Recent work has explored the extent to which intercollegiate athletics even belong at the university or meet the university’s mission. Just as play seems evident in athletics, it is also present in music, art, and theater. While these programs are popular targets when discussing possible cuts, few question their legitimacy at the university. In this article I argue that the justification for retaining the extracurricular status of intercollegiate sports should be based on their being especially playful. Indeed, on the basis (...) of this argument, I suggest that universities offer even greater and wider access to sport through club and intramural sports. However, while athletics might appear to be more playful, I hold that there is substantially more play present in university music, art, and theater programs than there is in intercollegiate sports. (shrink)

This article argues, against contemporary experimentalist criticism, that conceptual analysis has epistemic value, with a structure that encourages the development of interesting hypotheses which are of the right form to be valuable in diverse areas of philosophy. The article shows, by analysis of the Gettier programme, that conceptual analysis shares the proofs and refutations form Lakatos identified in mathematics. Upon discovery of a counterexample, this structure aids the search for a replacement hypothesis. The search is guided by heuristics. The heuristics (...) of conceptual analysis are similar to those in other interesting areas of scholarship, and so hypotheses generated by it are of the right form to be applicable to diverse areas. The article shows that the explanationist criterion in epistemology was developed and applied in this way. The epistemic value of conceptual analysis is oblique because it contributes not towards the main purpose of conceptual analysis but towards the reliable development of epistemically valuable hypotheses in philosophy and scholarship. (shrink)

Traditionally, intuitions about cases have been taken as strong evidence for a philosophical position. I argue that intuitions about concept deployment have epistemic value while intuitions about matters of fact have none. I argue this by use of the explanationist criterion which contends that S is justified in believing only those propositions which are part of the best explanation of S’s making the judgements she makes. This criterion accords with scientific practice. Bealer suggests, as a defence of intuition, that naturalists (...) rely on intuition in their arguments against intuition and thus that their arguments are self-undermining. But beliefs based on intuitions about the application of concepts, like ‘justification’ and ‘theory,’ are epistemically justified by the explanationist criterion. It is only intuitions about matters of fact which are rejected. Thus, epistemically-respectable intuitions about concepts are used to undermine intuitions about metaphysics. There is nothing self-undermining about this. (shrink)

The field of iterated belief change has focused mainly on revision, with the other main operator of AGM belief change theory, i.e. contraction, receiving relatively little attention. In this paper we extend the Harper Identity from single-step change to define iterated contraction in terms of iterated revision. Specifically, just as the Harper Identity provides a recipe for defining the belief set resulting from contracting A in terms of (i) the initial belief set and (ii) the belief set resulting (...) from revision by ¬A, we look at ways to define the plausibility ordering over worlds resulting from contracting A in terms of (iii) the initial plausibility ordering, and (iv) the plausibility ordering resulting from revision by ¬A. After noting that the most straightforward such extension leads to a trivialisation of the space of permissible orderings, we provide a family of operators for combining plausibility orderings that avoid such a result. These operators are characterised in our domain of interest by a pair of intuitively compelling properties, which turn out to enable the derivation of a number of iterated contraction postulates from postulates for iterated revision. We finish by observing that a salient member of this family allows for the derivation of counterparts for contraction of some well known iterated revision operators, as well as for defining new iterated contraction operators. (shrink)

The aim of this workshop was to ask potential end-users of the citizens’ information pack on legal and ethical issues around ICTs the following questions: What is your knowledge of the EU’s General Data Protection Regulation, and what actions have you taken in response to these regulations? What challenges are you experiencing in ensuring the protection and security of your project data, and compliance with the GDPR, within existing data management processes/systems? What information/tools/resources do you need to overcome these (...) challenges? What are the best formats/channels for receiving, sharing and acting upon this information? What is the most appropriate structure/format for the citizens’ information pack? (shrink)

A. Klimczuk, Book review: S. Harper, K. Hamblin, International Handbook on Ageing and Public Policy, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK, Northampton, MA 2014 and R. Ervik, T.S. Lindén, The Making of Ageing Policy. Theory and Practice in Europe, Edward Elgar, Cheltenham, UK, Northampton, MA 2013., "Pol-int.org" 2017, https://www.pol-int.org/en/publications/international-handbook-ageing-and-public-policy#r5581.

Francis Collins had an impressive track record as a gene hunter (cystic fibrosis, neurofibromatosis, Huntington’s disease) when he was appointed Director of the Human Genome Project (HGP) in 1993. In June 2000, together with Craig Venter and President Bill Clinton, he presented the draft version of the human genome sequence to a worldwide audience during a famous press conference. And in 2009, President Barack Obama nominated him as director of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), the largest Tfunding agency for (...) biomedical research in the world. s The In 2006, Collins published his book The Language of God,3 an autobiographical account of the HGP and its scientific, historical, and societal significance, with special attention paid to the impact of the human sequence on the way we see our world and ourselves.4 Now, by way of a sequel, he has written The Language of Life. Wherea Language of God focused on the genome sequence of mankind in general, and on the HGP as a “revolution” in biomedicine, the new book, as indicated by its subtitle, is oriented towards “the revolution in personalized medicine”, the impact of the genomics revolution on the personal lives of individuals. Before subjecting Collins’ book to a closer reading, I first of all would like to explain how I will read it and from what perspective. Why is genomics in general, and the HGP and its aftermath in particular, a subject of interest to a philosopher like me? Why did I become interested in assessing the HGP and in studying the work and views of some of its key contributors? (shrink)

A collection of essays originally published in a special issue of Modern Asia Studies in March 2012, this volume comprises the interactions of various cultures including Singapore, Ladakh, Penang, and Istanbul. It also traces interactions over the sea and between various religious spaces. Businesses or inter-Asian joint-ventures are also included. Edited by professors of history, this book is a welcome addition to the scarce literature on transnational interactions within Asia.

Michael Crichton‟s latest novel Next (2006) is his third about genomics. Yet, whereas Jurassic Park (and its sequel The lost world) contained stories about sequencing, reconstructing and revivifying the genomes of (extinct) animals, Next analyses the impact of genomics in the biomedical sphere: its consequences for human life (health, labour, sexuality, family life). Gene patenting, and the philosophy of genetic determinism that inspired and legitimised this practice, is at the root of most of the soap-like absurdities Crichton stages in his (...) novel. (shrink)

A densely-packed critique of some current trends in semiotics.

Aristotle contrasts episteme and doxa through the key notions of universal and necessary. These notions have played a central role in Aristotle’s characterization of scientific knowledge in the previous chapters of APo. They are not spelled out in APo I.33, but work as a sort of reminder that packs an adequate characterization of scientific knowledge and thereby gives a highly specified context for Aristotle’s contrast between episteme and doxa. I will try to show that this context introduces a contrast in (...) terms of explanatory claims: on the one hand, episteme covers those claims which capture explanatory connections that are universal and necessary and thereby deliver scientific understanding; on the other hand, doxa covers the explanatory attempts that fail at doing so. (shrink)

Like a pack of cigarettes, a library’s philosophy section should have a warning label: “Something you learn here may ruin your life.” Only here can a flip through a book persuade someone to accept an idea without considering its repercussions. The bad side of philosophy that hardly anyone writes about, is that some philosophies cause people to become hobos. When I use the term ‘hobo’, I’m not referring to just any homeless person – that is, I’m not referring to (...) a handicapped person, an alcoholic, or someone else whose homeless situation is a result of his or her misfortune. Rather, by ‘hobo’, I’m specifically referring to a person who has lived by his or her philosophical convictions and is miserable as a result. No one wants his philosophy to lead him under a dark bridge somewhere, draped in a used sleeping bag, his only defense a rusty pocket knife. Rather, he wants the good life. But what is the good life? And how, you may ask, does all this tie into Epicureanism? -/- Around 300 BC, in Greece’s... (shrink)

In Go Set a Watchman, Harper Lee reveals that American man of integrity Atticus Finch harbors deep-seated racist beliefs. Bob Ewell, Finch's nemesis in To Kill a Mockingbird, harbors the same beliefs. But the two men live out their shared racist beliefs in dramatically different fashions. This article argues that extant dispositionalist accounts of belief lack the tools to accommodate Finch and Ewell's divergent styles of believing. It then draws on literary and philosophical character studies to construct the required (...) tools. (shrink)

The objective of this essay is to provide the beginning of a principled classification of some of the ways space is intelligently used. Studies of planning have typically focused on the temporal ordering of action, leaving as unaddressed questions of where to lay down instruments, ingredients, work-in-progress, and the like. But, in having a body, we are spatially located creatures: we must always be facing some direction, have only certain objects in view, be within reach of certain others. How we (...) manage the spatial arrangement of items around us is not an afterthought: it is an integral part of the way we think, plan, and behave. The proposed classification has three main categories: spatial arrangements that simplify choice; spatial arrangements that simplify perception; and spatial dynamics that simplify internal computation. The data for such a classification is drawn from videos of cooking, assembly and packing, everyday observations in supermarkets, workshops and playrooms, and experimental studies of subjects playing Tetris, the computer game. This study, therefore, focuses on interactive processes in the medium and short term: on how agents set up their workplace for particular tasks, and how they continuously manage that workplace. (shrink)

This essay makes the case for, in the phrase of Angelika Kratzer, packing the fruits of the study of rational decision-making into our semantics for deontic modals—specifically, for parametrizing the truth-condition of a deontic modal to things like decision problems and decision theories. Then it knocks it down. While the fundamental relation of the semantic theory must relate deontic modals to things like decision problems and theories, this semantic relation cannot be intelligibly understood as representing the conditions under which a (...) deontic modal is true. Rather it represents the conditions under which it is accepted by a semantically competent agent. This in turn motivates a reorientation of the whole of semantic theorizing, away from the truth-conditional paradigm, toward a form of Expressivism. (shrink)

Anandi Hattiangadi packs a lot of argument into this lucid, well-informed and lively examination of the meaning scepticism which Kripke ascribes to Wittgenstein. Her verdict on the success of the sceptical considerations is mixed. She concludes that they are sufficient to rule out all accounts of meaning and mental content proposed so far. But she believes that they fail to constitute, as Kripke supposed they did, a fully general argument against the possibility of meaning or content. Even though we are (...) not now in a position to specify facts in which meaning consists, the view that there are such facts, and more specifically that they satisfy the intuitive conception of meaning which she labels ‘semantic realism’, remains a live option. Moreover, given.. (shrink)

The role of causation and counterfactuals in causal decision theory is vexed and disputed. Recently, Brian Hedden (2023) argues that we should abandon causal decision theory in favour of an alternative: counterfactual decision theory. I argue that, pace Hedden, counterfactual decision theory is not a competitor to, but rather a version of, causal decision theory – the most popular version by far. I provide textual evidence that the founding fathers of causal decision theory (Stalnaker, Gibbard, Harper, Lewis, Skyrms, Sobel, (...) and Joyce) all endorse counterfactual decision theories. I additionally discuss why these theories came to be called ‘causal’, rather than ‘counterfactual’. And I argue that, properly understood, causal decision theory escapes Hedden's objections. (shrink)

Often when there is no attention to an object, there is no conscious perception of it either, leading some to conclude that conscious perception is an attentional phenomenon. There is a well-known perceptual phenomenon—visuo-spatial crowding, in which objects are too closely packed for attention to single out one of them. This article argues that there is a variant of crowding—what I call ‘‘identity-crowding’’—in which one can consciously see a thing despite failure of attention to it. This conclusion, together with new (...) evidence that attention to an object occurs in unconscious perception, suggests there may be a double dissociation between conscious perception of an object and attention to that object, constraining the extent to which consciousness can be constitutively attentional. The argument appeals to a comparison between the minimal resolution (or ‘‘grain’’) of object-attention and object-seeing. (shrink)

Johnston presents an argument for a form of immortality that divests the notion of any supernatural elements. The book is packed with illuminating philosophical reflection on the question of what we are, and what it is for us to persist over time.

The study was conducted to compare manual and computerized software techniques of data management and analysis in educational research. Specifically, the study investigated whether there was a significant difference in the results of Pearson correlation, independent t-test and ANOVA obtained from using manual and computerized software technique of data analyses. Three null hypotheses were formulated accordingly to guide the study. The study adopted a quasi-experimental research design where several data were generated by the researchers and analyzed using manual and computerized (...) software techniques. The data were generated to suit the required data of each statistical method of analysis. CASIO fx-991ES PLUS NATURAL DISPLAY scientific calculator and statistical tables were used for manual analysis; while data analysis tool pack of Microsoft Excel version 2013 were used for computerized software analysis. The results of the analysis revealed that both manual and computerized software techniques yielded the same results for Pearson correlation, independent t-test and ANOVA. It was concluded that though both manual and computerized techniques are reliable and dependable, computerized technique is faster and efficient in managing and analyzing data than manual technique. It was recommended, among other things, that any of the techniques should be used without fear when computing Pearson, independent t-test and one-way ANOVA as it is the same results that will be gotten. (shrink)

An underexamined insight of W. E. B. Du Bois’s John Brown is that John Brown worked for much of his life to cultivate democratic relationships with the Black Americans with and for whom he worked. Brown did so through practicing deference and deliberation, and by seeking authorization. However, Brown’s commitment to these practices faltered at a crucial moment in decision making: when he raided Harpers Ferry absent widespread support. Examining this aspect of John Brown brings into relief an overlooked tragic (...) choice Brown made: To act in accordance with his own substantive vision of what justice required, Brown eschewed democratic ideals and practices that grounded the distinctive relations of equality he had cultivated with the Black communities with and for whom he worked. (shrink)

This article proposes a way of doing type theory informally, assuming a cubical style of reasoning. It can thus be viewed as a first step toward a cubical alternative to the program of informalization of type theory carried out in the homotopy type theory book for dependent type theory augmented with axioms for univalence and higher inductive types. We adopt a cartesian cubical type theory proposed by Angiuli, Brunerie, Coquand, Favonia, Harper, and Licata as the implicit foundation, confining our (...) presentation to elementary results such as function extensionality, the derivation of weak connections and path induction, the groupoid structure of types, and the Eckmman–Hilton duality. (shrink)

After reviewing Kant’s well-known criticisms of the traditional proofs of God’s existence and his preferred moral argument, this paper presents a detailedanalysis of a densely-packed theistic argument in Religion within the Bounds of Bare Reason. Humanity’s ultimate moral destiny can be fulfilled only through organized religion, for only by participating in a religious community (or “church”) can we overcome the evil in human nature. Yet we cannot conceive how such a community can even be founded without presupposing God’s existence. Viewing (...) God as the internal moral lawgiver, empowering a community of believers, is Kant’s ultimate rationale for theistic belief. (shrink)

ABSTRACT. May scientists rely on substantive, a priori presuppositions? Quinean naturalists say "no," but Michael Friedman and others claim that such a view cannot be squared with the actual history of science. To make his case, Friedman offers Newton's universal law of gravitation and Einstein's theory of relativity as examples of admired theories that both employ presuppositions (usually of a mathematical nature), presuppositions that do not face empirical evidence directly. In fact, Friedman claims that the use of such presuppositions is (...) a hallmark of "science as we know it." But what should we say about the special sciences, which typically do not rely on the abstruse formalisms one finds in the exact sciences? I identify a type of a priori presupposition that plays an especially striking role in the development of empirical psychology. These are ontological presuppositions about the type of object a given science purports to study. I show how such presuppositions can be both a priori and rational by investigating their role in an early flap over psychology's contested status as a natural science. The flap focused on one of the field's earliest textbooks, William James's Principles of Psychology. The work was attacked precisely for its reliance on a priori presuppositions about what James had called the "mental state," psychology's (alleged) proper object. I argue that the specific presuppositions James packed into his definition of the "mental state" were not directly responsible to empirical evidence, and so in that sense were a priori; but the presuppositions were rational in that they were crafted to help overcome philosophical objections (championed by neo-Hegelians) to the very idea that there can be a genuine science of mind. Thus, my case study gives an example of substantive, a priori presuppositions being put to use—to rational use—in the special sciences. In addition to evaluating James's use of presuppositions, my paper also offers historical reflections on two different strands of pragmatist philosophy of science. One strand, tracing back through Quine to C. S. Peirce, is more naturalistic, eschewing the use of a priori elements in science. The other strand, tracing back through Kuhn and C. I. Lewis to James, is more friendly to such presuppositions, and to that extent bears affinity with the positivist tradition Friedman occupies. (shrink)

Slurs such as spic, slut, wetback, and whore are linguistic expressions that are primarily understood to derogate certain group members on the basis of their descriptive attributes and expressions of this kind have been considered to pack some of the nastiest punches natural language affords. Although prior scholarship on slurs has uncovered several important facts concerning their meaning and use –including that slurs are potentially offensive, are felicitously applied towards some targets yet not others, and are often flexibly used (...) not only derogatorily to convey offense towards out-group members but also non-derogatorily to convey affiliation with in-group members– the literature remains largely focused on slurs that typically target African Americans, male homosexuals, and sexually active females. Since no account of slurs that typically target Hispanics or Mexican-Americans has so far been proposed, here I offer the first systematic and empirically informed analysis of these that accounts for both their derogatory and appropriative use. Importantly, this article reviews over a dozen Spanish stereotypes and slurs and explains how the descriptive attributes involved in a stereotype associated with a slur can contribute to the predication of certain content in the application of that slur toward its target in context. This article further explains how the psychological effects of stereotype threat and stereotype lift can be initiated through the application of a relevant slur towards its target in context as well. -/- ----- -/- Las expresiones peyorativas tales como spic (‘spic’), slut (‘zorra’), wetback (‘espalda mojada’) y whore (‘puta’) son expresiones lingüísticas que se entienden principalmente para minusvalorar ciertos miembros de un grupo sobre la base de sus atributos descriptivos (como la raza o el sexo). Se ha considerado que las expresiones de este tipo conllevan algunos de los puñetazos más desagradables que el lenguaje natural puede proporcionar. Aunque la literatura especializada sobre expresiones peyorativas ha descubierto varios hechos importantes en cuanto a significado y uso –entre los que se incluyen que tales expresiones son potencialmente ofensivas, apuntan efectivamente hacia unos objetivos pero no hacia otros, y con frecuencia se utilizan con flexibilidad no sólo despectivamente para ofender a miembros por fuera de un grupo, sino que también de forma no despectiva para afiliar con miembros dentro de un mismo grupo–, tal literatura sigue centrada en gran medida en las expresiones peyorativas que típicamente apuntan contra los afroamericanos (nigger ‘negro’), los homosexuales varones (fagot ‘maricón’), y las mujeres sexualmente activas (slut ‘zorra’). En tanto que no se ha propuesto al momento dar cuenta de expresiones peyorativas dirigidas contra hispanos o mexicano-americanos, en este trabajo se ofrece el primer análisis sistemático y empíricamente informado de tales expresiones, tanto en sus usos despectivos y de apropiación. Es importante destacar que en este artículo se revisan más de una docena de estereotipos y expresiones peyorativas en español, además de explicar cómo los atributos descriptivos que participan de un estereotipo asociado con una difamación pueden contribuir a la predicación de determinados contenidos en la aplicación de esa expresión hacia su objetivo en contexto. Asimismo, en este artículo se explica cómo comienzan los efectos psicológicos de la amenaza estereotipada y el realce estereotipado cuando se emplea una expresión peyorativa relevante contra un objetivo en contexto. (shrink)

