but on the other they can be anxiety provoking and depressing (Zeelenberg & Pieters, Chapter 27). Likewise, such thoughts can illuminate pathways toward better future outcomes (Wong, Galinsky, & Kray, Chapter 11), yet they can also promote confusion and lead (...) us astray (Sanna, Schwarz, & Kennedy, Chapter 13). The first part of this chapter focuses on work that supports the prevailing Zeitgeist in the counterfactual thinking literature: Counterfactual thinking is beneficial. The second part of the chapter, however, strikes a more cautionary tone by reviewing work that describes some deleterious consequences of counterfactual thinking. We conclude by offering a tentative reconciliation of these conflicting perspectives and suggesting directions for future research. (shrink)

Effects of perceived control and close alternative outcomes were examined. Subjects played a computer-simulated "wheel-of-fortune" game with another player in which two wheels spun simultaneously. Subjects had either control over spinning the wheel or control over which wheel would determine their outcome and which would determine the other player's outcome. Results showed that (a) subjects generated counterfactuals about the aspect of the game that they controlled, (b) the direction of these counterfactuals corresponded to the close outcome associated with the aspect (...) they controlled, and (c) close counterfactuals predicted affective responses to the outcome of the wheel spin. Cognitive and motivational implications of the influence of perceived control on counterfactual generation are discussed. (shrink)

Reducing prejudice is a critical research agenda, and never before has counterfactual priming been evaluated as a potential prejudice-reduction strategy. In the present experiment, participants were randomly assigned to imagine a pleasant interaction with a homosexual man and then think counterfactually about how an incident of sexual discrimination against him might not have occurred (experimental condition) or to imagine a nature scene (control condition). Results demonstrated a significant reduction in sexual prejudice from baseline levels in the counterfactual simulation group. Importantly, (...) whereas intergroup anxiety and motivation to control prejudice were not predictive factors, number of counterfactual thoughts generated independently predicted variance in prejudice reduction. Mechanisms for, and implications of, prejudice-reduction strategies including counterfactual thinking are discussed. (shrink)

Causation is one of philosophy's most venerable and thoroughly-analyzed concepts. However, the study of how ordinary people make causal judgments is a much more recent addition to the philosophical arsenal. One of the most prominent views of causal explanation, especially in the realm of harmful or potentially harmful behavior, is that unusual or counternormative events are accorded privileged status in ordinary causal explanations. This is a fundamental assumption in psychological theories of counterfactual reasoning, and has been transported to philosophy by (...) Hitchcock and Knobe (2009). A different view--the basis of the culpable control model of blame (CCM)--is that primary causal status is accorded to behaviors that arouse negative evaluative reactions, including behaviors that stem from nefarious motives, negligence or recklessness, a faulty character, or behaviors that lead to harmful or potentially harmful consequences. This paper describes four empirical studies that show consistent support for the CCM. (shrink)

According to a standard picture of agency, a person’s actions always reflect what they most desire, and many theorists extend this model to mental illness. In this chapter, I pin down exactly where this “volitional” view goes wrong. The key is to recognize that human motivational architecture involves a regulatory control structure: we have both spontaneous states (e.g., automatically-elicited thoughts and action tendencies, etc.) as well as regulatory mechanisms that allow us to suppress or modulate these spontaneous states. Our regulatory (...) abilities, however, are bounded. Mental illnesses, I argue, arise precisely where these bounds are reached, thus allowing inappropriate spontaneous states to regularly manifest in thought and action. I conclude that the volitional view of mental illness is wrong: when a person with mental illness reaches the limits of control, what they do often does not reflect what they most prefer. (shrink)

Self-control is deemed crucial for reasons-responsive agency and a key contributor to long-term wellbeing. But recent studies suggest that effortfully resisting one’s temptations does not contribute to long-term goal attainment, and can even be harmful. So how does self-control improve our lives? Finding an answer requires revising the role that overcoming temptation plays in self-control. This paper distinguishes two forms of self-control problems: temptation (the presence of a strong wayward motivation) and apathy (the lack of commitment-advancing motivation). This distinction makes (...) it possible to separate negative self-control (aimed at overcoming temptation) from positive self-control (aimed at overcoming lack of motivation). The paper argues that temptation should not play a central role in our conception of self-control, since overcoming temptation is neither necessary nor sufficient for successful self-control. (shrink)

Three studies examined the motivational implications of thinking about how things could have been worse. It was hypothesized that when these downward counterfactuals yield negative affect, through consideration of the possibility of a negative outcome, motivation to change and improve would be increased (the wake-up call). When downward counterfactuals yield positive affect, through diminishing the impact of a potentially negative outcome, motivation to change and improve should be reduced (the Pangloss effect). Results from three studies supported these hypotheses. Studies 1 (...) and 2 showed that a manipulation of the counterfactual made about an investment influenced decisions toward that investment. Study 3 showed that students’ academic motivation was influenced by a manipulation of the type of downward counterfactual they made after an exam and that affect mediated the relationship between the counterfactual and motivation. (shrink)

Every account of moral responsibility has conditions that distinguish between the consequences, actions, or traits that warrant praise or blame and those that do not. One intuitive condition is that praiseworthiness and blameworthiness cannot be affected by luck, that is, by factors beyond the agent’s control. Several philosophers build their accounts of moral responsibility on this luck-free condition, and we may call their views Luck-Free Moral Responsibility (LFMR). I offer moral and metaphysical arguments against LFMR. First, I maintain that considerations (...) of fairness that often motivate LFMR do not require its adoption. Second, I contend that LFMR has counterintuitive implications for the nature and scope of praiseworthiness and blameworthiness and that LFMR is vulnerable to a reductio ad absurdum. Third, I state some common reasons for thinking that LFMR’s commitment to true counterfactuals of libertarian freedom is problematic, and I argue that if there are no such true counterfactuals and if LFMR is true, a person is praiseworthy and blameworthy at most for a tiny fraction of her actions. Fourth, I argue that proponents of LFMR cannot escape this skeptical cost by appealing to a different kind of counterfactual of freedom. Fifth, I develop an anti-skeptical motivation to affirm the idea that luck can affect moral responsibility. (shrink)

The present study examined relationships between chronic regulatory focus and motivation to improve upon academic outcomes in a sample of individuals varying in degree of hopelessness depression (HD) symptoms. Participants recalled a recent negative academic outcome, completed a measure of regulatory focus, reported their subsequent motivation to improve upon future academic outcomes, and then indicated whether their grades on examinations, assignments, and their GPAs had improved or worsened since the described outcome. Results indicate that degree of HD symptoms positively (...) relates to prevention focus and negatively relates to promotion focus, and the negative relationships between HD symptoms and both motivation and performance outcomes are mediated by (lack of) promotion focus. (shrink)

Mere capacity views hold that agents who can intervene in an unfolding movement are performing an agentially controlled action, regardless of whether they do intervene. I introduce a simple argument to show that the noncausal explanation offered by mere capacity views fails to explain both control and action. In cases where bodily subsystems, rather than the agent, generate control over a movement, agents can often intervene to override non-agential control. Yet, contrary to what capacity views suggest, in these cases, this (...) capacity to intervene does not amount to agential control or action. I illustrate this with a case study of how passive breathing, a mere behavior, is misclassified by mere capacity views. I end by revisiting the central alternative to mere capacity views: causal control views. Advances in our understanding of how agents exert control over unfolding movements indicate that the nature of control is characterized by ubiquitous, small-scale causal interventions. (shrink)

Attaining Nirvana Using the Universal Formula: Eliminating Imbalances in the Body, Emotions, Mind, and Spirituality -/- By Angelito Malicse -/- Introduction -/- Nirvana, the state of ultimate peace and liberation, can only be attained by eliminating all imbalances in the body, emotions, mind, and spirituality. My universal formula, which follows the law of balance in nature, the law of karma as a systemic principle, and feedback mechanisms, provides an exact path to achieving this state. -/- Imbalances in human life arise (...) due to physical illnesses, negative emotions, irrational thinking, and spiritual confusion. These imbalances cause suffering, preventing people from achieving inner peace. By applying my universal formula, one can correct these defects and align with the natural laws that govern life, leading to a harmonious existence and the attainment of Nirvana. -/- This essay will provide real-world examples of how imbalances arise in each aspect of human existence and how applying my universal formula eliminates them. It will also highlight the importance of medicine, positive emotions, deep faith in God or Divine Essence, and how they contribute to balance and enlightenment. -/- 1. The Role of the Body in Creating Imbalance and the Solution -/- Example of Physical Imbalance: Chronic Illness Due to an Unhealthy Lifestyle -/- Scenario: A person consumes excessive processed foods, avoids exercise, and does not get enough sleep. Over time, they develop obesity, diabetes, and heart disease. These physical imbalances create suffering by limiting mobility, causing chronic pain, and shortening lifespan. -/- Solution Using the Universal Formula: -/- Follow the Universal Law of Balance in Nature: The body requires proper nutrition, movement, and rest to function optimally. A balanced diet, regular exercise, and sufficient sleep restore equilibrium. -/- Apply the Law of Karma as a Systemic Principle: The body operates as a biological system, and like any system, it must be free of defects to function correctly. Eliminating unhealthy habits and seeking medical care corrects these defects, restoring proper function. -/- Use Feedback Mechanisms for Self-Correction: Pain, fatigue, and illness are signals from the body indicating an imbalance. Instead of ignoring these warnings, one should adjust lifestyle choices, preventing further suffering. -/- Example of Physical Imbalance: Addiction (Alcoholism, Drug Use, Smoking) -/- Scenario: A person suffers from alcohol addiction, which damages their liver, distorts their judgment, and causes conflict in relationships. -/- Solution Using the Universal Formula: -/- Follow the Universal Law of Balance in Nature: The human body cannot function well when it is poisoned by harmful substances. Eliminating alcohol and drugs and replacing them with healthy habits restores physical and mental balance. -/- Apply the Law of Karma as a Systemic Principle: Addiction is a defect in the nervous system—it alters brain chemistry, leading to dependency. Medical treatment, rehabilitation, and psychological support correct this defect, helping the person regain control. -/- Use Feedback Mechanisms for Self-Correction: Withdrawal symptoms, declining health, and damaged relationships are signals of imbalance. Recognizing these signs motivates change, leading to recovery. -/- The Importance of Medicine -/- Medicine plays a crucial role in restoring physical balance. When the body suffers from illness, medical intervention corrects internal imbalances. However, medicine must be combined with lifestyle changes and emotional stability for long-term health. -/- 2. The Role of Emotions in Creating Imbalance and the Solution -/- Example of Emotional Imbalance: Uncontrolled Anger and Hatred -/- Scenario: A man is always angry at his coworkers, leading to stress, conflicts, and isolation. -/- Solution Using the Universal Formula: -/- Follow the Universal Law of Balance in Nature: Anger disrupts inner peace and must be regulated through emotional awareness and self-discipline. -/- Apply the Law of Karma as a Systemic Principle: Uncontrolled anger is a defect in the emotional system. Practicing patience, forgiveness, and communication corrects this defect, leading to healthier interactions. -/- Use Feedback Mechanisms for Self-Correction: Frequent stress, tension, and failed relationships indicate emotional imbalance. Recognizing these effects motivates change toward emotional stability. -/- The Importance of Positive Emotions in Human Relationships -/- Positive emotions such as love, compassion, and gratitude create harmony in relationships. Expressing kindness and understanding balances social interactions, reducing conflicts and strengthening bonds. This balance is necessary for personal peace and the path to Nirvana. -/- 3. The Role of Spirituality in Creating Imbalance and the Solution -/- Causes of Spiritual Imbalance -/- Spiritual imbalances occur when a person lacks connection, purpose, or faith. The main causes include: -/- 1. Materialism and Excessive Focus on the Physical World – Prioritizing wealth, power, or pleasure over inner peace and wisdom leads to dissatisfaction. -/- 2. Religious Dogma and Fear-Based Beliefs – When spirituality is based on fear, guilt, or rigid doctrines, it creates psychological distress rather than enlightenment. -/- 3. Loss of Faith or Meaning in Life – When people lose trust in God, Divine Essence, or Higher Purpose, they experience emptiness and existential suffering. -/- 4. Isolation and Lack of Spiritual Practice – A lack of meditation, prayer, or reflection disconnects people from inner wisdom. -/- Example of Spiritual Imbalance: Loss of Faith and Meaning -/- Scenario: A person feels lost, purposeless, and disconnected from life. -/- Solution Using the Universal Formula: -/- Follow the Universal Law of Balance in Nature: The soul craves connection to something greater. Engaging in spiritual practices like prayer, meditation, or service restores spiritual balance. -/- Apply the Law of Karma as a Systemic Principle: A loss of faith is a defect in the spiritual system. Deepening one’s connection to God, Divine Essence, or Higher Guidance corrects this defect, bringing fulfillment. -/- Use Feedback Mechanisms for Self-Correction: Depression and existential dread indicate spiritual emptiness. Seeking meaning through faith and selfless service restores harmony. -/- The Importance of Deep Faith in God or Divine Essence -/- Faith provides inner stability, helping people endure suffering and maintain hope and resilience. A deep connection with the Divine or Universal Truth aligns human existence with higher wisdom, guiding one toward Nirvana. -/- Conclusion -/- Attaining Nirvana requires eliminating imbalances in the body, emotions, mind, and spirituality. My universal formula provides the exact method to restore balance by aligning with natural laws, correcting systemic defects, and using feedback mechanisms for self-correction. -/- By embracing health, positive emotions, wisdom, and spiritual faith, one can transcend suffering and achieve ultimate peace. This is the path to Nirvana—the state of complete harmony with the universe. -/- . (shrink)

A Balanced Economic Model: The Feedback Loop Between Public and Private Sectors with MMT as a Stabilizing Mechanism -/- Introduction -/- Modern capitalism thrives on competition, profit motives, and consumer demand. However, the system is flawed because it allows extreme wealth inequality, market instability, and frequent economic crashes. Advertising, as an essential part of capitalism, manipulates consumer behavior to sustain profits. While this fuels economic growth, it also distorts the real needs of society. -/- A better alternative Is a hybrid (...) economic model where government-created jobs, social safety nets, and free public services coexist with a profit-driven private sector. The key to making this work is a feedback loop mechanism that keeps the two sectors balanced, ensuring economic stability while preventing extreme inequality and unnecessary market collapses. This essay explores how Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) can support this feedback loop economy to create a self-regulating system where both public and private sectors benefit from each other. -/- I. The Feedback Loop Between Private Companies and Government Economic Policies -/- A feedback loop mechanism is a self-regulating system where different components interact, adjust, and respond to maintain balance. In the economy, the public sector (government jobs, social safety nets, and public services) and the private sector (businesses, investments, and free markets) create a mutual dependency: -/- 1. Government Spending Creates Consumer Demand → Private Sector Growth -/- Government creates jobs with good salaries in infrastructure, education, healthcare, and technology. -/- This injects money into the economy, giving people the purchasing power to buy goods and services from private companies. -/- As demand increases, businesses grow, hire more workers, and expand operations. -/- 2. Private Sector Growth → Increases Government Revenue Without High Taxation -/- As private companies generate profits, they pay taxes and reinvest in expansion. -/- Strong consumer demand reduces the need for excessive taxation because economic growth itself funds public programs. -/- Businesses compete not only for profits but also for innovation and efficiency. -/- 3. Social Safety Nets Prevent Market Collapses -/- During recessions, government stabilizes the economy by expanding social programs (unemployment benefits, food assistance, healthcare). -/- This prevents demand from crashing, ensuring that businesses still have customers even in economic downturns. -/- As the economy recovers, government reduces spending, allowing the private sector to take the lead again. -/- This dynamic cycle ensures that economic booms and recessions are smoothed out, preventing extreme market crashes or mass unemployment. -/- II. The Role of MMT in Supporting the Feedback Loop -/- Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) provides the economic foundation for this model by proving that a sovereign government can spend money without being constrained by traditional budget rules. Unlike mainstream economic thinking, which suggests that governments must “balance the budget,” MMT argues that government spending should adjust based on economic conditions. -/- 1. Government-Backed Job Programs as an Economic Stabilizer -/- MMT allows governments to fund public jobs without relying solely on taxation. -/- If private companies cut jobs, the government can expand its workforce to absorb the unemployed. -/- When the economy stabilizes, people move back to higher-paying private jobs, reducing government spending. -/- 2. Preventing Inflation Through Resource Control -/- MMT acknowledges that inflation happens when there’s too much money chasing too few goods. -/- The government can remove excess money through targeted taxation and invest in productivity (e.g., infrastructure, education) to keep supply stable. -/- This prevents excessive inflation while keeping the economy growing. -/- 3. Continuous Money Circulation Without Debt Crises -/- Governments can print money to fund essential services, but they control inflation by investing in real production capacity (e.g., factories, renewable energy, technology). -/- This means public investment directly benefits private businesses, keeping both sectors in sync. -/- This MMT-backed feedback loop ensures that economic downturns do not lead to catastrophic business failures or mass unemployment. -/- III. The Role of Advertising in a Balanced Economic System -/- Advertising, while necessary for businesses, often manipulates consumer behavior in a way that creates artificial demand. In a feedback loop economy, advertising should be regulated to align with real consumer needs rather than exploiting psychological weaknesses. -/- 1. Ethical Advertising Policies -/- Companies should be incentivized to market based on quality and innovation rather than manipulation. -/- False advertising and monopolistic dominance should be regulated to prevent consumer exploitation. -/- 2. Consumer Education Programs -/- Public education should include critical thinking courses to help people make informed purchasing decisions. -/- This reduces the influence of manipulative advertising, ensuring that businesses compete fairly. -/- This ensures that the feedback loop remains healthy, preventing unnecessary overproduction and unsustainable consumer debt. -/- IV. Real-World Examples of a Balanced System -/- Some countries have successfully implemented elements of this feedback loop economic model: -/- Nordic Countries (Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland) -/- Have free healthcare, education, and social safety nets while maintaining a competitive private sector. -/- Use progressive taxation to prevent extreme inequality, ensuring that economic growth benefits everyone. -/- Germany -/- Uses government-backed vocational training programs to ensure a highly skilled workforce. -/- Strong public-private partnerships help both sectors support each other dynamically. -/- Japan -/- Government plays a major role in funding research, infrastructure, and innovation, allowing private businesses to thrive. -/- Uses state-owned enterprises strategically while ensuring a competitive private market. -/- These examples prove that a properly managed hybrid model is more resilient, fair, and stable than extreme capitalism or extreme socialism. -/- V. Conclusion: A Self-Regulating Economy for the Future -/- A feedback loop economic system provides the best of both worlds: ✔ Government ensures economic stability through public job creation and social safety nets. ✔ Private companies drive innovation and competitiveness with strong consumer demand. ✔ MMT allows government spending to adjust dynamically without unnecessary austerity measures. ✔ Advertising is reformed to encourage ethical business practices and informed consumer choices. ✔ Inflation is controlled through taxation, investment, and resource management. -/- By integrating these feedback loop mechanisms, we can create a self-regulating economic model where both public and private sectors reinforce each other, ensuring long-term stability, prosperity, and economic fairness. -/- Policy Framework for a Balanced Economic System: Global Best Practices -/- To fully integrate the feedback loop mechanism between the public and private sectors, specific policies must be implemented to ensure economic stability, innovation, and fairness. Below are real-world policy examples that demonstrate how different countries successfully manage their economies using a mix of government intervention and free market principles. -/- I. Public Job Creation as an Economic Stabilizer -/- One of the biggest issues in capitalism is economic recessions leading to mass layoffs, which then reduce consumer spending, creating a vicious cycle of economic decline. The solution is public sector job programs that absorb unemployed workers during downturns and allow them to transition back to private jobs when the economy improves. -/- Global Examples -/- ✔ United States (New Deal Programs – 1930s) -/- During the Great Depression, the U.S. government created millions of jobs in construction, public works, and conservation projects. -/- These projects boosted infrastructure while providing employment, helping to revive the economy. -/- ✔ Argentina’s Jefes de Hogar Program (2002-2006) -/- Aimed at mitigating mass unemployment during Argentina’s economic crisis. -/- The government hired unemployed citizens to work in community service, infrastructure, and public health projects. -/- Created social stability and demand for private goods, helping Argentina recover. -/- ✔ Germany’s Kurzarbeit Program (Ongoing) -/- In times of economic slowdown, the German government pays companies to keep workers employed at reduced hours rather than laying them off. -/- This prevents mass unemployment, ensuring that workers still have income and spending power. -/- Policy Recommendation: → Implement automatic public employment programs during recessions to keep demand stable and prevent economic crashes. -/- II. Social Safety Nets to Support Consumer Demand -/- A strong social safety net ensures that consumers have purchasing power even in economic downturns, keeping the private sector stable. -/- Global Examples -/- ✔ Nordic Model (Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland) -/- Provides free healthcare, education, and unemployment benefits, preventing extreme poverty. -/- Funded through progressive taxation, ensuring that the wealthy contribute fairly to society. -/- This creates a stable consumer base for private companies, benefiting the entire economy. -/- ✔ Universal Basic Income (UBI) Experiments (Finland, Canada, Kenya) -/- Finland tested a UBI program where unemployed citizens received a monthly payment regardless of employment status. -/- Results showed that recipients were more likely to start businesses and find better jobs, proving that social safety nets do not reduce work incentives. -/- ✔ Singapore’s Housing and Retirement System -/- The government helps citizens buy homes with public funds, ensuring stable housing. -/- A mandatory retirement savings system (Central Provident Fund) ensures that people have money after they retire. -/- These policies reduce financial anxiety, allowing people to focus on entrepreneurship and economic growth. -/- Policy Recommendation: → Implement universal healthcare, free education, and unemployment benefits to ensure that economic downturns do not collapse consumer spending. -/- III. Regulating Advertising to Align with Consumer Needs -/- Unregulated advertising manipulates consumer behavior, creating unnecessary demand and overconsumption, which destabilizes economies. Governments can regulate advertising to ensure ethical business practices. -/- Global Examples -/- ✔ European Union (Strict Advertising Laws) -/- The EU bans false advertising, ensuring that companies cannot make misleading claims about their products. -/- Certain junk food and alcohol ads are restricted to protect public health. -/- ✔ France’s Ban on Child-Targeted Advertising -/- Prevents unethical marketing towards children, reducing unnecessary consumerism. -/- ✔ Japan’s Culture of Product Quality Over Hype -/- Japanese companies emphasize product reliability and long-term value, reducing dependence on manipulative advertising. -/- Policy Recommendation: → Implement ethical advertising regulations to prevent false marketing, predatory ads targeting vulnerable consumers, and excessive consumer debt. -/- IV. Public-Private Partnerships for Innovation and Infrastructure -/- Rather than treating the government and private sector as separate entities, a well-balanced system interconnects them through public-private partnerships (PPPs) to drive innovation. -/- Global Examples -/- ✔ Germany’s Mittelstand Model (SME Support System) -/- The German government provides long-term financial support to small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), which are the backbone of the economy. -/- Ensures that private businesses have stable growth without excessive corporate monopolies. -/- ✔ China’s State-Led Economic Model (Strategic Government Investments) -/- The government invests heavily in infrastructure and technology, allowing private businesses to thrive with low-cost logistics and energy. -/- Balances capitalist competition with government support, ensuring stability. -/- ✔ United States (NASA & SpaceX Collaboration) -/- NASA funded SpaceX and other private space companies, leading to rapid innovation in space technology. -/- This proves that government funding can accelerate private sector breakthroughs. -/- Policy Recommendation: → Use government funding to support innovation and long-term infrastructure projects while allowing private businesses to benefit and expand. -/- V. MMT as a Tool for Economic Stability -/- Traditional economic models suggest that governments must “balance their budgets” like households, but this is a flawed concept. Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) argues that sovereign nations with their own currency (like the U.S., Japan, and the UK) can create money to fund essential services without relying on debt from private banks. -/- How MMT Works in Practice -/- ✔ Japan’s National Debt Strategy -/- Japan has one of the highest debt-to-GDP ratios in the world, yet it has no financial crisis because it borrows in its own currency. -/- Instead of austerity, Japan uses public investment to maintain economic stability. -/- ✔ U.S. Stimulus During COVID-19 -/- The U.S. government printed money to send direct payments to citizens, preventing a total economic collapse. -/- Inflation was controlled by adjusting taxation and investment in production capacity. -/- ✔ EU’s Post-COVID Recovery Fund -/- The European Union used public money to stabilize industries and workers, preventing extreme recessions. -/- Policy Recommendation: → Use MMT-based strategies to fund infrastructure, social programs, and innovation, ensuring economic stability without excessive reliance on private banking debt. -/- VI. Conclusion: Creating a Self-Regulating Economy -/- A feedback loop economy that integrates public job creation, private sector competition, social safety nets, and MMT-backed fiscal policies provides a self-regulating system that ensures: -/- ✔ Stable employment and consumer demand even during economic downturns. ✔ Innovation and competition in the private sector without excessive monopolies or market crashes. ✔ Government-funded infrastructure and social programs that benefit both workers and businesses. ✔ Ethical advertising that prevents consumer exploitation and unnecessary debt. ✔ Balanced inflation control through strategic taxation and investment. -/- By combining the best policies from different global models, we can build an economic system that minimizes business bankruptcies, prevents recessions, and maximizes innovation and economic fairness. -/- . (shrink)

