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  1. Is the ‘Hate’ in Hate Speech the ‘Hate’ in Hate Crime? Waldron and Dworkin on Political Legitimacy.Rebecca Ruth Gould - 2019 - Jurisprudence 10 (2):171-187.
    Among the most persuasive arguments against hate speech bans was made by Ronald Dworkin, who warned of the threat to political legitimacy posed by laws that deny those subject to them adequ...
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  2. البحث عن معنى - Searching for a Meaning.Salah Osman - 2019 - Alexandria, Alexandria Governorate, Egypt: منشأة المعارف بالإسكندرية The Establishment of Knowledge (Munsha't al-Ma'arif).
    في معية الإخفاقات الحضارية المتتالية للعقل العربي في عالمنا المعاصر؛ حيث تم تجريد الأشياء – والقضايا والسياسات والمواقف والقرارات والعلاقات – من معانيها، أو بالأحرى تم مسخها بمعانٍ زائفة تُلبي حاجات الزيف الممسك بتلابيب الواقع، واتسعت الفجوة بين كلٍ العقل ومنطقه، والتفكير ومبادئه، والعلم ومنهجه، والدين ورسالته، والإنسان وإنسانيته، وبين ماضي العربي وحاضره، ثم بين حاضره ومستقبله ... يغدو البحث عن معنى – باستقامة معنى «المعنى» وعقلانيته – محاولة أخيرة لإدراك الغاية من الوجود، وإنعاش قلب أوشك نبضه على التوقف، واستعادة (...)
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  3. Citizenship, Structural Inequality and the Political Elite.Michael Merry - 2018 - On Education 1 (1):1-6.
    Whatever the merits idealized liberal accounts of citizenship education may have in the seminar room, in this essay I argue that they are both unpersuasive and ineffectual. This is the case, because they are insufficiently attentive to the empirical realities, first (a) with respect to how real – versus imaginary – school systems function; and second, (b) with respect to the broader political context in which citizenship education policies are implemented. Because so much is already known about the former, I (...)
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  4. Repenser le républicanisme : l’idéal de la non-domination et les politiques multiculturelles.Karel J. Leyva - 2018 - In Solange Lefebvre & Guillaume St Laurent (eds.), Dix ans plus tard : La Commission Bouchard-Taylor, succès ou échec ? Montréal, QC, Canada: pp. 303-316.
    Le rapport issu de la commission Bouchard-Taylor qualifie la laïcité qui s’est implantée au Québec comme étant « plus libérale que républicaine », car elle permet à tous les citoyens « d’exprimer leurs convictions religieuses dans la mesure où cette expression n’entrave pas les droits et libertés d’autrui ». Les régimes républicains y sont présentés comme ceux qui refoulent les différences ethnoculturelles, « en les laissant en marge », tandis que le multiculturalisme accorderait une place prioritaire à la diversité. Dans (...)
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  5. Representation in Multilateral Democracy: How to Represent Individuals in the EU While Guaranteeing the Mutual Recognition of Peoples.Antoinette Scherz - 2017 - European Law Journal 23 (6):495-508.
    The democratic criteria for representation in the European Union are complex since its representation involves several delegation mechanisms and institutions. This paper develops institutional design principles for the representation of peoples and individuals and suggests reform options of the European Union on the basis of the theory of multilateral democracy. In particular, it addresses how the equality of individuals can be realised in EU representation while guaranteeing the mutual recognition of peoples. Unlike strict intergovernmental institutions, the EU requires an additional (...)
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  6. The Limitations of the Open Mind.Jeremy Fantl - 2018 - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    When should you engage with difficult arguments against your cherished controversial beliefs? The primary conclusion of this book is that your obligations to engage with counterarguments are more limited than is often thought. In some standard situations, you shouldn't engage with difficult counterarguments and, if you do, you shouldn't engage with them open-mindedly. This conclusion runs counter to aspects of the Millian political tradition and political liberalism, as well as what people working in informal logic tend to say about argumentation. (...)
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  7. Stability of Sociopolitical Systems in the Context of Globalization: Revolution and Democracy.Leonid Grinin & Andrey V. Korotayev - 2015 - Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 9 (2):01-34.
    Issues of sociopolitical systems’ stability and risks of their destabi-lization in process of political transformations belong to the most important ones as regards the social development perspectives, as has been shown again by the recent events in Ukraine. In this re-spect it appears necessary to note that the transition to democracy may pose a serious threat to the stability of respective sociopolitical systems. This article studies the issue of democratization of countries within globalization context, it points to the unreasonably high (...)
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  8. Introduction to the Guest Edited Section: World Government.Attila Tanyi - 2017 - Journal of Global Ethics 13 (3):260-263.
    In this introduction, I first present the general problematic of the special section. Our world faces several existential challenges war, and global injustice) and some would argue that the only adequate answer to these challenges is setting up a world government. I then introduce the contributions that comprise the scholarly body of the special section: Andrić on global democracy; Hahn on global political reconciliation; Pinheiro Walla on Kant and world government; Miklós & Tanyi on institutional consequentialism and world governance. Lastly, (...)
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  9. Hate Speech in Public Discourse: A Pessimistic Defense of Counterspeech.Maxime Lepoutre - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (4):851-883.
    Jeremy Waldron, among others, has forcefully argued that public hate speech assaults the dignity of its targets. Without denying this claim, I contend that it fails to establish that bans, rather than counterspeech, are the appropriate response. By articulating a more refined understanding of counterspeech, I suggest that counterspeech constitutes a better way of blocking hate speech’s dignitarian harm. In turn, I address two objections: according to the first, which draws on contemporary philosophy of language, counterspeech does not block enough (...)
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  10. LECTURES ON CENTRAL ASIA.H. B. Paksoy - 2005 - Florence: Carrie/European University Institute.
    1. How do human organizations, as designed by humans, govern polities? -/- Current web-site analyses indicate that the medical-sites register the heaviest use. Humans are concerned with their health in a variety of iterations. If you will, it is the choice of the marketplace. But, humans must tend to the business of life. The humans live in communities, which necessarily choose definitions for their polities. Polities cannot exist without explicitly appointed and generally known socio-legal laws. In defining those rules, societies (...)
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  11. Attaining Rogers Smith's Civic Ideals.David J. Lorenzo - 2002 - Political Theory 30 (3):357-383.
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  12. Egypt and the Middle East: Democracy, Anti-Democracy and Pragmatic Faith.Matthew Crippen - 2016 - Saint Louis University Public Law Review 35:281-302.
    In this article, I discuss prospects for democracy in the Middle East. I argue, first, that some democratic experiments—for instance, Egypt under Mohammed Morsi—are not in keeping with etymological and historical meanings of democracy; and second, that efforts to promote democracy, especially as exemplified in U.N. documents emphasizing universal rights grounded in Western traditions, are possibly totalitarian and also colonialist and hence counter to democratic ideals insofar as they impart one set of values as the only morally acceptable ones. A (...)
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  13. Ethics, Rights, and White's Antitrust Skepticism.Ryan Long - 2016 - The Antitrust Bulletin 61 (2):336-341.
    Mark White has developed a provocative skepticism about antitrust law. I first argue against three claims that are essential to his argument: the state may legitimately constrain or punish only conduct that violates someone’s rights, the market’s purpose is coordinating and maximizing individual autonomy, and property rights should be completely insulated from democratic deliberation. I then sketch a case that persons might have a right to a competitive market. If so, antitrust law does deal with conduct that violates rights. The (...)
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  14. Philosophy of Media Manipulation in the Globalization Era: Options for Countering.Vihren Bouzov - 2016 - In Hristo Hristov & Milen Marinova (eds.), Practical Philosophy: Thematic Collective Books. Veliko Turnovo: St. Cyril and St. Methodius University Press. pp. 9-16.
    Corporative global media cannot be an instrument of the culture of peace, because they have made widespread individualistic values of the consummative society. Through their symbolic power, they successfully dominate over every sphere of existence of a society: politics, economic life, social ties, national culture, human communication and private life. Traditional media could not be a factor in the promotion and development of culture of peace, simply because they are proponents of corporative economic and political interests. It is in the (...)
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  15. Public Interest and Majority Rule in Bentham's Democratic Theory.Michael James - 1981 - Political Theory 9 (1):49-64.
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  16. Democratic Inheritance and the Problem of Normativity: A Review Essay of Samir Haddad’s Derrida and the Inheritance of Democracy. [REVIEW]Bryan Lueck - 2014 - SCTIW Review 11 (1):1-6.
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  17. Union Citizenship Revisited: Multilateral Democracy as Normative Standard for European Citizenship.Antoinette Scherz & Rebecca Welge - 2014 - Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 41 (8):1254- 1275.
    Union Citizenship as currently implemented in the European Union introduces a distinct concept of citizenship that necessitates an adequate normative approach. The objective of this paper is to assess EU Citizenship against the theoretical background of multilateral democracy. This approach is specifically suited for this task, as it does not rely on a nation-state paradigm or the presumption of a further transformation into a federation or union. We propose three criteria by which to assess multilevel citizenship: equal individual rights, equal (...)
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  18. Corruption de la démocratie ? Introduction | Corruption and Democracy: Introduction.Marc-Antoine Dilhac - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):4-7.
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  19. Political Corruption as Deformities of Truth.Yann Allard-Tremblay - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):28-49.
    This paper presents a conception of corruption informed by epistemic democratic theory. I first explain the view of corruption as a disease of the political body. Following this view, we have to consider the type of actions that debase a political entity of its constitutive principal in order to assess corruption. Accordingly, we need to consider what the constitutive principle of democracy is. This is the task I undertake in the second section where I explicate democratic legitimacy. I present democracy (...)
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  20. Corruption de la Démocratie ? Introduction.Marc-Antoine Dilhac - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):4-7.
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  21. Acting Under Tyranny: Hannah Arendt and the Foundations of Democracy in Iran.Ramin Jahanbegloo & Nojang Khatami - 2013 - Constellations 20 (2):328-346.
    Amidst the ongoing turmoil in the Middle East and the reshaping of political systems in the region, the Iranian people remain mired in difficulties on their path to democratization. Much of this can be blamed on the gradual decline in activity within Iranian civil society and the stagnation of political imagination. If Iran is to have a future built on the solid foundation of a viable and legitimate political authority, Iranian civic actors must reimagine and revisit the notion of constitution-making (...)
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  22. Crisi Della Democrazia E Crisi Dei Partiti in Italia E Nel Mondo.Giovanni Incorvati & Fabio Marcelli (eds.) - 2010 - Aracne.
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  23. Terror, Torture and Democratic Autoimmunity.L. M. Johnson - 2012 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 38 (1):105-124.
    Shortly before his death in 2004, Jacques Derrida provocatively suggested that the greatest problem confronting contemporary democracy is that ‘the alternative to democracy can always be represented as a democratic alternative ’. This article analyses the manner in which certain manifestly anti-democratic practices, like terror and torture, come to be taken up in defense of democracies as a result of what Derrida calls democracy’s ‘autoimmune’ tendencies.
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  24. The Political Rights of Anti-Liberal-Democratic Groups.Kristian Skagen Ekeli - 2012 - Law and Philosophy 31 (3):269-297.
    The purpose of this paper is to consider whether it is permissible for a liberal democratic state to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. My answer to this question is twofold. On the one hand, I will argue that it is, in principle, permissible for liberal democratic states to deny anti-liberal-democratic citizens and groups the right to run for parliament. On the other hand, I will argue that it is rarely wise (or prudent) for ripe (...)