ABSTRACT The individual-community relationship has always been one of the most fundamental topics of social sciences. In sociology, this is known as the micro-macro relationship while in economics it refers to the processes, through which, individual actions lead to macroeconomic phenomena. Based on philosophical discourse and systems theory, many sociologists even use the term "emergence" in their understanding of micro-macro relationship, which refers to collective phenomena that are created by the cooperation of individuals, but cannot be reduced to individual actions. (...) "Emergence" theories attempt to explain the nature of society as a complex system by examining how individuals and their relationships lead to the creation of integrated and macro-social phenomena such as markets, educational systems, cultural beliefs, and shared social practices. As a prelude to activity, every researcher has to answer the question from the methodological point of view, how is it possible to study the behavior of social groups and how can we gain knowledge about the laws related to social groups? Anyone who deals with humanities and social sciences or any reality and phenomenon that affects human beings, inevitably deals with the reality that is emerging. In fact, emergence occurs when one level of reality emerges radically from another level. Examples of emergent levels of reality include how the mind emerges from the body; or the way society emerges from human beings. Therefore, when there is an emerging factor, different scientific disciplines should be used, because it is inevitable to talk about social affairs, psychology and neurobiology, as well as physical and even chemical. -/- INTRODUCTION Since its beginning in the 19th century, sociology has faced the fundamental question of what a social phenomena stands for? At a glance, sociologists deal with the study of social groups, collective behavior, institutions, social structures, social networks, and social dynamics, and ultimately all such phenomena are composed of individuals. Therefore, social phenomena seem to have no independent ontological status, and in this case, sociology is ultimately about reducible individuals. Different approaches about the micro-macro relationship, using the concept of "emergence", argue that although collective phenomena are created by individuals, they cannot be reduced to individual action. The term "emergence" is used to distinguish "emergent results" from " Procedural results". Results are called Procedural that can only be calculated by adding or subtracting the causes that act together. On the contrary, they are emergent outcomes that are qualitatively novel compared to the causes from which they originate. An example of such emergent results is mental characteristics that emerge from neural processes, but are not considered among the characteristics of neural processes of components - which are their origin. Philosophical debates about emergentism and reductionism focus on the mind-brain relationship, but as many philosophers have noted, they can be generalized to apply to any hierarchical set of features. The cognitive revolution reactivated a 19th century controversy between theorists of Identity and dualism. The theorists of Identity believe in reductionist materialism and elimination of metaphysics, according to which the mind is nothing more than the biological, while the dualists believe that the mind and the brain are distinct from each other. Emergence has been considered as a third way between the theories of Identity and dualism. -/- METHODOLOGY Interdisciplinarity Is fundamentally indicated by the dominance of open systems as well as social and emerging systems at different levels. Therefore, as long as we are facing a new emergentism, there will necessarily be different fields and an interdisciplinary method. The commonality of social sciences and cognitive sciences on the issue of emergence provides the possibility of interaction and exchange of concepts between these two for deeper research. Therefore, in this research, apart from the concepts of Subvenience and downward causation, we have used multiple realization and wildly disjunctive, which are used to explain the emerging concept in cognitive sciences, including neurobiology, psychology, and philosophy. For analytical and interdisciplinary approaches, after examining the concepts of subvenience, and wildly disjunctive, Individualistic and collectivist emergentism have been reviewed. And then their adequacy is criticized and evaluated in meeting strong emergence conditions. -/- FINDINGS Philosophers of the mind have been able to define the conditions of irreducibility and downward causation, which are essential for strong emergence, by using the principle of subvenience with the help of multiple realization and wildly disjunctive principles. Therefore, by definition, emergentist individualism suffers from the problem of how to explain downward causality and irreducibility, and emergentist collectivism faces the challenge of reification. The analysis of the challenges facing the two methodological approaches of individualism and collectivism leads us to three unresolved issues about the emerging phenomenon, which are realism, downward causality, and mechanism. Despite the differences in the stances of these two approaches regarding the aforementioned triple problems, individualists and collectivists both agree that some social characteristics are reducible; and some others are irreducible due to their complexity, the determination of which, depends on the case study of the mechanism of emergence of each social characteristic. -/- CONCLUSION An emergence that is consistent with reductionism is called a weak emergence. And strong emergence includes the principle of irreducibility and downward causality. According to strong emergence, the characteristics of social phenomena have downward causal power, which cannot be reduced to the causal forces. The principle of subvenience, together with multiple realization and wildly disjunctive, can provide the conditions of irreducibility and downward causality, which are essential conditions of strong emergence. Based on the philosophical analysis of two methodological approaches, individualist and collectivist, it can be concluded that emergentist individualism suffers from the problem of how to explain downward causality and irreducibility, and reification collectivism faces the challenge of reification. The analysis of the problems faced by these two approaches leads us to three unresolved issues, which are realism, downward causality, and mechanism. individualist emergentists acknowledge the existence of emergent social characteristics, but despite this, they believe that these characteristics are not real but merely analytical constructs that require explanation based on individuals and their mutual actions. But collectivists argue that emergentism yields a categorical ontology and supports social realism. They accept the dependence of social characteristics on individuals, but claim that social entities and structures are ontologically independent. Individualists and collectivists both agree that some social characteristics are reducible; and others are irreducible due to their complexity; and the only way to recognize this is to engage in empirical studies of the mechanisms and temporal processes of "emergence" that create social characteristics. -/- NOVELTY The newness of this compact article is as follows: a) Presenting an interdisciplinary approach using the analysis of philosophy of cognitive sciences, including the philosophy of mind, neurobiology and psychology to formulate the issue of social emergence; b) Criticizing individualist and collectivist methodological approaches to the issue of social emergence and explaining the sufficiency and shortcomings of both in providing weak and strong emerging conditions; c) Explaining and categorizing the challenges facing methodological approaches in explaining the phenomenon of social emergence, in three categories: realism, downward causality, and mechanism. BIBLIOGRAPHY Beckermann, A., Flohr, H., & Kim, J. (eds.) (1992). Emergence or reduction? Essays on the prospects of nonreductive physicalism. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Bhaskar, R. (1979). The possibility of Naturalism. New York: Routledge. Bhaskar, R., Danermark, B. & Price, L. (2018). Interdisciplinarity and wellbeing: A critical realist general theory of interdisciplinarity. London and New York: Routledge. Blau, P.M. (1981). Introduction: diverse views of social structure and their common denominator. In Blau, P.M. & Merton, R.K. (eds.), Continuity in Structural Inquiry (pp. 1–23). Beverly Hills: Sage. Blau, P.M. (1987). Microprocess and macrostructure. In K.S. Cook (ed.), Social Exchange Theory (pp. 83–100). Newbury Park, CA: Sage. Brooks, R.A., & Maes, P. (eds). (1994). Artificial life IV; proceedings of the Fourth International Workshop on the Synthesis and Simulation of Living Systems. Cambridge, Mass: MIT Press. Clark, A. (1997). Being there: Putting brain, body, and world together again. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press. Coleman, J. S. (1987). Microfoundations and macrosocial behavior. In: J. C. Alexander, B. Giesen, R. Munch, & Neil J. Smelser (Eds.). The Micro-Macro Link (pp. 153–73). Berkeley: University of California. Coleman, J. S. (1990). Foundations of social theory. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Elster, J. (1985). Making sense of Marx. New York: Cambridge University Press. Fodor, J.A. (1974). Special sciences (Or: The disunity of science as a working hypothesis). Synthese, 28(2), 97–115. Fodor, J.A. (1989). Making mind matter more. Philosophical Topics, 17, 59-79. Giddens, A. (1984). The constitution of society: Outline of the theory of structuration. Berkeley: University of California Press. Hempel, C.G. (1965). Aspects of scientific explanation and other essays in the philosophy of science. New York: The Free Press. Horgan, T. (1993). From supervenience to superdupervenience: meeting the demands of a material world. Mind, 102, 555-586. Humphreys, P. (1997). How properties emerge”. Philosophy of Science, 64, 1-17. Kim, J. (1999). Making sense of emergence. Philosophical Studies, 95, 3–36. Kincaid, H. (1997). Individualism and the unity of science. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. Lewis, D.K. (1986). The plurality of worlds. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Nigel, G., & Conte, R. (eds.) (1995). Artificial societies; The computer simulation of social life. London: UCL Press. O’Connor, T. (1994). Emergent properties. American Philosophical Quarterly, 31, 91-104. Popper, K.R. (1968). Conjectures and refutations: The Growth of Scientific Knowledge. New York: Harper & Row. Sawyer, R. K. (2001). Emergence in sociology: contemporary philosophy of mind and some implications for sociological theory. American Journal of Sociology, 107, 551-585. Sawyer, R. K. (2004). The mechanisms of emergence. Philosophy of the Social Sciences, 34, 260–282. Sawyer, R. K. (2005). Social emergence: societies as complex systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sawyer, R.K. (2003). Nonreductive individualism: Part 2, Social causation. Philosophy of the Social Sciences, 33, 203–224. Winch, P. (1993). The idea of a social science and its relation to philosophy‭ (SAMT, Trans.). Tehran, Iran: SAMT. (shrink)

The problem of plant individuality is something which has vexed botanists throughout the ages, with fashion swinging back and forth from treating plants as communities of individuals (Darwin 1800 ; Braun and Stone 1853 ; Münch 1938 ) to treating them as organisms in their own right, and although the latter view has dominated mainstream thought most recently (Harper 1977 ; Cook 1985 ; Ariew and Lewontin 2004 ), a lively debate conducted mostly in Scandinavian journals proves that the (...) issues are far from being resolved (Tuomi and Vuorisalo 1989b ; Fagerström 1992 ; Pan and Price 2001 ). In this paper I settle the matter once and for all, by showing which elements of each side are correct. (shrink)

ICTs, personal data, digital rights, the GDPR, data privacy, online security… these terms, and the concepts behind them, are increasingly common in our lives. Some of us may be familiar with them, but others are less aware of the growing role of ICTs and data in our lives - and the potential risks this creates. These risks are even more pronounced for vulnerable groups in society. People can be vulnerable in different, often overlapping, ways, which place them at a disadvantage (...) to the majority of citizens; Table 3 in this guide presents some of the many forms and causes of vulnerability. As a result, vulnerable people need greater support to navigate the digital world, and to ensure that they are able to exercise their rights. This guide explains where such support can be found, and also answers the following questions: - What are the main ethical and legal issues around ICTs for vulnerable citizens? - Who is vulnerable in Europe? - How do issues around ICTs affect vulnerable people in particular? This guide is a resource for members of vulnerable groups, people who work with vulnerable groups, and citizens more broadly. It is also useful for data controllers1 who collect data about vulnerable citizens. While focused on citizens in Europe, it may be of interest to people in other parts of the world. It forms part of the Citizens’ Information Pack produced by the PANELFIT project, and is available in English, French, German, Italian and Spanish. You are welcome to translate this guide into other languages. Please send us a link to online versions in other languages, so that we can add them to the project website. (shrink)

Over the past two decades, gamblers have begun taking mathematics into account more seriously than ever before. While probability theory is the only rigorous theory modeling the uncertainty, even though in idealized conditions, numerical probabilities are viewed not only as mere mathematical information, but also as a decision-making criterion, especially in gambling. This book presents the mathematics underlying the major games of chance and provides a precise account of the odds associated with all gaming events. It begins by explaining in (...) simple terms the meaning of the concept of probability for the layman and goes on to become an enlightening journey through the mathematics of chance, randomness and risk. It then continues with the basics of discrete probability, combinatorics and counting arguments for those interested in the supporting mathematics. These mathematic sections may be skipped by readers who do not have a minimal background in mathematics; these readers can skip directly to the Guide to Numerical Results to pick the odds and recommendations they need for the desired gaming situation. Doing so is possible due to the organization of that chapter, in which the results are listed at the end of each section, mostly in the form of tables. The chapter titled The Mathematics of Games of Chance presents these games not only as a good application field for probability theory, but also in terms of human actions where probability-based strategies can be tried to achieve favorable results. Through suggestive examples, the reader can see what are the experiments, events and probability fields in games of chance and how probability calculus works there. The main portion of this work is a collection of probability results for each type of game. Each game s section is packed with formulas and tables. Each section also contains a description of the game, a classification of the gaming events and the applicable probability calculations. The primary goal of this work is to allow the reader to quickly find the odds for a specific gaming situation, in order to improve his or her betting/gaming decisions. Every type of gaming event is tabulated in a logical, consistent and comprehensive manner. The complete methodology and complete or partial calculations are shown to teach players how to calculate probability for any situation, for every stage of the game for any game. Here, readers can find the real odds, returned by precise mathematical formulas and not by partial simulations that most software uses. Collections of odds are presented, as well as strategic recommendations based on those odds, where necessary, for each type of gaming situation. The book contains much new and original material that has not been published previously and provides great coverage of probabilities for the following games of chance: Dice, Slots, Roulette, Baccarat, Blackjack, Texas Hold em Poker, Lottery and Sport Bets. Most of games of chance are predisposed to probability-based decisions. This is why the approach is not an exclusively statistical one, but analytical: every gaming event is taken as an individual applied probability problem to solve. A special chapter defines the probability-based strategy and mathematically shows why such strategy is theoretically optimal.". (shrink)

Analogical reminding in humans and machines is a great source for chance discoveries because analogical reminding can produce representational change and thereby produce insights. Here, we present a new kind of representational change associated with analogical reminding called packing. We derived the algorithm in part from human data we have on packing. Here, we explain packing and its role in analogy making, and then present a computer model of packing in a micro-domain. We conclude that packing is likely used in (...) human chance discoveries, and is needed if our machines are to make their own chance discoveries. (shrink)

Fifty years have passed since Norwood Russell Hanson's unexpected death, yet he remains an important voice in philosophy of science. This book is a revised and expanded edition of a collection of Hanson's essays originally published in 1971, edited by Stephen Toulmin and Harry Woolf. The new volume features a comprehensive introduction by Matthew Lund (Rowan University) and two new essays. The first is "Observation and Explanation: A Guide to Philosophy of Science", originally published as a posthumous book by (...) class='Hi'>Harper and Row. This essay, written near the end of Hanson’s life, represents his mature philosophy of science. The second new addition, Hanson's essay "The Trial of Galileo", is something of a "lost" work – it was only published in a small run collection on famous trials and was left out of the published lists of Hanson’s works. Ever the outspoken firebrand, Hanson found many lessons and warnings from Galileo's trial that were relevant to Cold War America. -/- This volume not only contains Hanson's best-known work in history and philosophy of science, but also highlights the breadth of his philosophical thought. Hanson balanced extreme versatility with a unified approach to conceptual and philosophical problems. Hanson's central insight is that philosophy and science both strive to render the world intelligible -- the various concepts central to our attempts to make sense of the world are interdependent, and cannot operate, or even be fully understood, independently. The essays included in this collection present Hanson's thinking on religious belief, theory, observation, meaning, cosmology, modality, logic, and philosophy of mind. This collection also includes Hanson's lectures on the theory of flight, Hanson's greatest passion. (shrink)

This study was aimed at examining “practicum exercise and the attitudes of pre-service educational administrators in Cross River State.” Pre-administrators’ attitudes were assessed in the area of self-discipline, time management, and record keeping. Three null hypotheses formulated offered direction to the study. The study adopted a quasi-experimental research design. Pre-service administrators with practicum experience were the experimental group while those without practicum experience were the control group. Cluster and simple random sampling techniques were adopted in selecting 60 final year students (...) and 60 year three students or its equivalent out of a population of 220 final year and 208 year three students or its equivalent, from both NUC and CES programmes respectively. The instrument used for data collection was Practicum Exercise, Study Habits, and Record-Keeping Abilities Questionnaire (PESDTMARKAQ). Independent t-test was used to test the null hypotheses at .05 level of significance using Microsoft Excel 2013 Data analysis tool pack. The results of the study showed that practicum exercise had no effect on pre-service administrators’ self-discipline and record keeping attitudes; Practicum exercise was found to affect time management attitudes of pre-service educational administrators. Based on these findings, it was recommended among several others that; pre-service administrators with practicum experience should make efforts to develop the level of their self-discipline by enacting and obeying personal policies that are favorable to their academic growth and progress. Keywords:. (shrink)

On what conditions, if it all possible, can Christianity be life-affirming in line with the general schema outlined throughout Nietzsche's wide-ranging corpus? Through a post-modern interpretation of Christ as OverMan of course. Pack your crosses and your pentagrams and buckle up for this visual transmission of my most recent brainchild.

SOCIOLOGIA: TRANSFORMAÇÕES SOCIAIS E POLÍTICAS -/- SOCIOLOGY: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS -/- Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva – IFPE-BJ, CAP-UFPE e UFRPE - [email protected] e [email protected] e WhatsApp:(82)98143-8399 -/- -/- 1. PREMISSA -/- Muitas foram as transformações sociais e políticas vividas em nossa sociedade. Algumas foram violentas e transformaram radicalmente as sociedades. Outras levaram à independência do jugo colonial ou neocolonial. Há também aquelas que brotaram de acordos entre classes dominantes ou que se constituíram movimentos liderados pela burguesia ascendente. -/- (...) Merecem destaque aquelas que eclodiram no século XX, consideradas populares por terem registrado significativa participação do povo nos países onde ocorreram. -/- 2. TRANSFORMAÇÕES LENTAS E GRADUAIS -/- As transformações em algumas sociedades foram lentas e graduais, permeadas por acordos, conciliações, reformas. Em alguns momentos houve até atos violentos, coordenados por quem estava no poder e sempre em acordo com as novas classes dominantes e os grupos mais poderosos dos momentos históricos precedentes. -/- São exemplos desse tipo de mudança social o que aconteceu na Inglaterra, no Japão e na Alemanha. -/- A Revolução Inglesa foi um movimento em que uma parcela dos senhores de terras e comerciantes se insurgiu contra o poder absoluto do rei e de seus associados (principalmente a nobreza e o clero, que nada produziam). Iniciada em 1642, tinha como objetivo limitar e condicionar esse poder a determinadas funções, impedindo o controle do comércio e da indústria e a criação de impostos pelo rei sem autorização do Parlamento. Após prolongado conflito civil, as forças políticas que lutavam contra o absolutismo derrubaram a monarquia, em 1649, e proclamaram a república. Esse movimento tornou possível a eliminação dos últimos laços que prendiam os ingleses a uma sociedade feudal. -/- A monarquia foi restaurada em 1660, mas o rei e os nobres perderam os poderes anteriores. O Parlamento havia adquirido força política e dividia o poder com a monarquia. Era o grande passo para que o mercantilismo se expandisse e, como consequência, o processo de industrialização se desenvolvesse a partir do século seguinte. O fundamental nesse processo foi a implantação de uma série de direitos que hoje são considerados universais. Mas foi um movimento em um único país e alterou substancialmente a situação apenas em uma sociedade. Só posteriormente teve repercussão maior. -/- A Inglaterra pode ser considerada o paradigma das transformações lentas e graduais mesmo tendo passado por algumas revoltas e irrupções políticas, uma vez que conseguiu manter a monarquia e também um sistema político e jurídico estável por muito tempo. -/- Pode-se dizer que a Revolução Inglesa é resultado de um acordo entre as várias classes dominantes existentes. Constituiu-se, assim, uma integração cultural em torno da ideia de nacionalidade. -/- Na Alemanha e no Japão também aconteceram mudanças políticas decorrentes de um pacto social entre as classes dominantes: os grandes proprietários de terras e a burguesia industrial e comercial emergente. Mesmo com as características próprias de cada país, o que houve foram alterações políticas e econômicas necessárias para o desenvolvimento de sociedades industriais modernas. Apesar de mudanças significativas nos processos e nas relações de produção, houve poucas alterações na estrutura do Estado e os detentores do poder político continuaram os mesmos. Assim, os proprietários da terra não perderam sua fonte de poder e continuaram conduzindo de forma compartilhada com a nova burguesia os destinos do Estado nacional. -/- No Japão, o período entre o início do século XVII até a segunda metade do século XIX (1600-1868) foi marcado por um governo autoritário assentado sobre a grande propriedade rural feudal. Esse período ficou conhecido como Era Xogunato Tokugawa, família que tinha apoio dos famosos guerreiros samurais. A chamada Revolução ou Restauração Meiji refere-se ao período de renovações políticas, religiosas e sociais profundas que ocorreram no Japão entre 1868 e 1900. É também chamado de “Renovação”, já que transformou o Império japonês num estado-nação moderno, o que levou o país a entrar na corrida imperialista do século XIX, principalmente na Ásia, tendo como fundamento o domínio econômico e o expansionismo militar. Essa reforma propriamente dita, apesar de ter assistido a revoltas e batalhas, não resultou na abolição das relações de produção no campo nem na derrubada da monarquia absoluta. Nesse contexto é que os antigos samurais e a pequena nobreza, composta de classes instruídas e já comandantes da burocracia estatal e de parte do exército, passam a ser uma força significativa no Estado japonês. Pode-se dizer, portanto, que houve uma “revolução conservadora” ou apenas uma conciliação de interesses e objetivos que visava manter os mesmos grupos e classes no comando das ações do Estado. Somente depois do fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945) é que se iniciou no Japão a reforma agrária, o que alterou profundamente a estrutura de propriedade da terra. -/- Na Alemanha, as mudanças passaram pelo processo de unificação de muitas unidades políticas, territoriais e culturais. A Alemanha de hoje é fruto de vários movimentos militares, políticos e culturais. Entre 1860 e 1871, foram incorporados novos territórios, demonstrando a força dos exércitos da Prússia – antigo Estado que fazia parte da então Alemanha pré-unificação –, concomitante à ideia de um inimigo externo e comum a todos que desejavam a unificação. Como consequência dessas necessidades, perpetrou-se guerra contra a Dinamarca, depois contra a Áustria e, finalmente, contra a França, em 1870, o que concorreu para o aumento do território. -/- Com a vitória na Guerra Franco-Prussiana, em 1870, a Prússia conseguiu unificar a Alemanha. O rei Guilherme I foi coroado kaiser (imperador) da Alemanha e considerado o líder máximo do país. Mas, mesmo quando o Império alemão se constituiu como tal, ainda existiam 22 estruturas políticas e territoriais diferenciadas, como principados, ducados, grão -ducados, grandes reinos (como os da Baviera e da Prússia) e até cidades livres (como Bremen e Hamburgo). -/- Apenas depois de 1870 foram possíveis a unificação nacional e a transformação da Alemanha em um país industrializado e desenvolvido, uma vez que, além das questões militares, houve outras ações urgentes para que a união se efetivasse. Otto von Bismarck – chefe de governo que estava à frente do processo de unificação alemã e uma das figuras mais proeminentes da política europeia do século XIX – desenvolveu um intenso projeto educacional que incluía um programa curricular unificado, no qual a língua alemã era obrigatória. Além disso, passaram a ser produzidas histórias da nação germânica atreladas a uma formação religiosa protestante única, cujo objetivo era unir a língua, a história e a religião e identificá-las com o povo alemão, rejeitando a diversidade e postulando a falsa ideia de uma unidade alemã indissolúvel e harmônica. -/- Assim, o pacto político orquestrado no interior dos Estados nacionais alemão e japonês aprofundou os laços políticos entre os grandes proprietários de terras e a burguesia, excluindo os operários e os camponeses do direito pleno à democracia e à cidadania, bem como ao acesso à terra. A burguesia não tinha poder para fazer a transformação, e os grandes proprietários não tinham como manter as coisas como estavam. Esse processo de modernização conservadora conduziu esses países à formação de uma sociedade industrial modernizada, mas cuja estrutura política se manteve conservadora. -/- 3. REVOLUÇÕES E MOVIMENTOS ANTICOLONIAIS -/- O rompimento com os laços coloniais também configura um conjunto de movimentos em prol de mudanças sociais. Mais do que isso: como resultado de profundas conscientizações políticas por parte de populações historicamente exploradas e segregadas, esses movimentos anticoloniais estabelecem de modo bastante peculiar um novo patamar para o conceito de revolução. -/- 3.1 Revoluções no continente americano pela independência -/- A Revolução Americana, ocorrida em 1776, caracterizou-se como uma luta contra o colonialismo inglês. O movimento teve grande repercussão, principalmente nos países da América Latina, pois provocou o rompimento dos laços coloniais. Teve influência significativa também por pregar a liberdade individual como um dos pilares da sociedade que se formara na América do Norte. -/- O Boston Tea Party foi um protesto de colonos ingleses considerado fundamental para a deflagração da Revolução Americana, o movimento de independência dos Estados Unidos. -/- Na América do Sul, Simón Bolívar foi sumamente decisivo para a conquista da independência da Venezuela, proclamada em 1811, mas só consumada com a tomada de Caracas e outras regiões de importância estratégica que permaneciam até 1821 sob domínio da coroa espanhola. -/- A maioria dos países da América Latina e do Caribe, seguindo o exemplo do que havia acontecido nos Estados Unidos e sob influência da Revolução Francesa, iniciou as lutas pela independência no início do século XIX, cujos desdobramentos se estenderam até 1820, aproximadamente. Foram necessárias muitas batalhas para que a Espanha aceitasse os termos de independência desses países. Após a emancipação, os países se organizaram politicamente na forma de repúblicas, abolindo a escravidão e o trabalho servil. -/- O Brasil, antiga colônia portuguesa, foi o único país que manteve a monarquia e a escravidão. Com o fim dos laços coloniais, os países que obtiveram a liberdade política assumiram uma nova forma de dependência econômica, agora em relação à Inglaterra, posto que o interesse do capitalismo britânico era conseguir manter o fornecimento de matérias-primas e ampliar o consumo de seus produtos manufaturados em território latino-americano. -/- 3.2 Independência das colônias no século XX -/- A segunda fase do processo de descolonização desenvolveu-se no contexto do neocolonialismo, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial e até a última parte do século XX. Os palcos principais foram a África e a Ásia. -/- O continente africano, no final do século XIX, tinha sido loteado pelos países europeus (com exceção de Portugal, que possuía colônias desde o século XVI), que buscavam matérias-primas para o desenvolvimento de suas indústrias e ampliação do mercado consumidor para os seus produtos manufaturados. Assim, a maior parte das estruturas políticas tribais foi sendo gradativamente destruída, bem como as formas de vida e de produção existentes. -/- Após o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, em 1945, muitos povos africanos se organizaram e passaram a lutar por sua independência, criando, assim, uma série de novos países. -/- A independência, no entanto, não significou autonomia, uma vez que os novos países surgidos após a descolonização enfrentaram problemas para promover o desenvolvimento econômico e social. As heranças deixadas pelos colonizadores, representadas tanto por uma economia sempre dependente do exterior, exportadora de matéria-prima e importadora de gêneros de primeira necessidade quanto pelo baixo nível educacional e técnico da população, impediram os projetos de desenvolvimento e provocaram a continuidade da dependência através do endividamento, mantendo esses países subordinados aos interesses das antigas metrópoles. -/- Na Ásia, alguns países obtiveram sua independência mediante lutas ou acordos com as potências colonizadoras. Aqueles que foram invadidos durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial pelo Japão aproveitaram, depois da derrota nipônica em 1945, para iniciar ou retomar os vários movimentos pela independência. Do mesmo modo, o Vietnã, o Laos e o Camboja se tornaram independentes da França, e a Indonésia, da Holanda. Em alguns casos, houve acordo, como a Malásia e Cingapura, que conseguiram a independência da Inglaterra nos anos de 1957 e 1965, respectivamente. -/- O caso da Índia – emblemático – reúne movimentos por independência e acordos com o país colonizador. A presença dos ingleses na Índia data do século XVII e foi se ampliando com o tempo. A dominação foi facilitada pela inexistência de um governo centralizado e também pela diversidade religiosa e de castas, o que não contribuía para uma visão de unidade nacional. -/- Em 1920, logo após o término da Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), surgiram movimentos pela independência, os quais, ao final da Segunda Guerra, quando o declínio do poder econômico e militar da Inglaterra ficou evidente, foram muito bem -sucedidos em suas lutas. Assim, a dominação na Índia não pôde ser mantida e em 1947 os ingleses reconheceram a independência indiana, que, em função das rivalidades religiosas, deu origem à União Indiana, com maioria hinduísta, e à Liga Muçulmana, com maioria islâmica, que veio a constituir o Paquistão (Ocidental e Oriental). O Ceilão, de maioria budista, tornava-se também independente, passando a ilha a se denominar Sri-Lanka. Posteriormente, o Paquistão Oriental se tornou o atual Bangladesh. -/- 4. REVOLUÇÕES RADICAIS E POPULARES -/- Muitas foram as revoluções radicais e populares. Aqui será abordada apenas a Revolução Francesa. -/- 4.1 Revolução Francesa -/- A Revolução Francesa eclodiu em 1789 como um movimento contrário ao poder monárquico e aos resquícios do feudalismo na França. Foi exemplo para a luta em várias nações do mundo ocidental contra os regimes absolutistas e pela eliminação da monarquia, uma vez que essas formas e sistemas de governo significavam opressão à maioria da população. -/- Além disso, com a revolução foi alterada profundamente a estrutura da propriedade rural, eliminando entraves para o desenvolvimento de uma nova sociedade. Entretanto, o fato mais importante foi que os revolucionários lutaram em nome das pessoas (apesar de não incluir as mulheres), e não só dos franceses, o que transformou o movimento em paradigma das revoluções posteriores. -/- 5. REVOLUÇÕES POLÍTICAS NO SÉCULO XX -/- No século XX ocorreram várias experiências revolucionárias. Entretanto, foram poucas as que envolveram os mais explorados e, portanto, a maioria da sociedade. Duas delas serão aqui tratadas. -/- 5.1 Revolução Mexicana -/- A Revolução Mexicana começou em 1910 e foi uma resposta dos explorados no campo e nas cidades a uma situação insustentável de desigualdade e de exploração. Havia no México uma grande desigualdade social: 1% da população possuía 97% das terras, o que gerava uma situação de exploração e miséria muito grande. -/- Três grandes grupos, representando classes sociais diferentes, participaram do movimento: o dos camponeses, que eram a maioria (seus líderes mais conhecidos foram Pancho Villa no norte e Emiliano Zapata no sul); o dos trabalhadores urbanos organizados em torno da Casa del Obrero Mundial (COM), de orientação inicialmente anarquista; e o da burguesia urbana e rural, liderada por Francisco Madero. Os camponeses exigiam o fim da concentração e a redistribuição das terras. A burguesia dissidente exigia que fossem definidas regras claras sobre as eleições para que se implantasse uma democracia de tipo liberal. Os trabalhadores urbanos, por sua vez, que não tinham nenhum direito nem liberdade de expressão e reunião, exigiam direitos garantidos pela Constituição. -/- O movimento estendeu-se até 1917, quando foi promulgada uma nova Constituição para o México. Várias reivindicações dos camponeses foram atendidas, mas todas sob o controle do Estado. Grandes propriedades, principalmente as da Igreja, foram expropriadas e repartidas. Possibilitou-se a manutenção das terras comunais na forma de cooperativas, mas a reforma agrária (divisão dos latifúndios) propriamente dita não foi realizada e a restituição das terras usurpadas não se efetivou. Assim, os camponeses pouco tiveram a comemorar. -/- Aos trabalhadores urbanos garantiu-se uma série de novos direitos, como jornada máxima de oito horas e a regulamentação do trabalho das mulheres e de menores, do trabalho noturno, do repouso semanal, das férias e das horas extras. Além disso, foram regulamentados a liberdade de organização sindical e o direito à greve, entre outros direitos. -/- A burguesia industrial, os banqueiros, os grandes comerciantes e proprietários de terras, em nome da “revolução mexicana”, constituíram o Partido Revolucionário Institucional (PRI), que se manteve no poder de 1929 até 2000. -/- 5.2 Revolução Russa -/- Enquanto os mexicanos conquistavam sua Constituição, na Rússia a sociedade fervilhava. A maior parte dos russos, tanto no campo como na cidade, vivia em condições precárias e, desde 1905, lutava pela construção de uma nova ordem social. -/- A Revolução Russa de 1917 começou com a derrubada do czar, em fevereiro, e culminou com a tomada do poder pelos bolcheviques, liderados por Vladimir Ilitch Ulianov, o Lênin, e por Leon Trotsky, em outubro. O movimento teve como base os trabalhadores urbanos e os soldados. -/- Os revolucionários organizavam-se em conselhos populares que expressavam a proposta de uma sociedade que se orientasse pela vontade da maioria. Esses conselhos populares eram chamados de sovietes e constituíram o fato mais inovador da revolução. -/- Após a tomada do poder, com a constituição de uma nova estrutura estatal, os sovietes perderam pouco a pouco sua força. O termo, no entanto, ficou gravado no nome da unidade política e nacional formada em consequência da revolução: República Soviética. -/- A situação na Rússia, que era terrível por causa da Primeira Guerra Mundial, tornou-se ainda pior no período de afirmação da revolução. Mesmo assim, a propriedade privada foi extinta e procurou-se alterar a estrutura estatal e de serviços, como a educação, a saúde, o transporte ferroviário e o sistema bancário. A grande dificuldade foi mudar a estrutura da propriedade rural, que ainda era medieval, e a condição dos camponeses, precária em todos os sentidos. Assim, foi necessário primeiro privatizar a terra para depois torná-la coletiva. Isso foi possível com a concentração do poder pelo Partido Comunista e pelo Estado. -/- Em 1922 foi criada a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS), formada por 12 repúblicas, todas sob o comando político e militar da República Soviética Russa. Depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial, mais três repúblicas foram incorporadas à URSS. -/- Em 1924, com a morte de Lênin, Josef Stálin assumiu o comando da URSS e aprofundou a concentração do poder no Partido Comunista e no Estado, eliminando a oposição. A partir de então, uma revolução que nascera com o propósito de transformar o sistema anterior e garantir a liberdade para todos gerou uma sociedade que teve parte dos problemas econômicos resolvidos, mas à custa da submissão a um Estado autoritário que oprimiu a maioria da população. -/- A União Soviética desmoronou na década de 1980, tendo seu fim assinalado pela queda do Muro de Berlim, em 1989. Deixou oficialmente de existir em dezembro de 1991. -/- Além da experiência russa, outras revoluções populares de orientação socialista ocorreram no século XX. Podemos citar alguns exemplos: na China, em 1949, a revolução liderada por Mao Tsé-Tung; em Cuba, em 1959, o movimento revolucionário encabeçado por Fidel Castro e Che Guevara; no Vietnã, de 1945 a 1954, o movimento liderado por Ho Chi Minh. -/- 5.3 Um breve balanço -/- Como se pode perceber, uma coisa é o início de uma revolução, com seus propósitos transformadores; outra é a situação pós-revolucionária ou a institucionalização da revolução, em que o momento inicial de tomada do poder e alteração das estruturas políticas, econômicas e sociais precisa ser deixado para trás. É necessário, então, criar novas instituições ou reformular as antigas para que a revolução possa se desenvolver. -/- Com o passar dos anos, a liderança muda, e as situações interna e externa se modificam; aparecem interesses novos e são necessárias novas ações, que podem gerar maior emancipação ou não. -/- Algumas revoluções, como a do México, são populares, mas depois do momento inicial as demandas da maioria do povo são deixadas de lado e, em nome delas, há uma reorganização das classes dominantes para continuar no poder. -/- Os exemplos analisados aqui são de sociedades que alteraram sua estrutura e seu modo de vida, mas avançaram pouco no processo de liberdade e emancipação. Pode-se afirmar, então, que não são parâmetros para futuras mudanças, embora devam ser vistos como repletos de lições da história, da vida e dos rumos sempre otimistas e de esperança num mundo melhor. -/- 6. E O QUE VEM PELA FRENTE? -/- A transformação radical de uma sociedade – revolução – está sempre ligada à superação de um sistema por outro, havendo um movimento popular ou uma classe social oprimida organizada para ir à frente e derrubar o antigo regime. -/- Na sociedade capitalista, segundo Marx, a classe social oprimida é o proletariado. Depois das muitas revoluções que ocorreram no mundo, há a possibilidade de a classe proletária, ou trabalhadora, organizar-se para derrubar o sistema capitalista? Há condições objetivas (crise do sistema, organização, poder, armas) e subjetivas (consciência social, aliança entre os diversos segmentos dos explorados) para que isso ocorra? Não se pode negar a existência de algumas dessas condições, principalmente nos países periféricos do sistema capitalista, mas, com as sociedades submetidas a forte esquema de massificação, torna-se cada dia mais difícil acontecer um movimento revolucionário nos moldes da Revolução Russa. -/- Hoje, em todos os meios de comunicação, ouvimos declarações de que estamos vivendo em uma “nova” sociedade, em uma “era pós-moderna”, em uma “sociedade pós-burguesa”, em uma “sociedade pós-industrial” etc. Com isso, afirma-se que está se estruturando uma nova organização social, completamente diferente da anterior. -/- Ora, na sociedade atual estão sendo levadas ao limite as potencialidades da modernidade estabelecida pela Revolução Industrial dos séculos XVIII e XIX, sem mudanças nas estruturas de poder e na economia; mas há indícios de que uma transformação esteja ocorrendo. Em que direção? As respostas a essa questão são divergentes. -/- É possível perceber que a ideia de uma revolução violenta, com a tomada do poder do Estado para desenvolver uma nova sociedade, está cada dia mais distante da realidade. Parece remota, também, a ideia de uma mudança significativa mediante ações lentas e graduais por parte das instituições políticas, pois estas estão muito amarradas às estruturas de poder existentes. Diante de uma possibilidade de mudança, a força da reação normalmente é muito grande e pode aniquilar qualquer tentativa de resistência. Além disso, devido à crise na democracia representativa, as pessoas já não acreditam que seus representantes possam tomar medidas que alterem profundamente a sociedade. -/- Então não há alternativa? Parece difícil, porque a capacidade de cooptação por parte dos poderes vigentes é muito grande. Mas a consciência da desigualdade e do sofrimento que isso acarreta não é apagada ou silenciada e se expressa em manifestações populares e revoltas pontuais em várias partes do mundo. -/- 6.1 Mobilizações e mudanças no século XXI -/- Para pensar um pouco mais sobre as possibilidades de mudança social, é urgente atentar para o que está acontecendo no mundo. Se é verdade que a simples ideia de mudanças lentas e constantes, em termos políticos, não avança para uma grande transformação da vida em sociedade, é também verdadeiro que os sintomas da inquietude que se alastram pelo mundo contemporâneo permitem observar a gestação de novas realidades no curso do processo histórico. -/- O filósofo italiano Antônio Negri (1933-) e o filósofo estadunidense Michael Hardt (1960-) destacaram ao menos três características que podem multiplicar os sintomas da inquietude social: -/- • o nascimento de um grupo composto de novos e jovens sujeitos políticos, conectados com o mundo e inconformados com os limites e a mediocridade de sua vida cotidiana nas periferias das metrópoles, que já não aceitam a condição de subordinação e, para abandoná-la, estão dispostos a sacudir o status quo; -/- • o cultivo de um projeto emancipador por esses jovens sujeitos políticos: eles querem organizar a produção e a distribuição de riquezas horizontalmente e em rede – sem os limites das hierarquias e da mercantilização atuais; -/- • a prática de uma nova democracia, ainda em construção, numa época em que a representação tradicional está se tornando cada vez mais obsoleta e desprestigiada. -/- Exemplos de inquietude social foram as Jornadas de Junho de 2013, quando as ruas do Brasil foram tomadas por insubmissas e plurais personagens. O mesmo aconteceu durante a ocupação, pelos estudantes, das escolas públicas paulistas, em 2015 e 2016, contrários às políticas do governo estadual. -/- Conforme o sociólogo espanhol Manuel Castells (1942-), em termos tecnológicos, econômicos e culturais já há um longo caminho percorrido e muitas transformações efetivadas. De acordo com ele, o período atual é um tempo de eclosão de uma nova era em termos políticos e institucionais. -/- É crucial que se estabeleça um alerta para as possíveis reações contrárias às mudanças sociais e políticas, posto que as forças conservadoras são robustas e poderosas e não desejam mudanças que possam ameaçar seus privilégios. É do confronto entre as correntes progressistas e conservadoras, no entanto, que poderá emergir uma nova era que seja constituída de saltos qualitativos na vida coletiva ou, então, que faça prevalecer o ritmo obscuro e perigoso do retrocesso histórico, rumo a um tempo que não garanta a existência de direitos, em que gritos não são ouvidos e em que as utopias não se alimentam. -/- REFERENCIAL TEÓRICO -/- ALMOND, M.; BATISTA, G. O livro de ouro das revoluções. 2ª ed. Nova Iorque: Harper Collins, 2018. -/- ARRUDA, J. J. de A. A Revolução Inglesa. Vol. 82. 1ª ed. São Paulo: brasiliense, 1984. Col. Tudo é História. -/- COTRIM, G. História global. Vol. Único. 11ª ed. São Paulo: Saraiva, 2016. -/- FUKASAWA, M.; ISI, M.; IRIMAJIRI, Y. Cultura japonesa 7: a era Meiji. Vol. 7. 1ª ed. São Paulo: Nikkey Shimbun, 2018. -/- SILVA, A. et al. Sociologia em movimento. Vol. Único. 2ª ed. São Paulo: Moderna, 2016. -/- VÁRIOS AUTORES. O livro da Sociologia. Trad. Rafael Longo. 1ª ed. São Paulo: Globo, 2015. -/- -/- Todos os direitos reservados para Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva © 2019 -/- Estimule a criatividade, respeite o direito autoral. -/- EICdaS, Belo Jardim, Pernambuco, 2019. (shrink)

One of the vexed questions in the philosophy of wonder and indeed education is how to ensure that the next generation harbours a sense of wonder. Wonder is important, we think, because it encour- ages inquiry and keeps us as Albert Einstein would argue from ‘being as good as dead’ or ‘snuffed-out candles’ (Einstein 1949, 5). But how is an educator to install, bring to life, or otherwise encourage a sense of wonder in his or her stu- dents? Biologist Rachel (...) Carson suggests that exploring nature and specifically undertaking walks along the rocky coast of Maine would keep alive a person’s inborn sense of wonder (Carson 1984). Philosopher Jesse Prinz thinks that exposure to art will encourage wonderment because artworks, as he puts it, are “inventions for feeding the appetite that wonder excites in us” (Prinz 2013). Weird fiction (a subgenre of speculative fiction) – and in particular the work of one of its greatest exponents, the early-20th-century American author How- ard Phillips Lovecraft – is likewise a catalyst for wonder. The reason behind this is that Lovecraft’s ‘wonder-stories’ are densely packed with wonder per design; and in support of this claim I shall in what is to come 1) provide a brief introduction to Lovecraft and weird fiction; 2) present a working definition of wonder; and 3) clarify what is meant by something being ‘densely packed with wonder’ via bringing to the fore evidence of Lovecraft’s literary wonder- mongery. The paper ends with some reflections on the notion of ‘dark wonder’, why this peculiar label might be suitable for the kind of wonder we find in Lovecraft’s work, and why exposure to ‘dark wonder’ can be edifying, and in that sense educational. (shrink)

In this paper I give a reconstruction of Dummett’s main arguments concerning the theory of the occult origin of the Tarot, and discuss the reasons behind the success of the Tarot pack – in particular the Major Arcana – in the history of card games. I also provide some indication of the links between Dummett’s interest in the history of card games and aspects of his philosophical background. As I am not an expert on card games, this paper is (...) mainly a personal tribute to a side of Dummett’s work to which philosophers have in general paid little attention. (shrink)

This essay details wolves’ sense of their surround in terms of how wolves’ perceptual acuities, motor abilities, daily habits, overriding concerns, network of intimate social bonds and relationship to prey gives them a unique sense of space, time, belonging with other wolves, memorial sense, imaginative capacities, dominant emotions (of affection, play, loyalty, hunger, etc.), communicative avenues, partnership with other creatures, and key role in ecological thriving. Wolves are seen to live within a vast sense of aroundness and closeness to aspects (...) of their surround (compared to humans), a highly charged intimacy and cooperation with other wolves, and a caring and non-aggressive attitude that goes beyond the pack, despite their loyalty and defense of territory. The cultural myths and history that absurdly demonize the wolf are explored in their self-righteous attempts to exterminate wolves, which I call “speciocide” and probe for projections of human viciousness. The supposed rapaciousness of wolves is re-examined by expanding Barry Lopez’s sense of the silent dialogue of death with other creatures to be reconsidered as a kind of respect, assertion of vitality, recognition or mortality and cooperation. (shrink)

Roland Barthes' famous essay "The Death of the Author" packs an astonishing number of logical howlers into its blessedly few pages. How did it become so firmly entrenched in the canon of literary theory?

