In May 2021, Alan Bechaz, Racher Du, Will Cailes and Thomas Spiteri interviewed Sandra Leonie Field for UPJA’s Conversations from the Region. A series of discussions that invites philosophers from or based in Australasia to share their student and academic experiences. The segment looks into what inspires people to study philosophy, how they pursue their philosophical interests, and gives our audiences a better idea of philosophy as an undergraduate.

To create fair and accountable AI and robotics, we need precise regulation and better methods to certify, explain, and audit inscrutable systems.

Since approval of the EU General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) in 2016, it has been widely and repeatedly claimed that the GDPR will legally mandate a ‘right to explanation’ of all decisions made by automated or artificially intelligent algorithmic systems. This right to explanation is viewed as an ideal mechanism to enhance the accountability and transparency of automated decision-making. However, there are several reasons to doubt both the legal existence and the feasibility of such a right. In contrast to the (...) right to explanation of specific automated decisions claimed elsewhere, the GDPR only mandates that data subjects receive meaningful, but properly limited, information (Articles 13-15) about the logic involved, as well as the significance and the envisaged consequences of automated decision-making systems, what we term a ‘right to be informed’. Further, the ambiguity and limited scope of the ‘right not to be subject to automated decision-making’ contained in Article 22 (from which the alleged ‘right to explanation’ stems) raises questions over the protection actually afforded to data subjects. These problems show that the GDPR lacks precise language as well as explicit and well-defined rights and safeguards against automated decision-making, and therefore runs the risk of being toothless. We propose a number of legislative and policy steps that, if taken, may improve the transparency and accountability of automated decision-making when the GDPR comes into force in 2018. (shrink)

Focusing on the notion of consciousness (Gewissen) as a phenomenon originating from Da-sein according to Heidegger's interpretation in the work “Being and Time” (II Part, II Chapter, From section § 55 to section § 60), Prof. Luiz Carlos Mariano Da Rosa, in line with the hermeneutic-phenomenological-ontological-existential principle, investigates the cry of consciousness as a summons of the self in its power-to-be itself, taking into account the Da-sein that cries out deep down of its strangeness as a cry of consciousness (...) in a theoretical-conceptual construction that encloses what cries out and what is ac-claimed within the borders of Da-sein. In this way, analyzing the Da-sein as one who cries out and its being-launched as “already-being-in” and the anguish with its power-being as a call to assume its own power-being, whose movement concludes the care character of Da-sein as an ontological possibility of the cry of consciousness, the article exposes that, constituting care, the being of Da-sein comprises in itself facticity (being- released), existence (project) and decay in a process that points out that Da-sein is as it determines itself as a power-being that belongs to itself as a power-being, which implies that, keeping only the possibility of existing as the being whose responsibility implies being what it is, the Da-sein -sence, existing, consists of the foundation of its power-to-be. Constituting being and being indebted to being designated as care, the cry consists of the cry of care in a construction that points out that the Da-sein is originally reunited with itself in strangeness and whose ac-clamation, converging into a pro-claiming complaint, ends the pro-claiming of possibility as a possibility that, in existing, involves assuming, in itself, the launched being that it is, implying the claim for the being launched in the face of the ought-to-be and the power-to-be in the sense of understanding oneself as the foundation of nothingness to be assumed in existence in a movement that attributes the decision to the most original truth condition of Da-sein. (shrink)

This book offers a detailed study of the political philosophies of Thomas Hobbes and Benedict de Spinoza, focussing on their concept of power as potentia, concrete power, rather than power as potestas, authorised power. The focus on power as potentia generates a new conception of popular power. Radical democrats–whether drawing on Hobbes's 'sleeping sovereign' or on Spinoza's 'multitude'–understand popular power as something that transcends ordinary institutional politics, as for instance popular plebsites or mass movements. However, the book argues that these (...) understandings reflect a residual scholasticism which Hobbes and Spinoza ultimately repudiate. Instead, on the book's revisionist conception, a political phenomenon should be said to express popular power when it is both popular (it eliminates oligarchy and encompasses the whole polity), and also powerful (it robustly determines political and social outcomes). Two possible institutional forms that this popular power might take are distinguished: Hobbesian repressive egalitarianism, or Spinozist civic strengthening. But despite divergent institutional proposals, the book argues that both Hobbes and Spinoza share the conviction that there is nothing spontaneously egalitarian or good about human collective existence. From this point of view, the book accuses radical democrats of pernicious romanticism; the slow, meticulous work of organizational design and maintenance is the true centre of popular power. Three minute video summary available via HPBin3. Extended discussion on The Political Theory Review podcast. First chapter open access available via Oxford Scholarship Online. Videos of book talks at National University of Singapore (Centre for Legal Theory) and Universidad de Buenos Aires (Instituto de Investigaciones Gino Germani) available via YouTube. (See links below.). (shrink)

Mindset plays a vital role in tackling the barriers to improving the preservice mathematics teachers’ (PMTs) conceptual understanding of problem-solving. As the COVID-19 pandemic has continued to pose a challenge, online learning has been adopted. This led this study to determining the PMTs’ mindset and level of conceptual understanding in problem-solving in an online learning environment utilising Google Classroom and the Khan Academy. A quantitative research design was employed specifically utilising a descriptive, comparative, and correlational design. Forty-five PMTs were chosen (...) through simple random sampling and willingly took part in this study. The data was gathered using validated and reliable questionnaires and problem-solving tests. The data gathered was analysed using descriptive statistics, analysis of variance, and simple linear regression. The results revealed that the college admission test, specifically numerical proficiency, influences a strong mindset and a higher level of conceptual understanding in problem-solving. Additionally, this study shows that mindset predicts the levels of conceptual understanding in problem-solving in an online environment where PMTs with a growth mindset have the potential to solve math problems. The use of Google Classroom and the Khan Academy to aid online instruction is useful in the preparation of PMTs as future mathematics teachers and problem-solvers. Further studies may be conducted to validate these reports and to address the limitations of this study. (shrink)

Spanish translation of Field, S. L. (2014). 'Hobbes and the question of power'. Journal of the History of Philosophy, 52(1), 61-86. Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such (...) a doctrine must be robustly complemented by an account of how the effective power commensurate to this authority might be achieved. Nor is this straightforward: for effective political power can fluctuate, sometimes severely. In this light, the prevalent juridical reading of Hobbes’s political philosophy is inadequate. (shrink)

Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such a doctrine must be robustly complemented by an account of how the effective power commensurate to this authority might be achieved. (...) Nor is this straightforward: for effective political power can fluctuate, sometimes severely. In this light, the prevalent juridical reading of Hobbes’s political philosophy is inadequate. (shrink)

Focusing on the problem of transcendence as a question of the essence of the foundation in Martin Heidegger, Prof. Luiz Carlos Mariano Da Rosa, in line with the hermeneutic- phenomenological-ontological-existential principle, addresses Leibniz's Principium Rationis Sufficientis and the problem of foundation as a correlation involving the essence of truth and the essence of transcendence through a theoretical-conceptual construction that encloses transcendence as being-in-the-world in a relationship that converges to the transcendence of Da-sein in its essence as world-forming. Pointing out (...) transcendence as freedom for the foundation, the article shows that, according to Heidegger, constituting the founding of the original relationship involving freedom “to- with” the foundation, such a correspondence implies that, founding, it gives freedom and takes foundation, whose founding, rooted in transcendence, involves a multiplicity of modes, among which founding imposes itself as “erecting”, “taking ground” and “founding”, converging to the event involving a world as a world in freedom for a “being from a distance.”. (shrink)

This paper tries to introduce the main elements of Alexander Pfänder´s thought. Pfänder was one of the most prominent phenomenologists. He wrote many books on different philosophical topics such as Logic, Ethics, Epistemology, etc. Here one pays special attention to his way of considering Logic and his special comprehension of phenomenological method.

This volume offers a collection of in-depth explorations of pragmatism as a framework for discussions in philosophy of science and metaphysics. Each chapter involves explicit reflection on what it means to be pragmatist, and how to use pragmatism as a guiding framework in addressing topics such as realism, unification, fundamentality, truth, laws, reduction, and more. -/- .

Detendo-se na noção de consciência (Gewissen) enquanto fenômeno originário do Da-sein segundo a interpretação de Heidegger na obra “Ser e Tempo” (II Parte, II Capítulo, Da seção § 55 à seção § 60), o Prof. Luiz Carlos Mariano Da Rosa, em consonância com o princípio hermenêutico-fenomenológico-ontológico-existencial, investiga o clamor da consciência enquanto conclamação do si-mesmo em seu poder-ser si-mesmo, tendo em vista o Da-sein que clama no fundo da sua estranheza enquanto clamor da consciência em uma construção teórico-conceitual que (...) encerra nas fronteiras do Da-sein o que clama e o a-clamado. Dessa forma, analisando o Da-sein como quem clama e o seu estar-lançado como “já-ser-em” e o angustiar-se com o seu poder-ser enquanto conclamação para assumir o seu poder-ser mais próprio, cujo movimento encerra o caráter de cura do Da-sein como possibilidade ontológica do clamor da consciência, o artigo expõe que, constituindo a cura, o ser do Da-sein compreende em si facticidade (estar-lançado), ek-sistência (projeto) e de-cadência em um processo que assinala que o Da-sein é enquanto determina a si como poder-ser que pertence a si mesmo enquanto poder-ser, o que implica que, guardando somente possibilidade de ek-sistir como o ente cuja responsabilidade implica ser o que é, o Da-sein, existindo, consiste no fundamento de seu poder-ser. Constituindo o ser e estar em débito o ser designado como cura, o clamor consiste no clamor da cura em uma construção que assinala que o Da-sein encontra-se originariamente reunido consigo mesmo na estranheza e cuja a-clamação, convergindo para uma re-clamação pro-clamadora, encerra o pro-clamar da possibilidade enquanto possibilidade que, em existindo, envolve o assumir, em si mesmo, o ente-lançado que é, implicando o re-clamar para o estar-lançado em face do dever-ser e do poder-ser no sentido de compreender a si como fundamento do nada a ser assumido na ek-sistência em um movimento que atribui a de-cisão a condição de verdade mais originária do Da-sein. (shrink)

