Government and Democracy

Humans use narratives to make sense of historical developments as well as to guide their future actions, and these narratives can in turn have great impact on their lives, societies and the world overall. Here I would like to put forward such a narrative to rationalize the increasingly forceful changes of our current decade. Arguing for the existence of three ongoing waves of emancipation of the individual in society, it is proposed that we are currently approaching the high-point of conflict (...) of the second, economic emancipation process. After the outgoing first wave made (at least some) people fully aware of the importance of political equality and lead to the formation of (at least some) democratic states on the basis of national constitutions, we now have to fully accept the importance of economic fairness to enable us to continue our venture into the third wave of cultural fairness as diversity, which in my opinion puts the philosophy of economics under the pressure to tackle an increasingly important task, namely to develop ideas for better working constitutional principles for economic communities. A failure to do so would mean to not only fail to implement fair and sustainable markets, but as a result to fall back behind even political equality, with strongmen – banally driven by childhood wounds and riding on waves of public discontent – capturing democratic states with badly informed narratives about western civilization, for instance in the form of ‘Christian Nationalism’. Intentionally obscuring the facts that liberal democracies and free markets do in fact not under-perform in comparison to the existing alternatives, and that extreme inequality is instead most often to a large part driven by the greed and ruthlessness of individuals who misuse their power to distort economic and political frameworks, these strongmen could then roll-back important civilizational advances while trying to satisfy their insatiable ego: What ‘great’ men want is still so boring. (shrink)

In this chapter, we analyse the debate around the implementation of responsible research and innovation (RRI) in Higher Education, Funding and Research Centres (HEFRCs). We will illustrate some proposals about how to implement RRI in HERFCs in a good way. Open and inclusive governance is key to fruitful implementation of RRI in these organizations. Governance in this context refers to ways of steering processes in a desirable direction, in this case in the direction of responsible research and innovation that is (...) ethically acceptable and socially desirable. We will present and assess different models of governance and aim to provide ethical governance of research and innovation (R&I) inspired by the most convincing ideas emerged in the current debate. (shrink)

Relational egalitarianism holds that people should live together as equals. We argue against the received wisdom amongst both friends and foes of relational egalitarianism that it fails to provide a theory of intergenerational justice. Instead, we argue that relational egalitarianism is concerned with social equality amongst future contemporaries, and that this commitment gives rise to duties of justice for current generations that can be grounded in the idea of generational overlap. In doing so, we argue that that the scope of (...) relational egalitarian concerns extends beyond generations amongst whom social relations exist. (shrink)

Rethinking Work, Power, and the Future of Nations// This article examines how economic and social systems adapt to technological disruptions, particularly artificial intelligence and automation. It explores several fundamental questions about systemic evolution in the face of changing scarcity paradigms. How do systems adapt when traditional forms of scarcity diminish? As technology reduces scarcity of physical and intellectual labor, new forms of scarcity emerge—attention, meaning, purpose, and experience become the new commodities. These shifts catalyze the evolution of economic structures, transforming (...) work rather than eliminating it entirely..//What drives the survival mechanisms of societal systems? Systems function like software agents with programmatic rules, continuously evolving to maintain their existence. Though not consciously acting entities, they develop traits ensuring adaptation and persistence. Citizens serve as both carriers and executing agents of these systems, participating in reinforcement mechanisms that perpetuate the system's operation.// How do systems change? Significant transformation typically requires emotional energy exceeding critical thresholds—often generated through crises. While proactive adaptation would be preferable, systems generally resist change until environmental pressures become intense enough to overcome institutional inertia.// Why is system diversity of systems important? Multiple competing systems create "trial-and-error laboratories" that test different approaches to emerging challenges. This diversity enhances humanity's collective adaptive capacity, proving more advantageous than monocultural global systems with reduced adaptability.// What role does information control play? As systems compete, control over information flows becomes crucial for survival. Systems naturally frame comparisons with competitors to maintain their power position. Open communication about relative fitness, however, encourages beneficial cross-adoption of successful elements.// What future emerges from these adaptations? Rather than catastrophic collapse, gradual transformation is more likely. Systems will incorporate new elements while preserving core structures. The evolving landscape may create unprecedented value, enabling human endeavor to pivot toward qualitative improvements in well-being, sustainability, and creativity./// The analysis concludes that human progress continues through evolutionary adaptation rather than revolutionary disruption, as systems expand into new niches while preserving fundamental human values and social cohesion. (shrink)

Political Equality is the view that, in political matters, everyone should have an equal say. Political Sufficiency is the view that, in political matters, everyone should have enough of a say. Whereas Political Equality is concerned with relativities, Political Sufficiency is a matter of absolutes. It is natural to assume that, to justify ‘one person, one vote,’ we must appeal to Political Equality. We argue that this is not the case. If Political Equality justifies ‘one person, one vote,’ so does (...) Political Sufficiency. Moreover, there is reason to prefer Political Sufficiency to Political Equality. (shrink)

This chapter aims to make analytical political philosophy part of existing discussions about the role of numbers in the workings of political institutions that already cut across many other disciplines in the humanities and social sciences. To do that, it will first explore the prominent ‘capability approach’ to justice, which is characterised by scepticism towards excessive precision in law- and policy-making. Given the close link between precision and quantification, the loudest voice from political philosophy will therefore turn out to be (...) one of warning against the use of numbers in political decision-making. However, the chapter will also discuss powerful objections to the capability approach that, building on the work of John Rawls, stress the importance of public justification and, in turn, simplifying devices in political decision-making. Those objections will be used to demonstrate that quantification can play functions that are very important from a normative perspective. To further support its claim that under certain circumstances, numerical tools might well be the best way of making political decisions, the chapter will use as a case study the National Institute for Health and Care Excellence, an administrative body in charge of appraising health technology for use in the British National Health Service. (shrink)

In a recent article, Kiel Brennan-Marquez and Stephen E. Henderson argue that replacing human judges with AI would violate the role-reversibility ideal of democratic governance. Unlike human judges, they argue, AI judges are not reciprocally vulnerable to the process and effects of their own decisions. I argue that role-reversibility, though a formal ideal of democratic governance, is in the service of substantive ends that may be independently achieved under AI judges. Thus, although role-reversibility is necessary for democratic governance when human (...) judges are on the job, it may not be so when AI judges replace them. One broader implication for normative evaluation of disruptive technologies follows: formal and substantive ideals that often align must be independently examined in the evaluation of disruptive technologies. This is because these formal and substantive ideals may no longer align under the factual circumstances that come to govern when such technologies are deployed. (shrink)

Freedom and security are often portrayed as things that have to be traded off against one another, but this view does not capture the full complexity of the freedom-security relationship. Rather, there seem to be four different ways in which freedom and security connect to each other: freedom can come at the cost of security, security can come at the cost of freedom, freedom can work to the benefit of security, and security can work to the benefit of freedom. This (...) paper analyses each of these connections in turn. It shows that particular understandings of freedom can help us to see particular connections between freedom and security. The practical examples used to illustrate these connections are drawn from the context of the COVID-19 pandemic. It will be suggested that, in the face of challenges such as this one, taking into account all four connections between freedom and security can ultimately help decision-makers in upholding both. (shrink)

This article delves into the academic discussion on the relationship between populism and liberal democracy, challenging the view that all populist movements, parties, and leaders are inherently illiberal. Drawing from a Laclauian perspective, which frames populism as an integral part of democratic politics that amplifies the voices of marginalized groups, we argue that populism can align with the principles of liberal democracy and/or does not necessarily lead to illiberal democracy or authoritarianism. Through the examination of left-wing populist cases in Argentina (...) [Kirchnerism (2003-2015)] and Greece [SYRIZA (2015-2019)], we aim to demonstrate the inadequacy of approaches that understand populism as an inherently illiberal phenomenon, which often overlook the pluralistic and inclusive aspects of populism. Thus, we provide a response to this query: Is every populist case necessarily illiberal? (shrink)

How is it possible to perform more than is required? And yet, isn’t that precisely what is required, in order for an interlocking society of human beings to function, develop and evolve? If human beings only did what we were told to do, we would live in complete monotony and enslavement. If human beings did only what we were permitted to do, nothing interesting would ever happen. Although performance has often been limited to the study of isolated artistic forms of (...) expressions (music, visual arts, etc.), it is equally possible to analyze culture, on the whole, as a behaviour-encoding system of rules and regulations, wherein the individual actor’s performative appropriation and reinterpretation of these said (cultural, political, artistic) rules makes possible the culture’s very survival, against all odds and obstacles, over long periods of time, as a “tradition” upheld by a community of rule-followers / rule-breakers. Rules, in a very real sense, are meant to be broken. Rule-breaking, by the same token, is, as it were, legislated within the very law code itself, as its own guarantee of immortality. After all, what law could function for any period of time without undergoing reinterpretation? This is good news both for culture and for the avant garde (the creative individual or collective), because even the strictest of rules creates its own conditions of transgression, and vice versa. The performance of culture through the creative freedom of the transgressive individual – i.e. any individual qua his or her individuality – is the sine qua non for a democratic society of peers. Creativity depends upon structure, and structure depends upon that which breaks its shackles of normativity, by rebirthing structure transgressively. The whole point of interpreters is to make things alright for the reappearance of the “father” (the law code) again. Ironically, then, anarchy is the only guarantee of the rule of law. (shrink)

The author, for a long time director of the BBC, underlines the importance of effective, non-aseptic communication, to contrast the fake news and the demagogy that the Internet favors.

This article focuses on the so-called “Area of Freedom, Security and Justice” (ASFJ), namely the policy field of the European Union (EU) that covers judicial and police cooperation, migration and asylum policies and the control of external borders. The article explores how the AFSJ has emerged and how, within it, the relationship between freedom and security has evolved over time and brought about a shift towards a “Security Union”.

This article introduces the most recent debates on the relationship between theory and action in normative political theory. We first discuss non ideal theory, radical realism and engaged political theory. Then, we outline the main features of pragmatic reformism, prefigurative politics, and a progressive approach to normative theorizing.

Despite growing interest in workplace democracy, the question whether nonworker stakeholders, like suppliers and local communities, warrant inclusion in the governance of democratic companies, as workers do, has been largely neglected. We inspect this question by leaning on the boundary problem in democratic theory. We first argue that the question of who warrants inclusion in democratic workplaces is best addressed by examining why workplace democracy is warranted in the first place, and offer a twofold normative benchmark—addressing objectionable corporate power and (...) upholding efficiency—to assess the principles of democratic inclusion on offer. Against this benchmark, we next argue that the All-Affected Principle is unfit due to its over- and underinclusive extensional results, and that the All-Subjected Principle, whose variants we examine alongside their extensional results, holds more promise when coupled with independent considerations of justice or a constrained variant of the All-Affected Principle. These combinations need not entirely preclude, but speak against, nonworker stakeholder inclusion. (shrink)

This paper presents a new version of the democratic argument for the freedom of expression that has the resources to give a plausible reply to the perennial objection—ordinarily considered fatal—that such accounts fail to deliver protections for abstract art, instrumental music, and lots of other deserving nonpolitical speech. The argument begins with the observation that there are different things that a free speech theory might aim to accomplish. It will hope to justify a right to free speech, of course, with (...) a particular scope and shape, but that right might be a moral right, an ordinary legal right, or a specifically constitutional right. The new version of the argument—the refined argument from democracy—aims to justify a specifically constitutional right to political speech, administered by strong-form judicial review. The democracy theorist can accommodate the intuition that abstract art deserves protection by agreeing that we have a moral right, and probably ought to have an ordinary legal right, to produce and view abstract art. She must only insist that abstract art should not be protected by a specifically constitutional right administered by strong-form judicial review. Not because abstract art does not deserve constitutional protection, but because, on this view, whether a particular right ought to be enshrined in the constitution and administered by judicial review is not solely a matter of the importance of the right or the value of the interests it protects. (shrink)

La sociedad de la información se ha trocado en la sociedad de la confusión. Cuanto más se dice, menos veracidad (confianza en la verdad) se tiene, más ruido se alcanza. En esta sociedad, la esfera pública no puede darse con la necesaria transparencia y libertad. Es imprescindible la esfera del debate plural y la transparencia informativa, del discurso. Pero no hay debate efectivo si no se dan el reconocimiento de la incertidumbre y la opinión, en el marco de consensos o (...) valores compartidos. Un encuentro que nos sitúa en la posición del otro para entenderla, aunque no se esté de acuerdo. (shrink)

Epistocracy and populism are usually seen as opposites. The first finds error in democracy’s reliance on the sub-optimal decisions by the supposedly incompetent masses, and argues that political decisions should be tied to epistemic merit, not popularity. The populist critique of democracy, contrarily, finds that there is not enough political confrontation in standard representative democracies where the ‘real people’ are not properly embodied, and thus pits an imagined direct will of the unified and virtuous people against a self-serving establishment. This (...) article demonstrates that these ideologies have surprising underlying similarities concerning their categorization, political ontology, epistemology and a conception of political authority. Firstly, they both are second-order political ideologies that are not directly tied with substantive political content but rather with the interpretation of how to govern assuming disagreement concerning first-order political ideologies. Secondly, their political ontology divides citizens into two constitutively differing parts, one of which they (partly) exclude from political membership. Thirdly, their political epistemology assumes the existence of political truths which makes their conception of authority anti-proceduralist, either instrumentalist or moralist. Fourthly, they downplay the value of pluralism, deliberation and dissent. Uncovering these commonalities helps us detect and understand the dynamics of some anti-democratic tendencies better. (shrink)

This paper is about when associations, and in particular associations that are part of the state, should be treated as legal persons. I distinguish two forms of association – those that render coherent the agency of their members and those that are group agents – and argue that only the latter should be treated as persons. Following this, I discuss the conditions under which associations that are part of the state can legitimately be group agents.

It is often asserted that a liberal theory of political obligation is unattainable. This is, largely, because liberalism revolves around consent and hence, is supposed to be intrinsically inimical to the existence of state authority. However, there is at least one liberal proposal – the argument of fair play, that makes a plausible case for justifying the establishment of a coercive entity. The most popular contemporary version of it, which is offered by George Klosko, turns on the fact that non-excludable (...) goods cannot be exchanged based on consent. Instead, there must be enforceable, independent, objective standards of fairness that should govern the distribution of the effects of such goods. In this article, I argue that if Klosko’s account is correct, then not only the existence of non-excludable goods but also, the production and exchange of existentially significant excludable goods warrant an establishment of coercive authority. I argue that in this way, we can take an important step towards establishing a full-blown liberal theory of political obligation. (shrink)

This Open Access book explains the philosophy, design principles, and community organization of Decidim and provides essential insights into how the platform works. Decidim is the world leading digital infrastructure for participatory democracy, built entirely and collaboratively as free software, and used by more than 500 institutions with over three million users worldwide. -/- The platform allows any organization (government, association, university, NGO, neighbourhood, or cooperative) to support multitudinous processes of participatory democracy. In a context dominated by corporate-owned digital platforms, (...) in the era of increasing social structuring via Artificial Intelligence, Decidim stands as a public or community owned platform for collective human intelligence. Yet, the project is much more than its technological features. Decidim is in itself a crossroad of the various dimensions of the networked society, a detailed practical map of its complexities and conflicts. Theauthors distinguish three general dimensions of the project: (1) the political - shedding light on the democratic model that Decidim promotes and its impact on public policies and organizations, (2) the technopolitical - explaining how this technology is democratically designed and managed to produce and protect certain political effects, and (3) the technical - presenting the conditions of production, operation, and success of the project. This book systematically covers those three levels in an academically sound, technologically consistent, and politically innovative manner. Serving as a useful resource and handbook for the use of Decidim, it will not only appeal to students and scholars interested in participatory and digital democracy but also to professionals, policy-makers, and a wider audience interested in learning more about the Decidim platform. (shrink)

The nature of state governance in consolidated liberal democracies has important implications for the ideal theory debate. The states of these societies are polycentric. Decision-making power within them is disaggregated across multiple sites. This rules out one major justification for ideal theory. On this influential view, the ideal furnishes a blueprint of the morally perfect society that we should strive to realise. This justification is not viable in consolidated liberal democracies because their states lack an Archimedean point from which the (...) institutional structure as a whole can be designed to accord with the true ideal – whichever it might be. However, knowledge of the ideal can still aid agents in those societies to determine the worth of more modest political objectives other than the ideal itself. (shrink)

Voor het eerst hebben jongeren onder de achttien in Duitsland en België deze maand gestemd, bij de Europese verkiezingen. Nederlandse leeftijdsgenoten hebben dit recht (nog) niet. Te beïnvloedbaar, ze kunnen nog niet verantwoord stemmen, klinkt het. Deze tegenwerpingen zijn oneerlijk. Ze gelden ook voor miljoenen anderen die al wel stemrecht hebben.

O Judiciário moderno constitui um sistema hierarquizado e centralizado, em que cortes superiores, com um número pequeno de membros, têm a função de “dar a última palavra” para resolver desacordos doutrinários entre instâncias inferiores – e inclusive rever decisões das demais autoridades. Essa estrutura hierárquica implica uma fonte peculiar de instabilidade: o tribunal superior se torna como que um “ponto único de falha” suscetível à captura, à pressão indevida, à sobrecarga, e até a súbitas mudanças doutrinárias – pondo em risco (...) seu alegado papel de estabilizador do regime democrático. Isso é salientado quando tais cortes sofrem pressão, ou quando há reviravoltas decorrentes de uma maioria frágil no tribunal – a exemplo do debate sobre a prisão em segunda instância no Brasil. Analiso como o desenvolvimento tecnologias de informação e comunicação (TICs) poderia mitigar este problema por meio de um sistema que agregue decisões judiciais de instâncias inferiores a fim de resolver conflitos de jurisprudência numa determinada jurisdição; isso equivaleria a um sistema de votação que substituiria a atuação da corte de última instância na unificação de jurisprudência – como se a última instância fosse, na realidade, composta pelo judiciário como um todo. Isso alteraria a estrutura de decisão hierarquizada do judiciário, no que diz respeito a divergências entre magistrados, aumentando a descentralização do sistema – associada ao ideal da tradição de common law. Embora original, a proposta é modesta, e poderia ser atingida por meio de mudanças incrementais, sem ruptura institucional, a partir de práticas e tecnologias já existentes – e uso como exemplo ferramentas de legal analytics e o sistema de “repercussão geral de recursos extraordinários” do Brasil, no qual se utiliza processamento de linguagem natural para filtrar e classificar processos de acordo com o tema. Ao final, discutem-se possíveis vantagens e desvantagens dessa proposta, como características epistêmicas da descentralização e o risco de “rigidez” na evolução da doutrina jurídica – em especial no que se refere aos longos mandatos de membros de tribunais superiores. Concluímos que a descentralização da unificação da jurisprudência pode contribuir para mitigar o risco de, com o desenvolvimento da tecnologia, maior concentração de poder. (shrink)

The thesis of this paper is that the digital noosphere of the World Wide Web and its users, the borderless move of virtually all resources of the planet, and the consequent globalization of most aspects of national politics, economy, and culture, along with the increasing difficulty of controlling the related high-tech military conflicts, human-made environmental crises, and the abnormal migrations of abused people now make it inevitable to leave behind the competitive international chaos rooted in humankind’s animal past and turn (...) to the cooperative social spirit recommended by Aristotle, Lao Tzu, Jesus, Dante, H. G. Wells, Martin Luther King Jr., John Lennon, Nicholas Hagger, and others to finally translate their aspirations into actions via establishing the Government of Earth for the decent and free. The paper presents a five-step, 15-year, ~$25B plan to start this process. That this plan has nothing to do with the Godless work of secret societies, the authoritarian urges of renewed fascism or the political absurdities of Marxism-Leninism it is relayed by the envisioned Intercontinental Education System of the outlined Government of Earth to teach every child on the planet—via a new community of digitally linked extraordinary teachers—for the beauty of lifelong learning, tolerance, duty, honor, free cooperation, and artful communication for divine missions. (shrink)

O sistema democrático é entendido por Norberto Bobbio em dois vieses: como um conjunto de regras de procedimento para a constituição do governo e para a formação das decisões políticas, isto é, a democracia formal; e a democracia substancial, a qual pressupõe um conjunto de fins ideais — igualdade jurídica, social e econômica — independentemente dos meios adotados para os alcançar. Essas noções distintas se complementam no conceito que o autor explicita, visto que o ideal igualitário que o inspira (democracia (...) como valor, substancial) se realiza somente na formação da vontade geral (democracia como método, formal). Esse sistema se estende por alguns objetivos, os quais buscam alcançar o resultado mais próximo de sua aspiração que, em um contexto pluralista, são: liceidade de dissenso; participação mais ampla das pessoas nos assuntos públicos por meio de associações, partidos, sindicatos, etc; e descentralização do poder em diversos polos, nos quais cada grupo encontrará sua identidade e representatividade. Contudo, em sua obra Liberalismo e Democracia (1994), Bobbio apresenta tais objetivos em uma perspectiva diferente, elencando as possíveis falhas em cada um desses. Um dos principais problemas afirmados por ele tange à incapacidade dos governos democráticos de dominarem convenientemente os conflitos em uma sociedade complexa e de atender às exigências dos cidadãos, resultando em um cenário de sobrecarga de demandas financeiras e sociais, falta de legitimação do poder central e conflitualidade entre este e a população. Posto isso, o presente trabalho se debruça sobre os principais pressupostos da democracia e seus possíveis efeitos negativos, isto é, os riscos de sua aplicação em demasia. Desta maneira, conduziremos nossa análise perpassando por esse problema para, ao final, elencarmos os fatores limitantes para uma melhor execução dos cânones democráticos. (shrink)

The exacerbating energy crises that are wreaking havoc around the globe, as well as the apparent effects of climate change, have spurred, amongst other causes, the concerted orientation towards amelioration aims such as the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and environmental, social, and corporate governance (ESG). Although often presented as not only the solution to these global problems (if adopted wholesale), they are increasingly being used as a vehicle to traffic the centralisation of power and exacerbate growing authoritarian trends. (...) This chapter aims to demonstrate how the narratives surrounding ESG package the problem into what might otherwise be the solution to global problems, missing the forest for the trees. (shrink)

In the light of a study of the di erence between political actors and ordinary citizens as language users, and based on three moral arguments (consequence-based, recognition-based, and complicity-based), we propose that democratic representatives have an imperfect duty to use gender-fair-language in their public communication. In the case of members of the executive, such as ministries, prime ministries, and presidents, such an imperfect duty could also be justi ed on democratic grounds. Their choice of using a gender-unfair language, we argue, (...) can cast doubts on the fundamental democratic commitment to respect the agency of all present and future citizens as potential participants in the law-making process. (shrink)

There are many types of political culture as well as many elements to be found in each type of political culture. The present study will be limited in two ways. Firstly, we shall not deal with all the elements of political culture. We shall focus on what has been called the "Affective Attitudes" element, which we take to include feelings and emotional proclivities, which to us, are inseparable from values and evaluations. Secondly, we shall not focus on all types of (...) political cultures, but rather on democratic political culture. We plan to study one particular conceptual relation between (democratic) political culture and (democratic) political system. This is the relation of congruence. This relation is less controversial than causal relation which some theorists propose as holding between political culture and political system. However, it does suggest concepts that can be used in formulating causal hypotheses that can be empirically tested. مناقشة لطبيعة الثقافة السياسية التي تتوائم مع تتوائم مع النظام السياسي الديمقراطي. سوف يجري التركيز على التوجهات الانفعالية (المشاعر العواطف والقيم) التي تشكل جزءا هاما من الثقافة السياسية -/- . (shrink)

A crucial tenet of virtue-based or expertise-based theorizing about politics is that there are ways to identify and select morally and epistemically excellent people to hold office. This paper considers historical challenges to this task that come from within Greek and Confucian thought and political practice. Because of how difficult it is to assess character in ordinary settings, we argue that it is even more difficult to design institutions that select for virtue at the much wider political scale. