Results for 'Public Sphere'

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  1. Indiscriminate Mass Surveillance and the Public Sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  2.  73
    #MeToo-Movement, Digital Media and Public Sphere.Eleanor Suovilla, Pietari Suomela, Anniina Riikonen, Susanna Kupiainen & Anni Juusola - 2020 - In S. M. Amadae (ed.), Computational Transformation of the Public Sphere: Theories and Cases. Helsinki, Finland: pp. 211-227.
    In this paper we will examine the influence digital media has had on political dialogue in the public sphere. We will explore the phenomenon through an example case, namely the global feminist #MeToo movement which started in 2017. Within the framework of the #MeToo Movement, we introduce and examine the challenges digital media poses to the political dialogue in the public sphere. We start by going through concepts and theories utilized in this research paper. Then we (...)
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  3.  14
    Veils, Crucifixes, and the Public Sphere: What Kind of Secularism? Rethinking Neutrality in a Post-Secular Europe.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2014 - Journal of Intercultural Studies 35 (4):385-402.
    The Lautsi case in Italy attracted widespread attention in Europe and beyond. Though the issue under contention was a Christian symbol, the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) judgements showed changes in assessment both about religion (in contrast with former cases regarding Muslim veils) and secularism (which did not have the same meaning for everyone). In light of those rulings, this paper reflects on the concepts of neutrality and secularism and their normative implications for European citizens in terms of belonging, (...)
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  4. On the Presence of Educated Religious Beliefs in the Public Sphere.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2015 - Argumentum. Journal of the Seminar of Discursive Logic, Argumentation Theory and Rhetoric 13 (2):146-178.
    Discursive liberal democracy might not be the best of all possible forms of government, yet in Europe it is largely accepted as such. The attractors of liberal democracy (majority rule, political equality, reasonable self-determination and an ideological framework built in a tentative manner) as well as an adequate dose of secularization (according to the doctrine of religious restraint) provide both secularist and educated religious people with the most convenient ideological framework. Unfortunately, many promoters of ideological secularization take too strong a (...)
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  5.  40
    Utopia and the Public Sphere.Timothy Stanley - 2015 - In Religion after Secularization in Australia. Palgrave MacMillan.
    Although the question of religion did not feature prominently in Jürgen Habermas’s early political theory, his more recent work has continuously addressed the topic. This later interest in religion is grounded in what one commentator in a volume on The Power of Religion in the Public Sphere, cited as the urgent need to integrate religious voices in the workings of public reason in order to avoid social disharmony and to thwart potential violence. However, the following paper argues (...)
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  6. Computational Transformation of the Public Sphere: Theories and Cases.S. M. Amadae (ed.) - 2020 - Helsinki: Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki.
    This book is an edited collection of original research papers on the digital revolution of the public and governance. It covers cyber governance in Finland, and the securitization of cyber security in Finland. It investigates the cases of Brexit, the 2016 US presidential election of Donald Trump, the 2017 presidential election of Volodymyr Zelensky, and Brexit. It examines the environmental concerns of climate change and greenwashing, and the impact of digital communication giving rise to the #MeToo and Incel movements. (...)
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  7. On the Integration of Populism into the Democratic Public Sphere.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2017 - Argumentum. Journal of the Seminar of Discursive Logic, Argumentation Theory and Rhetoric 15 (2):87-109.
    The central thesis of this article is that populism is a side effect of liberal democracy and a reliable indicator of the relationship between liberal democracy and its polar opposite ‒ illiberal majoritarianism. As long as liberal democracy prevails over illiberal majoritarianism, populism remains dormant. Populism rises and becomes conspicuous only if certain manifestations of illiberal majoritarianism or illiberal elitism reach a critical point in terms of number and impact. More exactly, populism becomes active when there are too few reasonable (...)
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  8. On the Global Multiplicity of Public Spheres. The Democratic Transformation of the Public Sphere?James Tully - manuscript
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  9.  90
    Civil Disobedience in a Distorted Public Sphere.Martin Blaakman - 2012 - Krisis: Journal for Contemporary Philosophy (3):27-36.
    Rawls’s notion of civil disobedience, which still dominates the literature on this subject, comprises at least these three characteristics: it involves breaking the law, is non-violent and public. But implicit in this notion is a certain tension: it shows pessisimism about the proper functioning of the public sphere as earlier normal appeals have failed, but it also displays a certain optimism about its proper functioning as it assumes that civil disobedience may be effective. In my paper I (...)
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  10.  70
    Privacy in Public: A Democratic Defense.Titus Stahl - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (1):73-96.
    Traditional arguments for privacy in public suggest that intentionally public activities, such as political speech, do not deserve privacy protection. In this article, I develop a new argument for the view that surveillance of intentionally public activities should be limited to protect the specific good that this context provides, namely democratic legitimacy. Combining insights from Helen Nissenbaum’s contextualism and Jürgen Habermas’s theory of the public sphere, I argue that strategic surveillance of the public (...) can undermine the capacity of citizens to freely deliberate in public and therefore conflicts with democratic self-determination. (shrink)
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  11.  10
    Crucifixes, Public Schools, and Plurality in Europe.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2011 - On Line Opinion.
    Plurality implies a public sphere in which different worldviews (e.g. Secular Humanist, Christian, Jewish, Muslim and others) coexist respecting each other. Banning the presence of one or several of them from the public sphere is questionable in principle, and divisive in practice.
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  12. In the Privacy of Our Streets.Carissa Véliz - 2018 - In Bryce Newell, Tjerk Timan & Bert-Jaap Koops (eds.), Surveillance, Privacy and Public Space. pp. 16-32.
    If one lives in a city and wants to be by oneself or have a private conversation with someone else, there are two ways to set about it: either one finds a place of solitude, such as one’s bedroom, or one finds a place crowded enough, public enough, that attention to each person dilutes so much so as to resemble a deserted refuge. Often, one can get more privacy in public places than in the most private of spaces. (...)
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  13. Dreptatea ca principiu de organizare a vietii politice.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2018 - In Virgil Stoica & Bogdan Constantin Mihăilescu (eds.), Noi perspective asupra valorilor politice. Iasi, Romania:
    The main thesis of this paper is that justice is not a natural law that (re)establishes equilibrium and order in the universe, but a disposition enforced by a fighting will to render to every man his due in line with a regime of rights, powers, or immunities to use, enjoy and control some external goods. Inasmuch as there is no sense, feeling or instinct of justice, it is reasonable to assert that people regulate their conduct under the authority of a (...)
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  14.  96
    Philosophers in the Public Square: A Religious Resolution of Kant's Conflict of the Faculties.Stephen R. Palmquist - unknown
    This paper is, in part, a report on the conclusions reached at a retreat on Part One of Kant's Conflict of the Faculties, held at the Center for Insight into Philosophic Health, Education, and Renewal, in Mendocino, California. It argues that Kant's distinction between the public and private spheres does not remove but intensifies the philosopher's duty to influence the general public. I conclude with some reflections on how a Kantian philosopher might have a positive influence on religious (...)
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  15. Political Communication in Social Networks Election Campaigns and Digital Data Analysis: A Bibliographic Review.Luca Corchia - 2019 - Rivista Trimestrale di Scienza Dell’Amministrazione (2):1-50.
    The outcomes of a bibliographic review on political communication, in particular electoral communication in social networks, are presented here. The electoral campaigning are a crucial test to verify the transformations of the media system and of the forms and uses of the linguistic acts by dominant actors in public sphere – candidates, parties, journalists and Gatekeepers. The aim is to reconstruct the first elements of an analytical model on the transformations of the political public sphere, with (...)
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  16.  18
    Europe United in Diversity—An Analogical Hermeneutics Perspective.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - manuscript
    At a moment when a new crisis threatens Europe—a crisis containing, among other ingredients, Brexit, COVID-19 and a faltering economy—the EU’s motto motto ‘Europe united in diversity’ would appear progressively less attainable. This article submits that the European ideal is still both desirable and possible, and advances four key concepts in the fostering of unity at the level of the polity as an entity and as a community: ‘analogical federation, ‘analogical culture’, ‘relational interculturalism’ and ‘public sphere secularity ’. (...)
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  17.  38
    Moderate Inclusivism and the Conversational Translation Proviso: Revising Habermas' Ethics of Citizenship.Jonas Jakobsen - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (4):87.
    Habermas’ ‘ethics of citizenship’ raises a number of relevant concerns about the dangers of a secularistic exclusion of religious contributions to public deliberation, on the one hand, and the dangers of religious conflict and sectarianism in politics, on the other. Agreeing largely with these concerns, the paper identities four problems with Habermas’ approach, and attempts to overcome them: the full exclusion of religious reasons from parliamentary debate; the full inclusion of religious reasons in the informal public sphere; (...)
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  18. La esfera pública y El bar de las Folies Bergère de Edouard Manet.Carlos Vanegas - 2014 - Revista Colombiana de Pensamiento Estético E Historia Del Arte:121-137.
    The main discourses on art during the nineteenth century defined the artist as a spirit that should express their unbridled creativity, and overall that had the strength to express its total personal autonomy from institutional processes of culture. Thus, Manet’s work A bar at the Folies—Bergere contains substantial elements that express and help us to understand both the role of the artist, as the crisis of meaning in the work of modern art and problematic public sphere, treated by (...)
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  19.  53
    #Palladium of the People: A Kantian Right to Internet Access.Christopher Buckman - 2017 - Sociologia: Rivista Quadrimestrale di Scienze Storiche E Sociali 51 (3).
    Lack of high-speed internet access remains a problem in the United States, particularly in rural areas, Tribal lands, and the U.S. territories. High-speed internet should be considered a basic right because it connects people to social media, the new public sphere. Critics worry about the politically polarizing effects of online social media, but its ability to unify, connect, and shape policy decisions should also be taken into account. Engaging with Jürgen Habermas’s early work on the public (...), I argue that the technical and cultural extension of access to social media can realize Kant’s vision of the public sphere as a bridge between morality and politics. (shrink)
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  20.  62
    Privacy.Edmund Byrne - 1998 - In Encyclopedia of Applied Ethics. San Diego: Academic Press. pp. 649-659.
    Privacy involves a zone of inaccessibility in a particular context. In social discourse it pertains to activities that are not public, the latter being by definition knowable by outsiders. The public domain so called is the opposite of secrecy and somewhat less so of confidentiality. The private sphere is respected in law and morality, now in terms of a right to privacy. In law some violations of privacy are torts. Philosophers tend to associate privacy with personhood. Professional (...)
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  21. Privacy in Public and the Contextual Conditions of Agency.Maria Brincker - 2017 - In Tjerk Timan, Bert-Jaap Koops & Bryce Newell (eds.), Privacy in Public Space: Conceptual and Regulatory Challenges. Edward Elgar.
    Current technology and surveillance practices make behaviors traceable to persons in unprecedented ways. This causes a loss of anonymity and of many privacy measures relied on in the past. These de facto privacy losses are by many seen as problematic for individual psychology, intimate relations and democratic practices such as free speech and free assembly. I share most of these concerns but propose that an even more fundamental problem might be that our very ability to act as autonomous and purposive (...)
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  22. Understanding Race: The Case for Political Constructionism in Public Discourse.David Ludwig - 2020 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 50 (4):492-504.
    The aim of this article is to develop an understanding-based argument for an explicitly political specification of the concept of race. It is argued that a specification of race in terms of hierarchical social positions is best equipped to guide causal reasoning about racial inequality in the public sphere. Furthermore, the article provides evidence that biological and cultural specifications of race mislead public reasoning by encouraging confusions between correlates and causes of racial inequality. The article concludes with (...)
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  23. On the Virtues of Inhospitality: Toward an Ethics of Public Reason and Critical Engagement.Lawrence Torcello - 2014 - Philo 17 (1):99-115.
    This article seeks to re-conceptualize Rawlsian public reason as a critical tool against ideological propaganda. The article proposes that public reason, as a standard for public discourse, must be conceptualized beyond its mandate for comprehensive neutrality to additionally emphasize critique of ideologically driven ignorance and propaganda in the public realm. I connect uncritical hospitality to such ideological propaganda with Harry Frankfurt’s concept of bullshit. This paper proposes that philosophers have a unique moral obligation to engage bullshit (...)
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  24.  17
    Should Europeans Citizens Die—or at Least Pay Taxes—for Europe? Allegiance, Identity, and Integration Paradigms Revisited.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - manuscript
    In the concept of European citizenship, public and international law intersect. The unity of the European polity results from the interplay between national and European loyalties. Citizens’ allegiance to the European polity depends on how much they see the polity’s identity as theirs. Foundational ideals that shaped the European project’s identity included social reconciliation and peaceful coexistence, economic reconstruction and widespread prosperity, and the creation of supranational structures to rein in nationalism. A broad cultural consensus underlay the first impulse (...)
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  25. The Burqa Ban: Legal Precursors for Denmark, American Experiences and Experiments, and Philosophical and Critical Examinations.Ryan Long, Erik Baldwin, Anja Matwijkiw, Bronik Matwijkiw, Anna Oriolo & Willie Mack - 2018 - International Studies Journal 15 (1):157-206.
    As the title of the article suggests, “The Burqa Ban”: Legal Precursors for Denmark, American Experiences and Experiments, and Philosophical and Critical Examinations, the authors embark on a factually investigative as well as a reflective response. More precisely, they use The 2018 Danish “Burqa Ban”: Joining a European Trend and Sending a National Message (published as a concurrent but separate article in this issue of INTERNATIONAL STUDIES JOURNAL) as a platform for further analysis and discussion of different perspectives. These include (...)
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  26.  40
    Trust as a Public Virtue.Warren Von Eschenbach - 2019 - In James Arthur (ed.), Virtues in the Public Sphere: Citizenship, Civic Friendship, and Duty. London and New York: Routledge Press. pp. 140-156.
    Western societies are experiencing a crisis of trust: we no longer enjoy high levels of confidence in social institutions and are increasingly skeptical of those holding positions of authority. The crisis of trust, however, seems paradoxical: at the same time we report greater feelings of mistrust or an erosion of trust in institutions and technologies we increasingly entrust our wellbeing and security to these very same technologies and institutions. Analyzing trust not only will help resolve the paradox but suggests that (...)
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  27. Pluralism Slippery Slopes and Democratic Public Discourse.Maria Paola Ferretti & Enzo Rossi - 2013 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 60 (137):29-47.
    Agonist theorists have argued against deliberative democrats that democratic institutions should not seek to establish a rational consensus, but rather allow political disagreements to be expressed in an adversarial form. But democratic agonism is not antagonism: some restriction of the plurality of admissible expressions is not incompatible with a legitimate public sphere. However, is it generally possible to grant this distinction between antagonism and agonism without accepting normative standards in public discourse that saliently resemble those advocated by (...)
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  28.  17
    Is Europe Still Worth Fighting For? Allegiance, Identity, and Integration Paradigms Revisited.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2014 - In Fiona Jenkins, Mark Nolan & Kim Rubenstein (eds.), Allegiance and Identity in a Globalised World. Cambridge University Press. pp. 94-114.
    The paper reviews the foundational ideals that gave “Europe”, an integration project with continental ambitions, its initial meaning or identity. “Europe” meant reconciliation and peace, reconstruction and widespread prosperity, and the mitigation of nationalism through the creation of supranational communities. A broad cultural consensus made it easier to trust each other and work together. The enterprise received a tacit approval from Europeans throughout the initial stages. More than 60 years and 20 member states later the project is under strain in (...)
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  29.  44
    The Priority of Public Reasons and Religious Forms of Life in Constitutional Democracies.Cristina Lafont - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (4):45.
    In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The (...)
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  30.  90
    On Charles Taylor's 'Deep Diversity'.Charles Blattberg - forthcoming - In Ursula Lehmkuhl & Elisabeth Tutschek (eds.), 150 Years of Canada: Grappling with Diversity Since 1867. Münster, Germany: Waxmann Verlag GmbH.
    Charles Taylor’s idea of “deep diversity” has played a major role in the debates around multiculturalism in Canada and around the world. Originally, the idea was meant to account for how the different national communities within Canada – those of the English-speaking Canadians, the French-speaking Quebeckers, and the Aboriginals – conceive of their belonging to the country in different ways. But Taylor conceives of these differences strictly in terms of irreducibility; that is, he fails to see that they also exist (...)
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  31.  94
    The Reconciliation of Religious and Secular Reasons as a Form of Epistemic Openness: Insights From Examples in the Philippines.Danna Patricia S. Aduna - 2015 - Heythrop Journal 56 (3):441-453.
    Addressing the debate inspired by John Rawls's restrictive idea of the political role of religion, Jürgen Habermas proposes the institutional translation proviso as an alternative that corrects an overly secularist notion of the state. Maeve Cooke has suggested that religious arguments can be allowed without translation in the institutional level as long as they are non-authoritarian. However, her definition of non-authoritarianism requires an acceptance of the fallibility of the truths acquired by faith, which I argue is unnecessary. Instead, I propose (...)
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  32.  14
    European Identity and Other Mysteries - Seeking Out the Hidden Source of Unity for a Troubled Polity.Pablo Cristóbal Jiménez Lobeira - 2015 - Hermes Analógica 6.
    The economic crisis in Europe exposes the European Union’s political fragility. How a polity made of very different states can live up to the motto “Europe united in diversity” is difficult to envisage in practice. In this paper I attempt an “exegesis”—a critical explanation or interpretation of a series of published pieces which explores, first of all, if European unity is desirable at all. Second, it presents a methodology running throughout the Series —analogical hermeneutics—to approach the problem of unity. Third, (...)
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  33. The Discursive Dilemma and Public Reason.Christian List - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):362-402.
    Political theorists have offered many accounts of collective decision-making under pluralism. I discuss a key dimension on which such accounts differ: the importance assigned not only to the choices made but also to the reasons underlying those choices. On that dimension, different accounts lie in between two extremes. The ‘minimal liberal account’ holds that collective decisions should be made only on practical actions or policies and that underlying reasons should be kept private. The ‘comprehensive deliberative account’ stresses the importance of (...)
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  34.  27
    Les médias de masse dans le modèle habermassien de l’espace public.Luca Corchia - 2018 - In Françoise Albertini (ed.), Performances de la culture et invariants. Bastia, Francia: pp. 75-88.
    Après avoir introduit la notion d’espace public dans le contexte de la « théorie générale de la société » avec laquelle Habermas a entrepris une reconstruction de l’évolution des systèmes sociaux et, aussi, de la naissance de la sphère publique au cœur des sociétés bourgeoises et des changements à travers et au-delà des sociétés de masse, cet article se propose d’élaborer un cadre analytique du modèle habermasien de la sphère politique publique, décrivant aujourd’hui sa structure et ses fonctions spécifiques, (...)
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  35. “From Museum Walls to Facebook Walls”*. A New Public Space for Art.Gizela Horvath - 2014 - In Gizela Horvath, Rozalia Klara Bako & Eva Biro Kaszas (eds.), Ten Years of Facebook. Proceedings of the Third International Conference on Argumentation and Rhetoric. Partium Kiado. pp. 73-88.
    The ‘museal’ approach to art has been attacked from many angles in the last decade; the main issue raised by most of these attacks was that such an approach would promote a certain idea of art which has little to do with real-life or the layman’s interest. Some artists have protested by stepping out of the museum space with projects deliberately designed as non-museum items (performance, land-art, public art etc.). Art, however, is always meant for a public, so, (...)
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  36.  91
    Eine aktuelle ideologische Konfrontation: die diskursive liberale Demokratie vs. Kultursozialismus.Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2017 - In Markus Leimbach Stanislava Gálová (ed.), Internationalisierung von Bildung und Veränderung von gesellschaftlichen Prozessen: KAAD-Alumnivereine: Beiträge zur zivilgesellschaftlichen Entwicklung in Mittel- und Osteuropa. Bonn, Germany: KAAD e.V.. pp. 27-50.
    The aim of this article is to depict as accurately as possible the ideological conflict between liberal democracy and an insidious present-day version of communism, namely cultural socialism. Obviously, it is not easy to describe the essential relationships between two complex phenomena that evolve nonlinearly within a hypercomplex environment. The ideological systems of liberal democracy and cultural socialism involve both objective and subjective facts, material and immaterial components, neutral and emotion-laden aspects, deliberate and unintentional behaviors, linear and nonlinear effects, and (...)
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  37.  48
    Provokativ offentlig filosofi.Aksel Braanen Sterri - 2018 - Etikk I Praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 12 (2):105-128.
    English summary: Provocative Public Philosophy In 2017, I argued that people with Down syndrome cannot live full lives. This sparked a heated debated in the Norwegian public sphere. This gave rise to a debate over what academics should and should not say in public. A certain form of public philosophy, what I will call provocative public philosophy, was criticized for being harmful, imperialistic, for eroding trust in philosophers, and for creating too much noise. In (...)
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  38. A Kantian Conception of Free Speech.Helga Varden - 2010 - In Deidre Golash (ed.), Free Speech in a Diverse World. Springer.
    In this paper I provide an interpretation of Kant’s conception of free speech. Free speech is understood as the kind of speech that is constitutive of interaction respectful of everybody’s right to freedom, and it requires what we with John Rawls may call ‘public reason’. Public reason so understood refers to how the public authority must reason in order to properly specify the political relation between citizens. My main aim is to give us some reasons for taking (...)
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  39. A Kantian Conception of Global Justice.Helga Varden - 2011 - Review of International Studies 37 (05):2043-2057.
    I start this paper by addressing Kant’s question why rightful interactions require both domestic public authorities (or states) and a global public authority? Of central importance are two issues: first, the identification of problems insoluble without public authorities, and second, why a domestic public monopoly on coercion can be rightfully established and maintained by coercive means while a global public monopoly on coercion cannot be established once and for all. In the second part of the (...)
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  40. Public Religions in a Postsecular Era: Habermas and Gandhi on Revisioning the Political.Vidhu Verma - 2014 - Télos 2014 (167):49-67.
    An embedded ideology of the religious-secular binary in its various forms has assumed currency in recent continental and Anglo-American political thought. This ideology highlights the difference between religion under modernization, broadly defined by the secularization thesis, and that of religious revival in a period characterized by postsecularism. It reflects the rise of new epistemologies and the dissolution of the antinomies between faith and reason characteristic of a postsecular culture. A common argument found in these writings is that enlightenment secularization, which (...)
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  41.  44
    Knowing with Experts: Contextual Knowledge in and Around Science.Gábor Kutrovátz - 2010 - Teorie Vědy / Theory of Science 32 (4):479-505.
    The original concept of epistemic dependence suggests uncritical deference to expert opinions for non-experts. In the light of recent work in science studies, however, the actual situation of epistemic dependence is seen to involve the necessary and ubiquitous need for lay evaluations of scientific experts. As expert knowledge means restricted cognitive access to some epistemic domain, lay evaluations of expert knowledge are rational and informed only when the criteria used by non-experts when judging experts are different from the criteria used (...)
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  42.  62
    Náboženské racionale v liberální demokracii: Vyloučení, zahrnutí a hledání třetích cest [The Religious Rationale in Democracy: Exclusion, Inclusion and Search for Third Ways].Vojtěch Malý & Pavel Dufek - 2013 - Social Studies / Socialni Studia 10 (3):61–83.
    The article provides a focused overview of the recent debates in political philosophy on the role of religious arguments (as reasons for action) in liberal democracy, as well as a preliminary defence of a particular approach to the issue. Drawing on Christopher Eberle’s typology, we distinguish three main camps – Justificatory Liberalism, basing its advocacy of a “doctrine of religious restraint” on Rawls’s account of public justification; its Liberal Critics, embracing a wholly permissive position vis-à-vis religious arguments in the (...)
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  43. Abortion and the Right to Not Be Pregnant.James Mahon - 2016 - In Allyn Fives & Keith Breen (eds.), Philosophy and Political Engagement: Reflection in the Public Sphere. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 57-77.
    In this paper I defend Judith Jarvis Thomson's 'Good Samaritan Argument' (otherwise known as the 'feminist argument') for the permissibility of abortion, first advanced in her important, ground-breaking article 'A Defense of Abortion' (1971), against objections from Joseph Mahon (1979, 1984). I also highlight two problems with Thomson's argument as presented, and offer remedies for both of these problems. The article begins with a short history of the importance of the article to the development of practical ethics. Not alone did (...)
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  44.  56
    Encountering Sustainable Communication and Green Washing: Environmental Values in Organizational Communication.Julia ylä-Outinen, Mikaela Rydberg, Annina Mattila, Lisa Kärnä & Anni Helkovaara - 2020 - In S. M. Amadae (ed.), Computational Transformation of the Public Sphere: Theories and Cases. Helsinki: Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki. pp. 108-129.
    In this study we examine how different organizations communicate their commitments to sustainability and corporate social responsibility on their websites, and the different ways stakeholders could interpret this communication. We do this by examining several case studies and reflecting on those cases with the help of a theoretical framework. Our main findings are that there is a growing concern amongst stakeholders regarding environmental values and that unsubstantiated sustainability claims issued in corporate publicity can be interpreted as greenwashing. We identify a (...)
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  45. Dilemmas of Political Correctness.Dan Moller - 2016 - Journal of Practical Ethics 4 (1).
    Debates about political correctness often proceed as if proponents see nothing to fear in erecting norms that inhibit expression on the one side, and opponents see nothing but misguided efforts to silence political enemies on the other.1 Both views are mistaken. Political correctness, as I argue, is an important attempt to advance the legitimate interests of certain groups in the public sphere. However, this type of norm comes with costs that mustn’t be neglected–sometimes in the form of conflict (...)
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  46.  41
    Encountering Sustainable Communication and Green Washing: Environmental Values in Organizational Communication.Julia Ylä-Outinen, Mikaela Rydberg, Annina Marttila, Lisa Kärnä & Anni Helkovaara - 2020 - In S. M. Amadae (ed.), Computational Transformation of the Public Sphere: Theories and Cases. Helsinki: Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Helsinki. pp. 108-129.
    In this study we examine how different organizations communicate their commitments to sustainability and corporate social responsibility on their websites, and the different ways stakeholders could interpret this communication. We do this by examining several case studies and reflecting on those cases with the help of a theoretical framework. Our main findings are that there is a growing concern amongst stakeholders regarding environmental values and that unsubstantiated sustainability claims issued in corporate publicity can be interpreted as greenwashing. We identify a (...)
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  47.  19
    Politikayı Hannah Arendt'le Birlikte Yeniden Düşünmek.Metehan Karakurt & Adem Çelik - manuscript
    It is possible to talk about dominant concepts in modern political definitions. Among these concepts; power, violence, hierarchy, security and resource allocation are the prominent ones. For many, politics is how power and authority is distributed and used. When politics is defined in relation to pure power, violence appears to be one of the effective means of politics. Even, with a further extent, violence is seen as an expression of power. As said by C. W. Mills’ “politics is a struggle (...)
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  48. Fair Numbers: What Data Can and Cannot Tell Us About the Underrepresentation of Women in Philosophy.Yann Benétreau-Dupin & Guillaume Beaulac - 2015 - Ergo: An Open Access Journal of Philosophy 2:59-81.
    The low representation (< 30%) of women in philosophy in English-speaking countries has generated much discussion, both in academic circles and the public sphere. It is sometimes suggested (Haslanger 2009) that unconscious biases, acting at every level in the field, may be grounded in gendered schemas of philosophers and in the discipline more widely, and that actions to make philosophy a more welcoming place for women should address such schemas. However, existing data are too limited to fully warrant (...)
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  49.  46
    Why the World Needs Negative Political Theology.David Newheiser - 2020 - Modern Theology 36 (1):5-12.
    Some theorists argue that religion relates to politics in one of two ways: either it asserts its authority over the public sphere or it withdraws from the world in preference for spiritual concerns. In response, this special issue offers an expanded vision of what political theology can contribute to public reflection. Against those who appropriate divine authority in support of a given regime, Jewish and Christian negative theology argues that God is radically elusive. Where resistance movements sometimes (...)
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  50. Derrida and the Danger of Religion.David Newheiser - 2018 - Journal of the American Academy of Religion 1 (86):42-61.
    This paper argues that Jacques Derrida provides a compelling rebuttal to a secularism that seeks to exclude religion from the public sphere. Political theorists such as Mark Lilla claim that religion is a source of violence, and so they conclude that religion and politics should be strictly separated. In my reading, Derrida’s work entails that a secularism of this kind is both impossible (because religion remains influential in the wake of secularization) and unnecessary (because religious traditions are diverse (...)
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