Baseado no filme “Sociedade dos Poetas Mortos”, o artigo assinala o impacto na escola Welton dos novos métodos de ensino e aprendizagem do professor John Keating, que sublinha o sentido e o valor da vida, defendendo o cultivo de si e o conhecimento enquanto afirmação das forças da vida. Dessa forma, fundado na crítica de Nietzsche à “cultura histórica” e à questão envolvendo os professores de filosofia - filósofos ou servidores da “história”? -, o artigo propõe a superação da redução (...) do ser, da vida e da visão à cultura da “moda” e à alienação dos instintos e perda da liberdade. (shrink)

Although high-performance human resource practices do not directly affect corporate social performance strengths, they do positively affect CSP strengths in companies that are highly innovative or have high levels of slack. High-performance human resource management practices also directly and negatively affect CSP concerns. Drawing on the resource-based view and using secondary data from an objective, third-party database, the authors develop and test hypotheses about how high-performance HRM affects a company’s CSP strengths and concerns. Findings suggest that HRM and innovation are (...) important capabilities because they create and enhance other capabilities. (shrink)

ABSTRACT Genevieve Lloyd argues that when we follow Spinoza in understanding reason as a part of nature, we gain new insights into the human condition. Specifically, we gain a new political insight: we should respond to cultural difference with a pluralist ethos. This is because there is no pure universal reason; human minds find their reason shaped differently by their various embodied social contexts. Furthermore, we can use the resources of the imagination to bring this ethos about. In my response, (...) I offer a friendly challenge to Lloyd’s characterisation of the lessons of Spinoza’s philosophy. I argue that Lloyd’s Spinoza remains excessively unpolitical, even in the moment that he is brought to bear on contemporary politics. An unpluralistic attitude may well be rationally inferior, but is it really explained by insufficient or inappropriate imagination? To the contrary, a properly Spinozist account of reason must include an account of the concrete determinants of reason’s imperfect realisation in the world. In Spinoza’s own oeuvre, this is carried out through an ever-increasing—and ever more sociological—interest in the political structures within which individual reason flourishes or withers. (shrink)

According to a recent interpretive orthodoxy, Spinoza is a profoundly democratic theorist of state authority. I reject this orthodoxy. To be sure, for Spinoza, a political order succeeds in proportion as it harnesses the power of the people within it. However, Spinoza shows that political inclusion is only one possible strategy to this end; equally if not more useful is political exclusion, so long as it maintains what I call the depoliticised acquiescence of those excluded.

Negri celebrates a conception of democracy in which the concrete powers of individual humans are not alienated away, but rather are added together: this is a democracy of the multitude. But how can the multitude act without alienating anyone’s power? To answer this difficulty, Negri explicitly appeals to Spinoza. Nonetheless, in this paper, I argue that Spinoza’s philosophy does not support Negri’s project. I argue that the Spinozist multitude avoids internal hierarchy through the mediation of political institutions and not in (...) spite of them; nor do these institutions merely emanate from the multitude as it is, but rather they structure, restrain and channel its passions. In particular, the required institutions are not those of a simple direct democracy. There may be other non-Spinozist arguments on which Negri can ground his theory, but he cannot legitimately defend his conception of the democratic multitude by appeal to Spinoza. (shrink)

This paper is aimed at understanding one central aspect of Bolzano's views on deductive knowledge: what it means for a proposition and for a term to be known a priori. I argue that, for Bolzano, a priori knowledge is knowledge by virtue of meaning and that Bolzano has substantial views about meaning and what it is to know the latter. In particular, Bolzano believes that meaning is determined by implicit definition, i.e. the fundamental propositions in a deductive system. I go (...) into some detail in presenting and discussing Bolzano's views on grounding, a priori knowledge and implicit definition. I explain why other aspects of Bolzano's theory and, in particular, his peculiar understanding of analyticity and the related notion of Ableitbarkeit might, as it has invariably in the past, mislead one to believe that Bolzano lacks a significant account oï a priori knowledge. Throughout the paper, I point out to the ways in which, in this respect, Bolzano's antagonistic relationship to Kant directly shaped his own views. (shrink)

Investigando o Nada que, segundo Parmênides, caracteriza-se como absoluto não-ser e encerra a impossibilidade envolvendo o seu conhecimento e expressão e, de acordo com Platão, consiste na alteridade do ser e implica a afirmação do ser do não-ser, o artigo assinala que, se a perspectiva ontológico-metafísica da civilização ocidental traz como princípio determinante o legado epistêmico-filosófico de Parmênides e o processo de anulação do Nada, Hegel instaura uma interpretação que se sobrepõe a interpretação que assinala a negação como fundamento do (...) Nada e identifica o Nada como fundamento da negação, defendendo que, em virtude da mesma determinação ou ausência de determinação em relação ao Ser em sua pureza originária, o Nada mantém correspondência com o Ser. Dessa forma, baseado na interpretação de Hegel envolvendo o Nada como fundamento da negação através de uma perspectiva que assinala o Nada enquanto base abstrata da relação envolvendo o positivo e o negativo, o artigo mostra que Heidegger expõe que, sobrepondo-se ao caráter formal de sua construção identitária, o questionamento envolvendo “Que acontece com este nada [dieses Nichts]?” e “Que é o nada [das Nichts]?”, converge para a elaboração da noção de que “O próprio nada nadifica” (Das Nichts selbst nichtet) em uma construção teórico-conceitual que sublinha que o Nada e seu nadificar se dispõem como tais na experiência da angústia. Assim, identificando o ente humano como lugar-tenente do Nada, Heidegger assinala que, à profundidade do imperar da angústia originária no Dasein, impõe-se o “estar suspenso” no nada como o ultrapassar do ente em sua totalidade: a transcendência. Assim, tendo em vista que há várias atitudes da “realidade humana” que encerram uma “compreensão” do Nada, convergindo para a sua descoberta como fenômeno e que implica a angústia enquanto possibilidade de uma relação com o Nada, Sartre assinala que se o ser-Em-si não guarda possibilidade de produzir o Nada intramundano, a origem do Nada alcança relevância enquanto questão fundamental, na medida em que o Ser pelo qual o Nada vem ao mundo não pode produzir o Nada indiferente ao processo de produção, isto é, o ser pelo qual o Nada vem ao mundo necessariamente trata-se de um ser que, em suma, “deve ser seu próprio Nada”: onde está no Ser o Ser que é seu próprio Nada? (shrink)

Detendo-se no pecado enquanto construção histórico-cultural e sociorreligiosa em um processo que encerra os seus aspectos mítico-religiosos, o artigo assinala que o conceito que expressa a sua noção guarda raízes nas fronteiras envolvendo o fracasso humano no sentido de corresponder ao arcabouço paradigmático e o seu sistema de tabus, leis e códigos morais. Dessa forma, convergindo para os aspectos etimológico-literários e bíblico-religiosos do pecado, o artigo sublinha que, encerrando o sentido de errar o alvo, a tradução do referido termo como (...) “pecado” mantém correspondência com a transposição textual instaurada pela versão Septuaginta em um movimento de abstração da noção de culpa moral. Baseado na leitura dos aspectos filosófico-teológicos do pecado em Paul Ricoeur, o artigo sublinha que o pecado não consiste em um termo capaz de esgotar o sentido da realidade que implica como símbolo da ruptura entre essência e existência, convergindo para a sua caracterização como símbolo do mal e “grandeza mítica” através de uma construção que assinala o pecado enquanto intersecção envolvendo o mal e o mundo e atribui a sua emergência ao ato e determina a sua identificação como produto e simultaneamente causa. Assim, detendo-se nos aspectos bíblico-teológicos do pecado em Paul Tillich e na construção do conceito como alienação entre a “não-fé” e o “não-amor”, o artigo enfatiza o caráter irredutível da concepção que, segundo o Apóstolo Paulo, encerra a condição de um poder quase pessoal que controla este mundo, o que implica a sobreposição de um estado de coisas caracterizado pela objetividade e a configuração do acontecimento ora designado como ruptura envolvendo essência e existência em um movimento que possa representar a separação humana do “Ser-em-Si” e expressar o elemento de responsabilidade pessoal imbricado em sua dinâmica existencial. (shrink)

Focusing on sin as a historical-cultural and socio-religious construction in a process that encompasses its mythical-religious aspects, the article points out that the concept that expresses its notion is rooted in the borders involving human failure to correspond to the paradigmatic framework and its system of taboos, laws and moral codes. Thus, converging on the etymological-literary and biblical-religious aspects of sin, the article emphasizes that, by ending the meaning of missing the mark, the translation of the aforementioned term as “sin” (...) corresponds to the textual transposition established by the Septuagintversion in a movement of abstraction from the notion of moral guilt. Based on Ricoeur's reading of the philosophical-theological aspects of sin, the article that points out that sin is not a term capable of exhausting the meaning of reality that it implies as a symbol of the rupture between essence and existence, converging to its characterization as a symbol of eviland “mythical grandeur” through a construction that marks sin as an intersection involving evil and the world and attributes its emergence tothe act and determines its identification as a product and simultaneously a cause. Thus, focusing on the biblical-theological aspects of sin in Tillich and on the construction of the concept as an alienation between “non-faith” and “non-love”, the articleemphasizes the irreducible character of the conception that, according to the Apostle Paul, encloses the condition of an almost personal powerthat controls this world, which implies the superposition of a state of affairs characterized by objectivity and the configuration of the event now designated as a rupture involving essence and existence in a movement that may represent the human separation from the “Being-in-itself” and expressing the element of personal responsibility imbricated in its existential dynamics. (shrink)

Detendo-se na investigação dos dois grandes modelos que caracterizam o pensamento político, a saber, o modelo clássico e o modelo jusnaturalista, o artigo em questão, distinguindo no âmbito daquele as teorias idealistas e realistas, empreende uma abordagem que nas fronteiras deste último sublinha desde a questão que envolve Como nasceu o Estado?, proposta pela perspectiva historicista, que traz como fundamento o homem como animal político, até a leitura racionalista, que acena com o problema Por que existe o Estado?, identificando o (...) homem como um ser naturalmente antissocial, salientando que se o bem comum determina a visão platônico-aristotélica, a leitura hobbesiana instaura uma lógica que emerge através do contrato social e assinala a tendência natural da autopreservação como fundamento da ação humana, consistindo, em suma, na transição da ordem mecânica da matéria à ordem final da vontade. (shrink)

Consistindo em um processo ético-jurídico de deliberação coletiva, o que se impõe à manifestação da Vontade Geral como um fenômeno histórico-cultural é a condição de imanência que a caracteriza em um movimento dinâmico-dialético que demanda uma formação econômico-social que possibilite a emergência de valores e práticas, condutas e comportamentos, necessidades e objetivos que, tendo como fundamento o interesse comum, se lhe correspondam, convergindo para uma forma de autodeterminação que guarda possibilidade de promover a superação da alienação das capacidades humanas no (...) contexto das relações socioprodutivas, a saber, a autogestão. Tal experiência social de autodeterminação coletiva, conforme assinala o artigo, envolve tanto a esfera política quanto o âmbito econômico e encerra a noção que implica desde a igualdade substancial até a efetiva participação política, sobrepondo-se ao viés mercadológico da organização econômico-social vigente e à estrutura burocrática corporificada pelo Estado no sistema capitalista. (shrink)

este trabajo aborda tres aspectos fundamentales del método filosófico de Edith Stein. En primer lugar, se alude a las cosas mismas como el punto de partida del filosofar de esta autora. En segundo lugar, se considera el aspecto que constituye uno de los aportes fundamentales del método fenomenológico y que es claramente reconocible en nuestra autora, a saber, el haber puesto de manifiesto la imposibilidad de hacer filosofía primera sin tomar en cuenta la vida consciente ante la que todas las (...) cosas se abren. En tercer lugar, se remite a la individualidad de la persona como un aspecto de la antropología de Stein especialmente relevante. Al final del análisis de cada uno de estos tres aspectos metodológicos se intenta mostrar en qué sentido éstos pueden ser de relevancia para emprender el camino hacia la pregunta por la mujer. (shrink)

Sobrepondo uma concepção crítica envolvendo os fundamentos do saber às ontologias dogmáticas que se impõem ao trabalho que implica a apreensão das questões filosóficas, o projeto kantiano propõe o fim da filosofia como construção metafísica e a necessidade de se lhe atribuir uma tarefa teórica de caráter essencialmente genealógico e crítico, no sentido que encerra a legitimação do conhecimento racional através da análise das faculdades que se lhe estão atreladas, conforme assinala o artigo, que se detém nos direitos da razão (...) cuja legitimidade a lógica da verdade reconhece e cuja ilegitimidade a lógica da aparência denuncia, convergindo para as fronteiras que encerram a possibilidade da construção do conhecimento científico, à medida que, tornando o entendimento o legislador universal da natureza e circunscrevendo a utilização das categorias aos limites da experiência possível, propõe as condições necessárias para fundá-lo sobre os juízos sintéticos a priori. (shrink)

In October 2016, the White House, the European Parliament, and the UK House of Commons each issued a report outlining their visions on how to prepare society for the widespread use of artificial intelligence. In this article, we provide a comparative assessment of these three reports in order to facilitate the design of policies favourable to the development of a ‘good AI society’. To do so, we examine how each report addresses the following three topics: the development of a ‘good (...) AI society’; the role and responsibility of the government, the private sector, and the research community in pursuing such a development; and where the recommendations to support such a development may be in need of improvement. Our analysis concludes that the reports address adequately various ethical, social, and economic topics, but come short of providing an overarching political vision and long-term strategy for the development of a ‘good AI society’. In order to contribute to fill this gap, in the conclusion we suggest a two-pronged approach. (shrink)

It is common to assimilate Marx’s and Spinoza’s conceptions of democracy. In this chapter, I assess the relation between Marx’s early idea of “true democracy” and Spinozist democracy, both the historical influence and the theoretical affinity. Drawing on Marx’s student notebooks on Spinoza’s Theological-Political Treatise, I show there was a historical influence. However, at the theoretical level, I argue that a sharp distinction must be drawn. Philosophically, Spinoza’s commitment to understanding politics through real concrete powers does not support with Marx’s (...) anti-institutional conception of true democracy. And as a matter of social theory, the gap between civil society and the state which so troubles Marx is a development of modernity that has not entered Spinoza's premodern field of view. Marx’s true democracy was also influenced by his study of Rousseau, and theoretically, it is just as close if not closer to Rousseau as to Spinoza. (shrink)