In order to strengthen RI in the private sector, it is imperative to understand how companies organise this process, where it takes place, and what considerations and motivations are central in the innovation process. In this chapter, the questions of whether and where normative considerations play a role in the innovation process, and whether dimensions of RI are present in the innovation process, are addressed. In order answer these research questions, a theoretical framework is developed based on Jones’s theory of (...) ethical decision making and Cooper’s stagegate model of innovation management. In order to answer the research questions, a specific case of innovations that contribute to public health is explored, namely, that of food companies that participate in a Front-of-Pack logo for healthier food. As the use of healthy food logos does not necessarily have a positive impact on sales and profits, it is expected that in the decision-making process, as part of their innovation process, companies make several trade-offs between economic, technical and moral factors. As the social-ethical values at stake in corporate innovation processes have remained to a large extent unexplored in research on innovation management, the aim of this chapter is to identify the motivations and barriers for companies embracing and continuing a FoP logo for healthier food, and to assess whether ethical considerations play a role in this innovation process. From the findings in this research, it will become clear that although the studied companies participated in a programme for healthy food and thus are responsive to the needs of society, and although the companies feel responsible for public health, ethical considerations do not play a central role in the operational innovation process. Instead, technical and economic considerations seem to prevail in the operational innovation process. Furthermore, none of the procedural dimensions of RI seems to be present at this level in the innovation trajectory. It is argued that this may be an indication that the ethical decision-making process for RI is not located at the level of the operational innovation process itself, but is something that might be located on a higher strategic level in the company. It is at this level that the moral decision is taken to adopt the FoP logo and to engage in the RI process. The findings cast a new light on the discourse on RI in general, and in the private sector in particular. (shrink)

Separation of institutions, functions and personnel – Checks and balances – Hungary, Poland, Czechia, Slovakia – Short tradition of separation of powers in Central Europe – Fragile interwar systems of separation of powers – Communist principle of centralisation of power – Technocratic challenge to separation of powers during the EU accession – One-sided checks on the elected branches and empowering technocratic elitist institutions – Populist challenge to separation of powers in the 2010s – Re-politicising of the public sphere, removing most (...) checks on the elected branches, and curtailing and packing the unelected institutions – Technocratic and populist challenges to separation of powers interrelated more than we thought. (shrink)

This eighth book of the author on gambling math presents in accessible terms the cold mathematics behind the sparkling slot machines, either physical or virtual. It contains all the mathematical facts grounding the configuration, functionality, outcome, and profits of the slot games. Therefore, it is not a so-called how-to-win book, but a complete, rigorous mathematical guide for the slot player and also for game producers, being unique in this respect. As it is primarily addressed to the slot player, its goal (...) is to present practical applications of the mathematical models of slot games, in order to provide numerical results that a player can use as criteria for gaming decisions or just as information for any slot game and any predicted winning event. These results are focused on probability and expected value, these being the most important parameters for decisional criteria in slots. The book is packed with plenty of figures, tables, and formulas. The content is organized so that readers can skip the theoretical parts and go picking the practical results (numerical, in tables of values where possible, or ready-to-compute formulas) for the desired situation. The practical results are gathered in the last chapter, titled "Practical Applications and Numerical Results," the largest part of the book, for the most popular categories of slot machines, namely with 3, 5, 9, and 16 reels. Any other category of slot games is covered in the theoretical part of the book, where the general formulas apply not only to existing slot games, but also to possible future slot games of any design and configuration. The author does not just throw the slot mathematics to the audience and run away, but offers an ultimate practical contribution with the chapter "How to estimate the number of stops and the symbol distribution on a reel", a surprise for both players and producers, where one can see that mathematics provides players with some statistical methods as well as methods based on physical measurements for retrieving these missing data. Having these data along with the mathematical results of this book, anyone can generate the PAR sheet of any slot machine. In the last decade, mathematics has been taken more and more seriously into account in gaming, as being the essence that governs the games of chance and the only rigorous tool providing information on optimal play, where possible. For the popular game of slots, mathematics already fulfilled its duty by providing all the data that it can provide and that cannot be found on the display of the slot machines - it is all here in this book. (shrink)

Lange’s collection of expanded, mostly previously published essays, packed with numerous, beautiful examples of putatively non-causal explanations from biology, physics, and mathematics, challenges the increasingly ossified causal consensus about scientific explanation, and, in so doing, launches a new field of philosophic investigation. However, those who embraced causal monism about explanation have done so because appeal to causal factors sorts good from bad scientific explanations and because the explanatory force of good explanations seems to derive from revealing the relevant causal (or (...) ontic) structures. The taxonomic project of collecting examples and sorting their types is an essential starting place for a theory of non-causal explanation. But the title of Lange’s book requires something further: showing that the putative explanations are, in fact, explanatory and revealing the non-causal source of their explanatory power. This project is incomplete if there are examples of putative non-causal explanations that fit the form but that nobody would accept as explanatory (absent a radical revision of intuitions). Here we provide some reasons for thinking that there are such examples. (shrink)

This highly technical book is densely packed with arguments and is an important addition to the literature. Even if one ultimately disagrees with Chalmers there is much to be gained in his exhaustive study, and he goes out of his way to show how one can accept limited or modified versions of scrutability. It is impossible for me to do justice to his argumentative rigor and comprehensive coverage of possible views in the space I have here. In the end I (...) find much of what Chalmers says convincing but something of a Pyrrhic victory. (shrink)

This book contains some valuable appendices that present a synopsis of therapies, a list of vegetable juices helpful in detoxification, and even recipes of some Ayurvedic delicacies! A glossary clarifies technical terms and the bibliography, index, and endnotes make the work useful for serious students, practitioners, and researchers. With so much information packed in a compact volume, it truly is ‘the most complete guide to natural healing and health with traditional Ayurvedic herbalism’, as the subtitle of the book claims. It (...) is a welcome addition to the slowly increasing literature in English about Ayurveda. Such guidebooks help bring back Ayurveda to its lost glory. (shrink)

Putnam, Hilary FPhilosophy of logic. Harper Essays in Philosophy. Harper Torchbooks, No. TB 1544. Harper & Row, Publishers, New York-London, 1971. v+76 pp. The author of this book has made highly regarded contributions to mathematics, to philosophy of logic and to philosophy of science, and in this book he brings his ideas in these three areas to bear on the traditional philosophic problem of materialism versus (objective) idealism. The book assumes that contemporary science (mathematical and physical) is (...) largely correct as far as it goes, or at least that it is rational to believe in it. The main thesis of the book is that consistent acceptance of contemporary science requires the acceptance of some sort of Platonistic idealism affirming the existence of abstract, non-temporal, non-material, non-mental entities (numbers,scientific laws, mathematical formulas, etc.). The author is thus in direct opposition to the extreme materialism which had dominated philosophy of science in the first three quarters of this century. the book can be especially recommended to the scientifically literate, general reader whose acquaintance with these areas is limited to the earlier literature of when it had been assumed that empiricistic materialism was the only philosophy compatible with a scientific outlook. To this group the book presents an eye-opening challenge fulfilling the author’s intention of “shaking up preconceptions and stimulating further discussion”. (shrink)

For almost half a century, the person most responsible for fomenting brouhahas regarding degrees of plasticity in the writing of histories has been Hayden White. Yet, despite the voluminous responses provoked by White’s work, almost no effort has been made to treat White’s writings in a systematic yet sympathetic way as a philosophy of history. Herman Paul’s book begins to remedy that lack and does so in a carefully considered and extremely scholarly fashion. In his relatively brief six chapters (plus (...) an introduction), Paul packs a wealth of information. He convincingly demonstrates that a guiding theme of White’s work from earliest times has been that historians have no choice but to impose a structure on historical data and thus bear responsibility for structures so imposed. As such, a key philosophical question concerns on what bases White contends that a freedom of choice exists regarding forms given to recorded histories. This essay focuses on how Paul argues for a unified vision that answers this question, as well as how he offers an original and comprehensive conception of White’s writings. (shrink)