The Unified Theory of Free Will: The Three Universal Laws, Systemic Imbalance, and Nature’s Self-Correction -/- By Angelito Malicse -/- Introduction -/- For centuries, the concept of free will has been debated, with perspectives ranging from determinism to compatibilism and libertarianism. However, these traditional views fail to acknowledge the natural laws that govern human decision-making. By synthesizing the Universal Law of Balance in Nature, the Universal Feedback Loop Mechanism, and the Error-Free System, we establish a unified theory of free will—a (...) structured approach to human choices within the constraints of natural order. -/- Additionally, it is crucial to recognize the tolerance limits of hierarchical systems—both natural and man-made. When human decisions exceed these limits and imbalances persist, nature will automatically step in to restore equilibrium. This natural correction often manifests in disruptive ways, such as natural disasters, economic collapses, or social upheavals. Understanding these dynamics is essential to ensuring stability across all systems. -/- Furthermore, human emotions, which have evolved as essential survival mechanisms, play a dual role in maintaining or disrupting balance. Emotions influence decision-making, motivation, and social interactions. When properly regulated, they help individuals and societies adapt to challenges and maintain systemic harmony. However, when emotions exceed their tolerance limits—such as excessive fear leading to panic or unchecked anger causing conflict—they contribute to systemic imbalance and dysfunction. -/- The Three Universal Laws and Their Role in Decision-Making -/- 1. Universal Law of Balance in Nature -/- Every system—biological, social, and technological—operates within specific tolerance limits. Decisions that align with natural balance maintain stability, while those that exceed these limits lead to disruption. If humans fail to correct imbalances, nature will forcefully restore equilibrium, often through unpredictable and catastrophic means. -/- Examples of Balance, Systemic Imbalance, and Natural Correction: -/- Personal Health: A balanced diet sustains physical well-being, while excessive consumption leads to obesity and related diseases. If ignored, the body self-corrects through metabolic disorders and immune system responses. -/- Economic Stability: A balanced economy fosters growth, while financial mismanagement leads to economic crashes. Recessions and inflation serve as corrective mechanisms for financial excesses. -/- Environmental Sustainability: Responsible resource management ensures long-term survival, whereas overexploitation leads to climate change and natural disasters such as droughts and hurricanes, which force societies to adapt. -/- Ecosystem Regulation: Overfishing disrupts marine populations, but nature counters with species migration and ecological shifts that eventually restore stability. -/- Energy Consumption: Overuse of fossil fuels accelerates climate change, prompting extreme weather events and necessitating the shift to renewable energy sources. -/- 2. Universal Feedback Loop Mechanism -/- Decision-making must incorporate continuous feedback to ensure adaptation and refinement. Ignoring or distorting feedback results in inefficiencies and systemic collapse. -/- Examples of Feedback, Systemic Imbalance, and Nature’s Response: -/- Business Adaptation: Companies that respond to consumer feedback thrive, while those that ignore it collapse due to declining market relevance. -/- Political Governance: Leaders who suppress public concerns foster unrest, often leading to revolutions or government overhauls. -/- Technological Development: AI systems trained on biased or incomplete data develop flawed decision-making patterns, necessitating retraining and regulation. -/- 3. Error-Free System -/- Every decision has consequences, and ensuring 100 percent correct information is essential to maintaining systemic balance. Errors in data, assumptions, or implementation can trigger unintended disruptions. -/- Examples of Cause and Effect, Misinformation, and Systemic Collapse: -/- Academic Success: Proper study methods enhance learning, while reliance on ineffective strategies results in poor educational outcomes. -/- Industrialization and Environmental Impact: Sustainable practices protect ecosystems, while reliance on false environmental data accelerates degradation. -/- Global Resource Consumption: Inaccurate assessments of resource availability lead to economic and geopolitical instability. -/- The Evolution and Purpose of the Duality of Human Emotions -/- Human emotions have evolved as critical mechanisms for survival, adaptation, and social cohesion. They function as regulatory signals that guide decision-making, helping individuals and societies maintain equilibrium. However, emotions also possess a dual nature, where their misalignment or overexpression can lead to instability and dysfunction. -/- Positive Role of Emotions in Systemic Balance: -/- Empathy and Cooperation: Emotions such as compassion and trust foster social cohesion, strengthening communities and enhancing cooperation. -/- Fear and Caution: A moderate level of fear helps individuals assess risks and avoid dangerous situations, ensuring personal and collective safety. -/- Motivation and Ambition: Positive emotions such as enthusiasm and joy drive personal growth, innovation, and societal progress. -/- Negative Role of Emotions in Systemic Imbalance: -/- Excessive Fear and Panic: When fear surpasses a system’s tolerance limit, it leads to irrational decision-making, paranoia, and social instability. -/- Unchecked Anger and Conflict: Intense anger without regulation contributes to violence, political unrest, and societal fragmentation. -/- Despair and Apathy: Chronic negative emotions, such as depression and hopelessness, reduce individual productivity and can weaken societal resilience. -/- Examples of Emotional Duality in Decision-Making: -/- Public Health Responses: Balanced fear leads to precautionary health measures, while excessive panic results in chaos (e.g., misinformation-fueled reactions during pandemics). -/- Leadership and Governance: A compassionate leader fosters unity, while an authoritarian leader driven by anger and paranoia destabilizes societies. -/- Market Behavior: Optimistic investors drive economic growth, while fear-driven panic selling causes financial crashes. -/- Effects of Systemic Imbalances and Nature’s Automatic Correction -/- When human decisions disrupt equilibrium and corrective actions are not taken, nature enforces balance through forceful interventions. -/- Examples of Human-Induced Imbalances and Nature’s Response: -/- Healthcare Systems: Overuse of antibiotics results in drug-resistant bacteria, increasing disease severity and forcing new medical advancements. -/- Economic Systems: Financial bubbles burst, leading to recessions that correct speculative excesses. -/- Political Systems: Corrupt governance leads to revolutions, shifts in power, and societal restructuring. -/- Environmental Systems: Deforestation causes soil erosion and desertification, forcing human migrations and altering agriculture. -/- Overpopulation: Excessive growth strains resources, leading to food shortages, pandemics, and natural events that regulate population levels. -/- Urban Expansion: Overcrowding leads to declining infrastructure, pollution, and social conflicts, often prompting mass relocations and policy reforms. -/- Conclusion -/- Free will is not an arbitrary concept but a structured system governed by natural laws. By understanding the Universal Law of Balance in Nature, the Universal Feedback Loop Mechanism, and the Error-Free System, we can align human decisions with nature’s equilibrium. -/- Additionally, recognizing the evolution and duality of human emotions is essential for maintaining stability in personal and societal decision-making. If humanity fails to correct imbalances, nature will automatically restore equilibrium, often in ways that are catastrophic and beyond human control. -/- By integrating these principles into education, governance, and AI development, we pave the way for a rational, ethical, and self-correcting society. -/- . (shrink)

It has been argued that the explanation of self-control requires positing special motivational powers. Some think that we need will-power as an irreducible mental faculty; others that we need to think of the active self as a dedicated and depletable pool of psychic energy or – in today more respectable terminology – mental resources; finally, there is the idea that self-control requires postulating a deep division between reason and passion – a deliberative and an emotional motivational system. This essay argues (...) that no such special motivational powers are necessary. Yet, at the same time, self-control does powerfully illustrate the importance of a feature of the mind. What it illustrates, I argue, is the importance of the mental activity of attention in the control of all action. It is by appeal to this mental activity that we can dispense with special motivational powers. If we think of Humeanism as the view that there is fundamentally only one kind of motivational system and that all action is based in that system, then this essay contributes to a defense of Humeanism. On the other hand, the essay also shows that any model of agency in terms of only beliefs and desires, motivational and representational states, or preferences and credences is incomplete. A different conception of Humeanism as the view that every mental state is either motivational, representational, or a combination of them, is false. (shrink)

Previous research has demonstrated that upward counterfactuals generated in response to less-than-optimal outcomes on repeatable tasks are more motivating than are downward counterfactuals. In the present work, however, it was hypothesized that upward counterfactuals should only be motivating to the extent that one believes that improvement is generally attainable. By contrast, it was hypothesized that upward counterfactuals should actually diminish motivation and downward counterfactuals should enhance motivation to the extent that one believes that improvement is generally unattainable. In support of (...) these hypotheses, the results of two studies indicated that incremental theorists (who believe that intelligence-related abilities are malleable) displayed greater motivation and enhanced performance in response to upward as compared to downward counterfactuals, whereas entity theorists (who believe that intelligence-related abilities are fixed) displayed greater motivation and enhanced performance in response to downward as compared to upward counterfactuals. (shrink)

Objective: The purpose of this study was to compare the depression and resilience scores of children and adolescents with epilepsy and healthy controls. Furthermore, its purpose was to investigate whether resilience mediates the relationship between epilepsy and depression. -/- Methods: 100 children and adolescents (46 patients and 54 healthy controls) were included in the study. Questionnaire on sociodemographic data was administered to the all participants at the time of application to our center and all participants were asked to (...) complete the Anxiety and Depression Scale in Children-Revised (RCADS-CV) and Child and Adolescent Psychological Resilience Scale (CYRM-12). -/- Results: 46 epilepsy patients had higher RCADS-CV depression scores (P=0.008) and lower psychological resilience scores (P= 0.001) compared to the control group. Although there was a negative correlation between psychological resilience scores and RCADS-CV depression scores in epilepsy patients and the control group, this correlation was not statistically significant. -/- Conclusion: We found that children and adolescents with epilepsy had lower psychological resilience and higher depression symptoms compared to healthy controls. (shrink)

The received view about depression in the philosophical literature is that it is defined, in part, by epistemic irrationality. This status is undeserved. The received view does not fully reflect current clinical thinking and is motivated by an overly simplistic, if not false, account of depression’s phenomenal character. Equally attractive, if not more so, is a view that says depression can be instantiated either rationally or irrationally. This rival view faces challenges of its own: it appears to (...) entail that there are situations when not being depressed is rationally sub-optimal and that resilience to, and healthy coping strategies for avoiding, depression can be rationally remiss. I criticise an existing reply to these challenges before motivating a better one from the perspective of epistemic consequentialism. (shrink)

According to regulatory fit theory (Higgins, 2000), when people make decisions with strategies that sustain their regulatory focus orientation, they “feel right” about what they are doing, and this “feeling-right” experience then transfers to subsequent choices, decisions, and evaluations. The present research was designed to link the concept of regulatory fit to functional accounts of counterfactual thinking. In the present study, participants generated counterfactuals about their anagram performance, after which persistence on a second set of anagrams was measured. Under promotion (...) framing (i.e., find 90% or more of all the possible words) upward counterfactual thinking in general elicited larger increases in persistence than did downward counterfactual thinking in general, but under prevention framing (i.e., avoid failing to find 90% or more of all the possible words) upward evaluation (comparing reality to a better reality) elicited larger increases in persistence than did upward reflection (focusing on a better reality), whereas downward reflection (focusing on a worse reality) elicited larger increases in persistence than did downward evaluation (comparing reality to a worse reality). In all, the present findings suggest that the generation of counterfactuals enhances the likelihood that individuals will engage in courses of action that fit with their regulatory focus orientation. (shrink)

Three studies examined the motivational implications of thinking about how things could have been worse. It was hypothesized that when these downward counterfactuals yield negative affect, through consideration of the possibility of a negative outcome, motivation to change and improve would be increased (the wake-up call). When downward counterfactuals yield positive affect, through diminishing the impact of a potentially negative outcome, motivation to change and improve should be reduced (the Pangloss effect). Results from three studies supported these hypotheses. Studies 1 (...) and 2 showed that a manipulation of the counterfactual made about an investment influenced decisions toward that investment. Study 3 showed that students’ academic motivation was influenced by a manipulation of the type of downward counterfactual they made after an exam and that affect mediated the relationship between the counterfactual and motivation. (shrink)

The present research extends previous functional accounts of counterfactual thinking by incorporating the notion of reflective and evaluative processing. Participants generated counterfactuals about their anagram performance, after which their persistence and performance on a second set of anagrams was measured. Evaluative processing of upward counterfactuals elicited a larger increase in persistence and better performance than did reflective processing of upward counterfactuals, whereas reflective processing of downward counterfactuals elicited a larger increase in persistence and better performance than did evaluative processing of (...) downward counterfactuals. Moreover, path analyses indicated that whereas the relationship between counterfactual thinking and persistence was accounted for by emotional responses following upward and downward counterfactual generation, the relationship between counterfactual thinking and performance was accounted for by enhanced persistence following reflective processing of downward counterfactuals, but was accounted for by both enhanced persistence and strategic thinking following evaluative processing of upward counterfactuals. (shrink)

On the received view, counterfactuals are analysed using the concept of closeness between possible worlds: the counterfactual 'If it had been the case that p, then it would have been the case that q' is true at a world w just in case q is true at all the possible p-worlds closest to w. The degree of closeness between two worlds is usually thought to be determined by weighting different respects of similarity between them. The question I consider in the (...) paper is which weights attach to different respects of similarity. I start by considering Lewis's answer to the question and argue against it by presenting several counterexamples. I use the same examples to motivate a general principle about closeness: if a fact obtains in both of two worlds, then this similarity is relevant to the closeness between them if and only if the fact has the same explanation in the two worlds. I use this principle and some ideas of Lewis's to formulate a general account of counterfactuals, and I argue that this account can explain the asymmetry of counterfactual dependence. The paper concludes with a discussion of some examples that cannot be accommodated by the present version of the account and therefore necessitate further work on the details. (shrink)

First-person reports of Major Depressive Disorder reveal that when an individual becomes depressed a profound change or ‘shift’ to one’s conscious experience occurs. The depressed person reports that something fundamental to their experience has been disturbed or shifted; a change associated with the common but elusive claim that when depressed one finds oneself in a ‘different world’ detached from reality and other people. Existing attempts to utilise these phenomenological observations in a psychiatric context are challenged by the fact that this (...) experiential ‘shift’ characteristic of depression appears mysterious and resists analysis in scientific terms. This paper offers a way out of this predicament. The hypothesis proposed is that when an individual becomes depressed, the individual departs from a state of ordinary wakeful consciousness and enters a distinctive global state of consciousness akin to dreaming and the psychedelic state. After unpacking and motivating this hypothesis in the context of research in consciousness science, I outline two of its important implications for the neurobiology of depression and psychedelic psychiatry. The upshot is a promising and conceptually well-motivated hypothesis about depression which is apt for empirical uptake and development. (shrink)

Rational agents face choices, even when taking seriously the possibility of determinism. Rational agents also follow the advice of Causal Decision Theory (CDT). Although many take these claims to be well-motivated, there is growing pressure to reject one of them, as CDT seems to go badly wrong in some deterministic cases. We argue that deterministic cases do not undermine a counterfactual model of rational deliberation, which is characteristic of CDT. Rather, they force us to distinguish between counterfactuals that are relevant (...) and ones that are irrelevant for the purposes of deliberation. We incorporate this distinction into decision theory to develop ‘Selective Causal Decision Theory’, which delivers the correct recommendations in deterministic cases while respecting the key motivations behind CDT. (shrink)

To manage conflicts between temptation and commitment, people use self-control. The process model of self-control outlines different strategies for managing the onset and experience of temptation. However, little is known about the decision-making factors underlying strategy selection. Across three experiments (N = 317), we tested whether the moral valence of a commitment predicts how people advise attentional self-control strategies. In Experiments 1 and 2, people rated attentional focus strategies as significantly more effective for people tempted to break moral relative to (...) immoral commitments, even when controlling for perceived temptation and trait self-control. Experiment 3 showed that as people perceived commitments to have more positive moral valence, they judged attentional focus strategies to be significantly more effective relative to attentional distraction strategies. Moreover, this effect was partly mediated by perceived differences in motivation. These results indicate that moralization informs decision-making processes related to self-control strategy selection. (shrink)

Reflecting on the past is often a critical ingredient for successful learning. The current research investigated how counterfactual thinking, reflecting on how prior experiences might have been different, motivates effective learning from these previous experiences. Specifically, we explored how the structure of counterfactual reflection – their additive (‘‘If only I had”) versus subtractive (‘‘If only I had not”) nature – influences performance in dyadic-level strategic interactions. Building on the functionalist account of counterfactuals, we found across two experiments that generating additive (...) counterfactuals about a previous negotiation produced an advantage for negotiators over their previous performance compared to subtractive counterfactuals, both in terms of obtaining value for oneself and conceiving creative agreements. Additive counterfactuals enabled negotiators to more effectively extract lessons from past experiences to improve their current negotiation performance. (shrink)

I formulate a counterfactual version of the notorious 'Ramsey Test'. Whereas the Ramsey Test for indicative conditionals links credence in indicatives to conditional credences, the counterfactual version links credence in counterfactuals to expected conditional chance. I outline two forms: a Ramsey Identity on which the probability of the conditional should be identical to the corresponding conditional probabihty/expectation of chance; and a Ramsey Bound on which credence in the conditional should never exceed the latter.Even in the weaker, bound, form, the counterfactual (...) Ramsey Test makes counterfactuals subject to the very argument that Lewis used to argue against the indicative version of the Ramsey Test. I compare the assumptions needed to run each, pointing to assumptions about the time-evolution of chances that can replace the appeal to Bayesian assumptions about credence update in motivating the assumptions of the argument.I finish by outlining two reactions to the discussion: to indicativize the debate on counterfactuals; or to counterfactualize the debate on indicatives. (shrink)

Evaluating counterfactuals in worlds with deterministic laws poses a puzzle. In a wide array of cases, it does not seem plausible that if a non-actual event were to occur that either the past would be different or that the laws would be different. But it’s also difficult to see how we can avoid this result. Some philosophers have argued that we can avoid this dilemma by allowing that a proposition can be a law even though it has violations. On this (...) view, for the relevant cases, the past and the laws would still hold, but the laws would have a violation. In this paper, I raise a problem for the claim that the laws and the past are preserved for all of the relevant counterfactual antecedents. I further argue that this problem undermines motivating the possibility of violations on the grounds that they allow us to hold that the past and the laws are typically counterfactually preserved, even if they are not always preserved. (shrink)

Judgments of blame for others are typically sensitive to what an agent knows and desires. However, when people act negligently, they do not know what they are doing and do not desire the outcomes of their negligence. How, then, do people attribute blame for negligent wrongdoing? We propose that people attribute blame for negligent wrongdoing based on perceived mental control, or the degree to which an agent guides their thoughts and attention over time. To acquire information about others’ mental control, (...) people self-project their own perceived mental control to anchor third-personal judgments about mental control and concomitant responsibility for negligent wrongdoing. In four experiments (N = 841), we tested whether perceptions of mental control drive third-personal judgments of blame for negligent wrongdoing. Study 1 showed that the ease with which people can counterfactually imagine an individual being non-negligent mediated the relationship between judgments of control and blame. Studies 2a and 2b indicated that perceived mental control has a strong effect on judgments of blame for negligent wrongdoing and that first-personal judgments of mental control are moderately correlated with third-personal judgments of blame for negligent wrongdoing. Finally, we used an autobiographical memory manipulation in Study 3 to make personal episodes of forgetfulness salient. Participants for whom past personal episodes of forgetfulness were made salient judged negligent wrongdoers less harshly compared to a control group for whom past episodes of negligence were not salient. Collectively, these findings suggest that first-personal judgments of mental control drive third-personal judgments of blame for negligent wrongdoing and indicate a novel role for counterfactual thinking in the attribution of responsibility. (shrink)

In this paper, I address two related challenges the phenomenon of depression raises for conceptions according to which autonomy is an agency concept and an independent source of justification. The first challenge is directed at the claim that autonomous agency involves intending under the guise of the good: the robust though not always direct link between evaluation and motivation implied here seems to be severed in some instances of depression; yet, this does not seem to affect the possibility (...) of autonomous action. The second challenge targets the feasibility of a reliable distinction between autonomous and non-autonomous choices in the context of depression: value-neutral and value-laden ways of drawing the distinction seem both open to decisive objections. I develop an account of paradoxical identification which supports a revised value-neutral distinction between autonomous and non-autonomous choices in the context of depression (my response to challenge 2), and shows that depression is inconsistent with autonomy to the extent that it involves an agent’s (paradoxical) identification with projects she implicitly loathes, that is, to the extent that depression thwarts intending under the guise of the good (my response to challenge 1). (shrink)

I argue for a soft compatibilist theory of free will, i.e., such that free will is compatible with both determinism and indeterminism, directly opposite hard incompatibilism, which holds free will incompatible both with determinism and indeterminism. My intuitions in this book are primarily based on an analysis of meditation, but my arguments are highly syncretic, deriving from many fields, including behaviorism, psychology, conditioning and deconditioning theory, philosophy of language, philosophy of mind, simulation theory, etc. I offer a causal/functional analysis of (...) meta-mental control, or 'metacausality', cashed out in counterfactual terms, to solve what I call the easy problem of free will. (shrink)

Background: Rumination, a tendency to focus on negative self-related thoughts, is a central symptom of depression. Studying the self-related aspect of such symptoms is challenging because of the need to distinguish self effects from the emotional content of task stimuli. This study employed an emotionally neutral self-related paradigm to investigate possible altered self-processing in depression and its link to rumination. Methods: People with major depressive disorder (n = 25) and controls (n = 25) underwent task-based electro-encephalogram recording. We (...) studied late event-related potentials, along with low-frequency oscillatory power. We compared electroencephalogram metrics between groups and correlated them with depressive symptoms and reported rumination. Results: Participants with major depressive disorder displayed a difference in late positive potentials across frontocentral electrodes between self-related and non-self-related conditions. We found no such difference in controls. The magnitude of this difference was positively correlated with depressive symptoms and reported rumination. Participants with major depressive disorder also had elevated theta oscillation power at central electrodes in self-related conditions, a finding that we did not see in controls. Limitations: Patients with major depressive disorder were medicated at the time of the study. The group studied was primarily female, so the observed effects may have been sex-specific. Conclusion: Rumination appears to be linked to altered self-related processing in depression, independent of stimuli-related emotional confounds. This connection between self-related processing and depression may point to a self disorder as a core component of depression. (shrink)

According to Molinism, logically prior to his creative decree, God knows via middle knowledge the truth value of the counterfactuals or conditionals of creaturely freedom (CFs) and thus what any possible person would do in any given circumstance. Critics of Molinism have pointed out that the Molinist God gets lucky that the CFs allow him to actualize either a world of his liking or even a good-enough world at all. In this paper, I advance and strengthen the popular critique in (...) two ways. First, I specify the kind of luck to which God is subject, which is circumstantial moral luck. Second, and more importantly, I argue that exposure to this luck is problematic because something external to God and beyond his control determines the degree of praiseworthiness he deserves in relevant possible worlds. My main contention is that divine subjection to circumstantial moral luck raises the theoretical costs of Molinism. (shrink)

One of the main obstacles to the realization of intentions for future actions and to the successful pursuit of long-term goals is lack of self-control. But, what does it mean to engage in self-controlled behaviour? On a motivational construal of self-control, self-control involves resisting our competing temptations, impulses, and urges in order to do what we deem to be best. The conflict we face is between our better judgments or intentions and “hot” motivational forces that drive or compel us to (...) act in opposing ways. In contrast, on an executive construal of self-control, the emphasis is not on overcoming temptation, but on overriding or inhibiting “cold” automatically triggered routines and habits that are at odds with what we intend to do. Our general aim in this chapter is to contribute to the development of an overarching theory of self-control by exploring ways in which these two apparently competing frameworks can be reconciled. We propose that self-control is best understood as a hybrid set of skills. We draw on recent work on expert motor skill to highlight important ways in which experts differ from novices in the capacities they deploy and the ways in which they deploy them. We consider analogies (and disanalogies) between the domain of sports expertise and the domain of self-control. We end by considering how such a hybrid approach can help us reconcile a motivational and an executive approach to self-control. (shrink)

This study analyses the predictions of the General Theory of Relativity (GTR) against a slightly modified version of the standard central mass solution (Schwarzschild solution). It is applied to central gravity in the solar system, the Pioneer spacecraft anomalies (which GTR fails to predict correctly), and planetary orbit distances and times, etc (where GTR is thought consistent.) -/- The modified gravity equation was motivated by a theory originally called ‘TFP’ (Time Flow Physics, 2004). This is now replaced by the ‘Geometric (...) Model’, 2014 [20], which retains the same theory of gravity. This analysis is offered partially as supporting detail for the claim in [20] that the theory is realistic in the solar system and explains the Pioneer anomalies. The overall conclusion is that the model can claim to explain the Pioneer anomalies, contingent on the analysis being independently verified and duplicated of course. -/- However the interest lies beyond testing this theory. To start with, it gives us a realistic scale on which gravity might vary from the accepted theory, remain consistent with most solar-scale astronomical observations. It is found here that the modified gravity equation would appear consistent with GTR for most phenomena, but it would retard the Pioneer spacecraft by about the observed amount (15 seconds or so at time). Hence it is a possible explanation of this anomaly, which as far as I know remains unexplained now for 20 years. -/- It also shows what many philosophers of science have emphasized: the pivotal role of counterfactual reasoning. By putting forward an exact alternative solution, and working through the full explanation, we discover a surprising ‘counterfactual paradox’: the modified theory slightly weakens GTR gravity – and yet the effect is to slow down the Pioneer trajectory, making it appear as if gravity is stronger than GTR. The inference that “there must be some tiny extra force…” (Musser, 1998 [1]) is wrong: there is a second option: “…or there may be a slightly weaker form of gravity than GTR.” . (shrink)

Humean reductionism about laws of nature is the view that the laws reduce to the total distribution of non-modal or categorical properties in spacetime. A worry about Humean reductionism is that it cannot motivate the characteristic modal resilience of laws under counterfactual suppositions and that it thus generates wrong verdicts about certain nested counterfactuals. In this paper, we defend Humean reductionism by motivating an account of the modal resilience of Humean laws that gets nested counterfactuals right.

Desire theories of well-being claim that how well our life goes for us is solely determined by the fulfilment and frustration of our desires. Several writers have argued that these theories are incorrect because they fail to capture the harms of self-sacrifice and severe depression. In this paper, I argue that desire theories of well-being can account for the harm of both phenomena by rejecting proportionalism about desire and motivation. This is the view that desires always motivate proportionally to (...) their strength. If we reject this view, then we can explain the harm of many cases of self-sacrifice as arising when we act upon our weaker desires and thereby frustrate our stronger desires. Moreover, the harm of many cases of severe depression can be explained by its suppression of the motivational force of desires. This inevitably frustrates desires that we are left unmotivated to fulfil. I argue that this approach captures the experiential quality of self-sacrifice and severe depression better than rival views that seek to problematise these phenomena for desire theories of well-being. Moreover, these theories have sufficient conceptual resources to account for residual cases of self-sacrifice and severe depression that are less well explained by this approach. (shrink)

It is an important feature of creatures like us that our various motivations compete for control over our behaviour, including mental behaviour such as imagining and attending. In large part, this competition is adjudicated by the stimulation of affect — the intrinsically pleasant or unpleasant aspects of experience. In this paper I argue that the motivation-affect system controls a sub-type of attention called 'alerting attention' to bring various goals and stimuli to consciousness and thereby prioritize those contents for action. This (...) view allows me to flesh out the global workspace theory of consciousness, as well as some of the phenomenal characteristics of conscious experience. (shrink)

What is self-control and how does the concept of self-control relate to the notion of will-power? A widespread philosophical opinion has been that the notion of will-power does not add anything beyond what can be said using other motivational notions, such as strength of desire and intention. One exception is Richard Holton who, inspired by recent research in social psychology, has argued that will-power is a separate faculty needed for persisting in one's resolutions, what he calls 'strength of will'. However, (...) he distinguishes strength of will from self-control. In this paper I argue that will-power is essential also to a certain form of self-control. I support this claim by arguments showing that the traditional philosophical accounts of self-control run into difficulties because they pay insufficient attention to will-power as an independent source of motivation. (shrink)

Recent work by Kahan et al. (2017) on the psychology of motivated numeracy in the context of intracultural disagreement suggests that people are less likely to employ their capabilities when the evidence runs contrary to their political ideology. This research has so far been carried out primarily in the USA regarding the liberal–conservative divide over gun control regulation. In this paper, we present the results of a modified replication that included an active reasoning intervention with Western European participants regarding both (...) the hierarchy–egalitarianism and individualism–collectivism divides over immigration policy (n = 746; considerably less than the preregistration sample size). We reproduce the motivated numeracy effect, though we do not find evidence of increased polarization of high-numeracy participants. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The apparent consistency of Sobel sequences famously motivated David Lewis to defend a variably strict conditional semantics for counterfactuals. If Sophie had gone to the parade, she would have seen Pedro. If Sophie had gone to the parade and had been stuck behind someone tall, she would not have seen Pedro. But if the order of the counterfactuals in a Sobel sequence is reversed—in the example, if is asserted prior to —the second counterfactual asserted no longer rings true. This (...) is the Heim sequence problem. That the order of assertion makes this difference is surprising on the variably strict account. Some argue that this is reason to reject the Lewis-Stalnaker semantics outright. Others argue that the problem motivates a contextualist rendering of counterfactuals. Still others maintain that the explanation for the phenomenon is merely pragmatic. I argue that none of these is right, and I defend a novel way to understand the phenomenon. My proposal avoids the problems faced by the alternative analyses and enjoys independent support. There is, however, a difficulty for my view: it entails that many ordinarily accepted counterfactuals are not true. I argue that this cost is acceptable. (shrink)

von Fintel and Gillies : 329–360, 2007) have proposed a dynamic strict conditional account of counterfactuals as an alternative to the standard variably strict account due to Stalnaker and Lewis. Von Fintel’s view is motivated largely by so-called reverse Sobel sequences, about which the standard view seems to make the wrong predictions. More recently Moss :561–586, 2012) has offered a pragmatic/epistemic explanation that purports to explain the data without requiring abandonment of the standard view. So far the small amount of (...) subsequent literature has focused primarily on the original class of cases motivating the strict conditional view. What is needed in the debate is an examination of the predictions of the dynamic strict conditional account for a broader range of data. I undertake this task here, presenting a slew of cases that are problematic for the strict conditional view but not for Moss’s view, and considering some possible responses. Ultimately I take my contribution to constitute a significant blow to the dynamic strict conditional view, though not a decisive verdict against it. (shrink)