Spanish translation of Field, S. L. (2012). 'Democracy and the multitude: Spinoza against Negri'. Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory, 59(131), 21-40. Translated by María Cecilia Padilla and Gonzalo Ricci Cernadas. Negri celebra una concepción de la democracia en la que los poderes concretos de los individuos humanos no se alienan sino que se agregan: una democracia de la multitud. Pero ¿cómo puede actuar la multitud sin alienar el poder de nadie? Para contestar esta dificultad, Negri explícitamente apela (...) a Spinoza. Sin embargo, en este trabajo, sostengo que la filosofía de Spinoza no respalda el proyecto de Negri. Por el contrario, argumento que la multitud spinozista evita la jerarquía interna por medio de la mediación de las instituciones políticas y no a pesar de ellas; de la misma manera, estas instituciones tampoco simplemente emanan de la multitud tal cual es, sino que estructuran, contienen y canalizan sus pasiones. En particular, las instituciones requeridas no son las de la democracia simple y directa. Puede ser que existan otros argumentos no spinozistas en los cuales Negri pueda basar su teoría, pero no puede defender legítimamente su concepción de la multitud democrática apelando a Spinoza. (shrink)

Jusqu'à maintenant, il semble qu'on n'ait pas établi de lien entre le rejet par Bolzano de la notation quantificationnelle des propositions universelles de la logique traditionnelle et l'articulation inédite de sa notion de validité universelle. C'est ce que je veux faire ici. En particulier, dans la mesure où l'analyticité est un cas spécial de la validité universelle, j'ai l'intention de défendre l'idée qui veut que la notion bolzanienne d'analyticité cherche à résoudre des problèmes qui sont intrinsèquement liés à la théorie (...) traditionnelle de la quantification universelle tels qu'ils surviennent, notamment avec le traitement kantien de l'analyticité. It seems that the connection between Bolzano's rejection of the traditional quantificational notation for universal propositions and the articulation of his notion of universal validity has remained, until today, perfectly unnoticed. In this paper, I will show that there is such a connection. Particularly, since analyticity is a special case of universal validity, my intention is to show that the problems to which Bolzano's perfectly original account of analyticity seeks to find an answer are intrinsically related to the traditional conception of universal quantification as it arises in the context of Kant's treatment of analyticity. (shrink)

R. Otto (1869-1937) is known for his work in the field of philosophy of religion. The article addresses his main contributions, with special attention to the Aufsätze zur Ethik and its connection to The Idea of the Holy. Against the idea that Otto is unable to develop an ethics without giving up some fundamental positions of The Idea of the Holy, the article argues in favor of their agreement with his ethical writings, on the basis of the thesis that not (...) everything we know is a form of knowledge (wissen), in the sense of intellectual representation. (shrink)

In this paper, I articulate two Hobbesian models of interpersonal power relations that can be used to understand gender relations in society: what I will call the dominion model and the deference model. The dominion model discerns vertical subjection to another's will, whereas by contrast the deference model places individuals in a complex and shifting webs of favor and disfavor. Hobbes himself analyses gender relations through the dominion model. Indeed, more broadly this is the most prominent model of interpersonal power (...) relations throughout his texts. It is this model which is also reflected in the very rich existing feminist literature on Hobbes. However, the deference model, emerging only late in Hobbes's oeuvre, offers a superior general rubric for understanding interpersonal power relations. In particular, in light of its ability to grasp informal and diffuse relations of power, I argue that it offers useful insights for thinking about gender relations in our post-coverture era. (shrink)

On considère souvent, à la suite des ouvrages classiques de J. Bouveresse, que Wittgenstein veut opérer un rejet ou une critique de la subjectivité. Il semble cependant que les derniers textes de Wittgenstein consacrés à la philosophie de la psychologie permettent de modifier partiellement ce point de vue, et défaire place à une conception spécifique de la subjectivité, redéfinissant un sujet dépsychologisé voire désubjectivé, qui n'est plus le point sans étendue du Tractatus, ni le sujet métaphysique, ni le sujet de (...) la psychologie, mais simplement une voix ordinaire. Wittgenstein's later work is often held by critics in France, following e.g. Jacques Bouveresse's insights, to be operating a criticism of both interiority and subjectivity. A reading of Wittgenstein's later writings on the philosophy of psychology might somehow change such a point of view, and redefine a specific view — as a de-psychologized species — of subjectivity in Wittgenstein's writing, thus redefining the wittgensteinian subject in terms of an ordinary voice. (shrink)

The European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium featured my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics, with critical commentaries from Alissa MacMillan, Chris Holman, and Justin Steinberg. This is my response to their commentaries.

The European Hobbes Society Online Colloquium featured my book, Potentia: Hobbes and Spinoza on Power and Popular Politics. This is a précis of the book.

Students often have difficulty connecting theoretical and text-based scholarship to the real world. When teaching in Asia, this disconnection is exacerbated by the European/American focus of many canonical texts, whereas students' own experiences are primarily Asian. However, in my discipline of political philosophy, this problem receives little recognition nor is it comprehensively addressed. In this paper, I propose that the problem must be taken seriously, and I share my own experiences with a novel pedagogical strategy which might offer a possible (...) path forward. Recent scholarship has championed an active learning approach, where students engage in their own research, and deliver outward-facing products that have a meaning and purpose beyond the confines of the student-professor relationship. In this spirit, I have put into practice a strategy of course design, where active learning is used to overcome students' disconnection with the course content. In particular, as a major component of course assessment, students are required to write an 'opinion piece', which is then showcased on a public website. The opinion piece must address a real-world issue which the student himself or herself selects and deems important; furthermore, it must build on the theoretical tools of the course and be written in a style which makes it accessible to a wider audience. I discuss the implementation of this strategy in two political philosophy courses, including strategies to avoid 'dumbing down' and ‘diluting’ the process of critical thinking. While no formal analysis of impact of the strategy on learning outcomes has been conducted, an anonymous pedagogical survey has yielded an overwhelmingly positive response for students' self-reported perceptions of the curricular innovations. (shrink)

It may be time to question analytic philosophy’s structural ignorance of the methods of ordinary language philosophy. Cavell’s Must We Mean What We Say? upsets the analytic tradition to this end, pursuing a “linguistic phenomenology” that focuses on ordinary language use as a resource for describing the world. Cavell thereby entrusts the tradition with a more ambitious and concrete philosophical task.

Integrity is often conceived as a heroic ideal: the person of integrity sticks to what they believe is right, regardless of the consequences. In this article, I defend a conception of ordinary integrity, for people who either do not desire or are unable to be moral martyrs. Drawing on the writings of seventeenth century thinker Huang Zongxi, I propose refocussing attention away from an abstract ideal of integrity, to instead consider the institutional conditions whereby it is made safe not to (...) be servile. (shrink)

According to Kierkegaard, truth is superimposed on the objective character that encompasses historical investigation and speculative exercise, dialoguing with subjectivity and the limit-condition of interiority. Focusing on such existential-hermeneutic principle, the article points out spirituality as an epistemic-existential experience involving truth as a paradox in Kierkegaard, that overlaps the logical-discursive mediation and implies a dialectical-subjective construction that transcends reason historical-objective. Thus, characterizing spirituality as an epistemic-existential experience that contains non-rational evidence, the article resorts to Rudolf Otto's phenomenology to underline the (...) sacred and its absolute distinction from natural reality and its perceptible character, emphasizing the non-rational element and its supra-rational nature in the numinous, which escapes logical-rational processes and converges to the apprehension of the rational and the non-rational in the notion of Divinity. Therefore, if the relationship with God overlaps subjectivity and objectivity and overcomes the aforementioned epistemic structural scheme, the article, based on the philosophical theology of Paul Tillich, focuses on the concept of Spiritual Presence and on life without ambiguity, which implies the union transcendent and correlates agape and gnosis in an ecstatic-religious movement that encompasses the self-manifestation, self-revelation and self-communication of the Absolute and Transcendent. (shrink)

Political protesters often don’t play by the rules. Think of the Occupy Movement, which brought lower Manhattan to a standstill in 2011 under the slogan, “We are the 99%”. Closer to home, think of the refugee activists who assisted a breakout from South Australia’s Woomera detention centre in 2002. Both are examples of contentious politics, or forms of political engagement outside the institutional channels of political decision-making. The democratic credentials of contentious politics are highly ambivalent. On the one hand, contentious (...) politics appears to have insufficient respect for democratic decision. Protesters are often forceful, uncivil and rowdy, aiming to disproportionately influence policy. But shouldn’t proposals be put forward with civility through the proper channels? And shouldn’t their proponents accept with good grace if they are democratically rebuffed? A closer look at the history of political thought can provide us with the framework to assess the case for and against the democratic reasonableness of contentious politics. (shrink)

Many philosophers reduce ordinary knowledge to sensory or, more generally, to perceptual knowledge, which refers to entities belonging to the phenomenic world. However, ordinary knowledge is not only the result of sensory-perceptual processes, but also of non-perceptual contents that are present in any mind. From an epistemological point of view, ordinary knowledge is a form of knowledge that not only allows epistemic access to the world, but also enables the formulation of models of it with different degrees of reliability. Usually (...) epistemologists focus their attention on scientific knowledge, believing that ordinary knowledge does not, or cannot, have an epistemology for it is not in any way rigorous. The papers collected in this volume analyse different aspects of ordinary knowledge and of its epistemology. (shrink)

Is there something about the deep logic of democracy that destines it to succeed in the world? Democracy, the form of politics that includes everyone as equals – does it perhaps suit human nature better than the alternatives? After all, surely any person who is excluded from the decision-making in a society will be more liable to rise up against it. From ancient thinkers like Seneca to contemporary thinkers like Francis Fukuyama, we can see some version of this line of (...) thought. Seneca thought that tyrannies could never last long; Fukuyama famously argued that liberal democracy is the end of history. I want to focus instead on the person credited with giving the most direct and uncompromising statement of this thought: Benedict de Spinoza. However, in this article, I argue to the contrary that Spinoza’s view of aristocracy should give pause to radical democrats. He does not see a historical movement towards democracy, nor does he see the superiority of democracy as written into human nature. (shrink)

Hobbes’s science of politics rests on a dual analysis of human beings: humans as complex material bodies in a network of mechanical forces, prone to passions and irrationality; and humans as subjects of right and obligation, morally exhortable by appeal to the standards of reason. The science of politics proposes an absolutist model of politics. If this proposal is not to be idle utopianism, the enduring functioning of the model needs to be compatible with the materialist analysis of human behaviour. (...) In this paper, I argue that Hobbes's attempts to render his science of politics compatible with his materialism are only partly successful; a fuller compatibility is achieved in the political writings of Spinoza. -/- Published with reply: Luke O'Sullivan, 'Sovereigns and citizens: a response to Field', ibid., 221-224. Reprinted as: Sandra Field (2015), 'Hobbes and human irrationality', in T. Nardin (ed.) Rationality in Politics and its Limits, Abingdon: Routledge, 31-44. With reply: Luke O'Sullivan, 'Sovereigns and citizens: a response to Field', ibid., 45-48. (shrink)

El objetivo de este artículo es indagar acerca de la noción de “pasividad” que caracteriza al sujeto en el proyecto ético de Emmanuel Levinas. Un sujeto que es y está entregado al Otro, más allá de toda decisión voluntaria y de cualquier relación fáctica. La “pasividad” es la noción que permite comprender la contextura de la subjetividad levinasiana, su modo de constituirse, de “realizarse”, así como algo que denominaremos su “condición segunda”. La pasividad aparece en el pensamiento de Levinas como (...) la noción que le permite articular su ética, en tanto que ésta se funda en una responsabilidad que acontece en el extremo abandono de las certidumbres del “si mismo”, del “yo”. (shrink)

The concept of imperium is central to Spinoza's political philosophy. Imperium denotes authority to rule, or sovereignty. By extension, it also denotes the political order structured by that sovereignty, or in other words, the state. Spinoza argues that reason recommends that we live in a state, and indeed, humans are hardly ever outside a state. But what is the source and scope of the sovereignty under which we live? In some sense, it is linked to popular power, but how precisely, (...) and how is this popular grounding to be reconciled with the absolutist elements in Spinoza's texts? Against prominent liberal and radical democratic interpretations, I argue that Spinoza's insistence on linking imperium to the power of the people amounts to a normative attitude towards politics in which the formal features of a political system are less significant than the concrete everyday functioning of that system. Furthermore, I argue that its good functioning is importantly a product of an institutional order which does not simply defer to human individuality or to the primordial multitude, but instead, actively shapes them. While it may be worthwhile railing against monarchy and aristocracy and demanding liberal or radical democracy, the prior and more important challenge is to increase the robustness and resilience of the multitude within whatever form of state presents itself, through boring, meticulous, and incremental institutional design. For Spinoza, it is a robust and resilient political order that truly merits being called absolute. (shrink)

El plagio ha sido objeto de investigaciones desde hace algunos años; sin embargo, ha sido estudiado principalmente en el alumnado de diferentes niveles educativos, aun cuando es una práctica que se manifiesta también en la investigación científica. Por ello, este artículo parte de responder: ¿Cuál es la prevalencia del plagio entre investigadores? ¿Cuáles son las principales causas asociadas a su comisión? ¿Qué estrategias se emplean para prevenirlo? Se realizó una revisión sistemática de literatura. Un total de 25 documentos fueron evaluados, (...) analizados y sintetizados. Los resultados señalan que la estimación de la prevalencia del plagio es de 4.3% a nivel internacional, porcentaje por debajo de la práctica real debido al sesgo de respuesta: algunos investigadores podrían no estar reportando la comisión de plagio en su práctica investigativa, aun cuando participen de forma anónima en las investigaciones. La principal razón asociada al plagio es la falta de tiempo, relacionada con el trabajo excesivo y con la presión para lograr una promoción. Las estrategias de prevención se agrupan en tres: implementación de capacitaciones, creación o modificación de políticas y documentos. La revisión, a pesar de centrarse originalmente en el plagio, añade información sobre otras prácticas investigativas no éticas. Se concluye que el plagio, a pesar de su aparente baja prevalencia, es un fenómeno grave presente en la investigación científica, que requiere una definición clara y completa con miras a ser aceptada de forma internacional, además de que necesita ser estudiado en mayor medida y con diferentes metodologías. Se sugieren nuevas líneas de investigación y se invita a atender las estrategias de prevención recabadas. (shrink)

El artículo ofrece un panorama del precedente en el Civil Law con el objetivo de distinguir los problemas que pueden presentarse en los sistemas jurídicos que tienen una práctica formal o institucionalizada de precedente, de aquellos en los que no la hay. Se identificó que se introdujo el precedente como una forma de responder a las crecientes demandas de administración de justicia en la materia y delimitar la discrecionalidad del operador jurídico. Por tanto, la tesis de fondo de este trabajo (...) es que, en la operación regular de los sistemas jurídicos del Civil Law, tanto los tribunales constitucionales y la jurisdicción en general identificaron la necesidad práctica de dotar de contornos a los derechos humanos —en tanto disposiciones jurídicas a concretar jurisdiccionalmente—. (shrink)