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  25. When the State Speaks, What Should It Say? The Dilemmas of Freedom of Expression and Democratic Persuasion.Corey Brettschneider - 2010 - Perspectives on Politics 8 (4):1005-1019.
    Hate groups are often thought to reveal a paradox in liberal thinking. On the one hand, such groups challenge the very foundations of liberal thought, including core values of equality and freedom. On the other hand, these same values underlie the rights such as freedom of expression and association that protect hate groups. Thus a liberal democratic state that extends those protections to such groups in the name of value neutrality and freedom of expression may be thought to be undermining (...)
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  26. Personal Identity in Multicultural Constitutional Democracies.H. P. P. Lotter - 1998 - South African Journal of Philosophy 17 (3):179-198.
    Awareness of, and respect for differences of gender, race, religion, language, and culture have liberated many oppressed groups from the hegemony of white, Western males. However, respect for previously denigrated collective identities should not be allowed to confine individuals to identities constructed around one main component used for political mobilisation, or to identities that depend on a priority of properties that are not optional, like race, gender, and language. In this article I want to sketch an approach for accommodating different (...)
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  27. Government Apologies to Indigenous Peoples.Alice MacLachlan - 2013 - In C. Allen Speight & Alice MacLachlan (eds.), Justice, Responsibility and Reconciliation in the Wake of Conflict. Springer. pp. 183-204.
    In this paper, I explore how theorists might navigate a course between the twin dangers of piety and excess cynicism when thinking critically about state apologies, by focusing on two government apologies to indigenous peoples: namely, those made by the Australian and Canadian Prime Ministers in 2008. Both apologies are notable for several reasons: they were both issued by heads of government, and spoken on record within the space of government: the national parliaments of both countries. Furthermore, in each case, (...)
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  28. Social Justice, Democratic Education and the Silencing of Words That Wound.Barbara Applebaum - 2003 - Journal of Moral Education 32 (2):151-162.
    Classrooms and schools represent a "culture of power" to the extent that they mirror unjust social relations that exist in the larger society. Progressive educators committed to social justice seek to disrupt those social relations in the classroom that function to silence marginalised students, but neutralising those who attempt to reassert power is problematic. This paper investigates the questions: is it ever justified to use power to interrupt power? Does all silencing subjugate? Arguments for and against the censorship of teachers (...)
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  29. Political Quality.David Estlund - 2000 - Social Philosophy and Policy 17 (1):127.
    Political equality is in tension with political quality, and quality has recently been neglected. My thesis is that proper attention to the quality of democratic procedures and their outcomes requires that we accept substantive inequalities of political input in the interest of increasing input overall. Mainly, I hope to refute political egalitarianism, the view that justice or legitimacy requires substantive political equality, specifically equal availability of power or influence over collective choices that have legal force. I hope to show that (...)
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  30. Persona y Democracia; Senderos Entre El Posibilismo y la Utopía.Juan Carlos Vila (ed.) - 2005 - Fundación Emmanuel Mounier.
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  31. Public Sociology and Democratic Theory.Stephen Turner - 2007 - In Jeroen Van Bouwel (ed.), The Social Sciences and Democracy. Palgrave-Macmillan.
    Sociology, as conceived by Comte, was to put an end to the anarchy of opinions characteristic of liberal democracy by replacing opinion with the truths of sociology, imposed through indoctrination. Later sociologists backed away from this, making sociology acceptable to liberal democracy by being politically neutral. The critics of this solution asked 'whose side are we on?' Burawoy provides a novel justification for advocacy scholarship in sociology. Public sociology is intended to have political effects, but also to be funded by (...)
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  32. Insurgencies: Constituent Power and the Modern State.Antonio Negri - 2009 - University of Minnesota Press.
    Constituent power : the concept of a crisis -- Virtue and fortune : the machiavellian paradigm -- The Atlantic model and the theory of counterpower -- Political emancipation in the American constitution -- The revolution and the constitution of labor -- Communist desire and the dialectic restored -- The constitution of strength.
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  33. Moving Beyond Good and Evil: A Theory of Morality, Law, and Government.M. E. Tson - manuscript
    This paper starts from first principles of moral nihilism and determinism and arrives at a basis for morality and government which, unlike Human Rights, addresses the moral status of other species. It suggests a moral system that abandons the assumptions of objectivity, moral agency, and free will, and goes on to explore the implications of such a theory in the areas of criminal justice and government. As with any moral philosophy, it endeavors to provide a structure of principles that both (...)
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  34. Perspectives on Indian Secularism.Domenic Marbaniang - 2009 - Google Books.
    Perspectives on Indian Secularism condemned it and wished to make a clean sweep of it. Almost always it seemed to stand for blind belief and reaction, ...
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  35. Dewey, Mitra, and the “Technological Proletariat:” Democratizing the Information Revolution.John Hartmann - manuscript
    In his 1939 essay, “Creative Democracy – The Task Before Us,” John Dewey described democracy as “a way of personal life controlled not merely by faith in human nature in general but by faith in the capacity of human beings for intelligent judgment and action if proper conditions are furnished.”1 While this may seem an odd definition, it is emblematic of the reconstructive tendency in Dewey’s philosophy. If we are to achieve a truly democratic society, we must reconstruct democracy itself (...)
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Democracy
  1. Exile the Rich!Thomas R. Wells - 2016 - Krisis 2016 (1):19-28.
    The rich have two defining capabilities: independence from and command over others. These make being wealthy very pleasant indeed, but they are also toxic to democracy. First, I analyse the mechanisms by which the presence of very wealthy individuals undermines the two pillars of liberal democracy, equality of citizenship and legitimate social choice. Second, I make a radical proposal. If we value the preservation of democracy we must limit the amount of wealth any individual can have and still be a (...)
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  2. Introduction.Attila Tanyi - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):1-7.
    Volume 48, Issue 1, March 2019, Page 1-7.
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  3. Debating Intercultural Integration in Belgium: From the Commission for Intercultural Dialogue to the Round Tables on Interculturalism.Karel J. Leyva & Léopold Vanbellingen - 2017 - In Solange Lefebvre & Patrice Brodeur (eds.), Public Commissions on Cultural and Religious Diversity: Analysis, Reception, and Challenges. Londres, Royaume-Uni: pp. 104-124.
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  4. Response to Umbers: An Instability of the Duty and Right to Vote.Ten-Herng Lai - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-6.
    Lachlan Umbers defends democracy against Jason’s Brennan’s competence objection, by showing that voting even incompetently does not violate the rights of others, as the risk imposed is negligible, and furthermore lower than other permissible actions, e.g. driving. I show there are costs in taking this line of argument. Accepting it would make arguing for the duty to vote more difficult in two ways: since voting incompetently is permissible, and not voting imposes less risk than not voting, then not voting is (...)
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  5. Akan Chiefs and Queen Mothers in Contemporary Ghana: Examples of Democracy, or Accountable Authority?Gail Presbey - 2001 - International Journal of African Studies 3 (1):63-83.
    The paper evaluates the claims of Kwame Gyekye and Kwasi Wiredu that the Akan traditional governance structures are just as democratic or even more democratic that Western style representative democracies.
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  6. Disaster and Debate.Alexandra Couto & Guy Kahane - 2018 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 15 (5):516-544.
    Faced with a national tragedy, citizens respond in different ways. Some will initiate debate about the possible connections between this tragedy and broader moral and political issues. But others often complain that this is too early, that it is inappropriate to debate such larger issues while ‘the bodies are still warm’. This paper critically examines the grounds for such a complaint. We consider different interpretations of the complaint—cynical, epistemic and ethical—and argue that it can be resisted on all of these (...)
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  7. Economic Participation Rights and the All-Affected Principle.Annette Zimmermann - 2017 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2):1-21.
    The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle, according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if one commits oneself (...)
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  8. Popular Rule in Schumpeter's Democracy.Sean Ingham - 2016 - Political Studies 64 (4):1071-1087.
    In this article, it is argued that existing democracies might establish popular rule even if Joseph Schumpeter’s notoriously unflattering picture of ordinary citizens is accurate. Some degree of popular rule is in principle compatible with apathetic, ignorant and suggestible citizens, contrary to what Schumpeter and others have maintained. The people may have control over policy, and their control may constitute popular rule, even if citizens lack definite policy opinions and even if their opinions result in part from elites’ efforts to (...)
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  9. Social Choice and Popular Control.Sean Ingham - 2016 - Journal of Theoretical Politics 28 (2):331-349.
    In democracies citizens are supposed to have some control over the general direction of policy. According to a pretheoretical interpretation of this idea, the people have control if elections and other democratic institutions compel officials to do what the people want, or what the majority want. This interpretation of popular control fits uncomfortably with insights from social choice theory; some commentators—Riker, most famously—have argued that these insights should make us abandon the idea of popular rule as traditionally understood. This article (...)
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  10. The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy by Daniel A. Bell. [REVIEW]Elena Ziliotti - 2017 - Philosophy East and West 67:295-298.
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  11. Can Deliberation Neutralise Power?Samuel Bagg - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):257-279.
    Most democratic theorists agree that concentrations of wealth and power tend to distort the functioning of democracy and ought to be countered wherever possible. Deliberative democrats are no exception: though not its only potential value, the capacity of deliberation to ‘neutralise power’ is often regarded as ‘fundamental’ to deliberative theory. Power may be neutralised, according to many deliberative democrats, if citizens can be induced to commit more fully to the deliberative resolution of common problems. If they do, they will be (...)
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  12. Beyond the Search for the Subject: An Anti-Essentialist Ontology for Liberal Democracy.Samuel Bagg - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511876388.
    Reading Foucault’s work on power and subjectivity alongside “developmentalist” approaches to evolutionary biology, this article endorses poststructuralist critiques of political ideals grounded in the value of subjective agency. Many political theorists embrace such critiques, of course, but those who do are often skeptical of liberal democracy, and even of normative theory itself. By contrast, those who are left to theorize liberal democracy tend to reject or ignore poststructuralist insights, and have continued to employ dubious ontological assumptions regarding human agents. Against (...)
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  13. Democracy Before, In, and After Schumpeter.Pettit Philip - 2017 - Critical Review 29 (4):492-504.
    The classical model of democracy that Schumpeter criticizes is manufactured out of a variety of earlier ideas, not those of any one thinker or even one school of thought. His critique of the central ideals by which he defines the model--those of the common will and the common good--remains persuasive. People's preferences are too messy and too manipulable to allow us to think that mass democracy can promote those ideals, as he defines them. Should we endorse his purely electoral model (...)
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  14. El Pueblo and Its Problems: Democracy of, by, and for Whom?Alexander Stehn - 2011 - The Pluralist 6 (3):103.
    In response to those calling for philosophical dialogue across the Americas, this paper considers the historical emergence of the concept of el pueblo (“the people”) as the subject and object of democracy. The first section makes a linguistic claim: the genuinely communal nature of “the people” clearly appears when considering el pueblo because it is unambiguously singular, grammatically speaking. The second section makes a historical claim: the microhistory of a largely indigenous pueblo in Mexico’s Yucatán enables us to begin unpacking (...)
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  15. Tyranny and the Democratic Value of Distrust.Meena Krishnamurthy - 2015 - The Monist 98 (4):391-406.
    This paper makes an argument for the democratic value of distrust. It begins by analyzing distrust, since distrust is not merely the negation of trust. The account that it develops is based primarily on Martin Luther King Jr.’s work in Why We Can’t Wait. On this view, distrust is the confident belief that another individual or group of individuals or an institution will not act justly or as justice requires. It is a narrow normative account of distrust, since it concerns (...)
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1 — 50 / 916