As the opening line of Dickens' classic novel suggests, it is very often the case that people can imagine both better and worse alternatives to their present reality. Although Dickens was writing about events that occurred over two centuries ago, it remains just as true today that we clearly live in neither the best nor the worst of possible worlds. For instance, we can wish for the amelioration of present difficulties in the Middle East yet still take comfort in the (...) fact that the threat of nuclear war has been greatly reduced since the end of the Cold War. On a more mundane level, it is easy for us to imagine how various aspects of our lives, such as our jobs, marriages, or physical fitness, could be both better and worse. Undoubtedly due to the pervasiveness and intrinsically fascinating qualities of this phenomenon of imagining alternatives to reality, there has been a veritable explosion of research in recent years on what have been termed mental simulation and counterfactual thinking processes. This chapter speculates upon and provides evidence for the antecedents and consequences of two types of counterfactuals: upward (it could have been better) and downward (it could have been worse). The importance of studying the antecedents and consequences of counterfactual direction lie in the differential structures, emotions, intentions, inferences, and behavioral consequences of upward versus downward counterfactual thinking. (shrink)

This article explores situational determinants and psychological consequences of counterfactual excuse-making - denying responsibility by declaring `I couldn’t have known.’ Participants who were made accountable for a stock investment decision that resulted in an outcome caused by unforeseeable circumstances were particularly likely to generate counterfactual excuses and, as a result, to deny responsibility for the outcome of their choices and minimize their perceptions of control over the decision process. The article discusses the implications of these findings for structuring accountability reporting (...) relationships in business and, more generally, stresses the benefits of counterfactual denials of responsibility for maintaining self-esteem and a desired self-identity. (shrink)

Some of the things we do intentionally we do halfheartedly. I develop and defend an account of halfheartedness with respect to action on which one is halfhearted with respect to an action A if one’s overall motivation to A is weak. This requires getting clear on what it is to have some level of overall motivation with respect to an action, and on what it means to say one’s overall motivation is weak or strong. After developing this account, I defend (...) the claim that one key functional expression of halfhearted action is the possession of impaired control over the action in question. Finally, I elucidate a puzzle that sometimes arises with respect to halfhearted action. The puzzle arises when an agent’s commitment in acting conflicts with an agent’s acceptance of poor performance. (shrink)

The truth about health care policy lies between two exaggerated views: a market view in which individuals purchase their own health care from profit maximizing health-care firms and a control view in which costs are controlled by regulations limiting which treatments health insurance will pay for. This essay suggests a way to avoid on the one hand the suffering, unfairness, and abandonment of solidarity entailed by the market view and, on the other hand, to diminish the inflexibility and inefficiency of (...) the control view. It suggests that the way to mitigate these problems is to recognize the malleability of motivation and the range of factors, in addition to financial incentives, that may influence the behavior of patients and especially physicians. (shrink)

The main goal of this paper is to investigate the relation between the meaning of a sentence and its truth conditions. We report on a comprehension experiment on counterfactual conditionals, based on a context in which a light is controlled by two switches. Our main finding is that the truth-conditionally equivalent clauses (i) "switch A or switch B is down" and (ii) "switch A and switch B are not both up" make different semantic contributions when embedded in a conditional antecedent. (...) Assuming compositionality, this means that (i) and (ii) differ in meaning, which implies that the meaning of a sentential clause cannot be identified with its truth conditions. We show that our data have a clear explanation in inquisitive semantics: in a conditional antecedent, (i) introduces two distinct assumptions, while (ii) introduces only one. Independently of the complications stemming from disjunctive antecedents, our results also challenge analyses of counterfactuals in terms of minimal change from the actual state of affairs: we show that such analyses cannot account for our findings, regardless of what changes are considered minimal. (shrink)

The two main features of this thesis are (i) an account of contextualized (context indexed) counterfactuals, and (ii) a non-vacuist account of counterpossibles. Experience tells us that the truth of the counterfactual is contingent on what is meant by the antecedent, which in turn rests on what context is assumed to underlie its reading (intended meaning). On most conditional analyses, only the world of evaluation and the antecedent determine which worlds are relevant to determining the truth of a conditional, and (...) consequently what its truth value is. But that results in the underlying context being fixed, when evaluating distinct counterfactuals with the same antecedent on any single occasion, even when the context underlying the evaluation of each counterfactual may vary. Alternative approaches go some of the way toward resolving this inadequacy by appealing to a difference in the consequents associated with counterfactuals with the same antecedent. That is, in addition to the world of evaluation and the antecedent, the consequent contributes to the counterfactual’s evaluation. But these alternative approaches nevertheless give a single, determinate truth value to any single conditional (same antecedent and consequent), despite the possibility that this value may vary with context. My reply to these shortcomings (chapter 4) takes the form of an analysis of a language that makes appropriate explicit access to the intended context available. That is, I give an account of a contextualized counterfactual of the form ‘In context C: If it were the case that … , then it would be the case that …’. Although my proposal is largely based on Lewis’ (1973, 1981) analyses of counterfactuals (the logic VW and its ordering semantics), it does not require that any particular logic of counterfactuals should serve as its basis – rather, it is a general prescription for contextualizing a conditional language. The advantage of working with ordering semantics stems from existing results (which I apply and develop) concerning the properties of ordering frames that facilitate fashioning and implementing a notion of contextual information preservation. Analyses of counterfactuals, such as Lewis’ (1973), that cash out the truth of counterfactuals in terms of the corresponding material conditional’s truth at possible worlds result in all counterpossibles being evaluated as vacuously true. This is because antecedents of counterpossibles are not true at any possible world, by definition. Such vacuist analyses have already been identified and challenged by a number of authors. I join this critical front, and drawing on existing proposals, I develop an impossible world semantics for a non-vacuist account of counterpossibles (chapter 5), by modifying the same system and semantics that serve the basis of the contextualized account offered in chapter 4, i.e. Lewis’ (1986) ordering semantics for the logic VW. I critically evaluate the advantages and disadvantages of key conditions on the ordering of worlds on the extended domain and show that there is a sense in which all of Lewis’ analysis of mere counterfactuals can be preserved, whilst offering an analysis of counterpossibles that meets our intuitions. The first part of chapter 1 consists of an outline of the usefulness of impossible worlds across philosophical analyses and logic. That outline in conjunction with a critical evaluation of Lewis’ logical arguments in favour of vacuism in chapter 2, and his marvellous mountain argument against impossible worlds in chapter 3, serves to motivate and justify the impossible world semantics for counterpossibles proposed in chapter 5. The second part of chapter 1 discusses the limitations that various conditional logics face when tasked to give an adequate treatment of the influence of context. That introductory discussion in conjunction with an overview of conditional logics and their various semantics in chapter 2 – which includes an in-depth exposition of Stalnaker-Lewis similarity semantics for counterfactuals – serves as the motivation and conceptual basis for the contextualized account of counterfactuals proposed in chapter 4. (shrink)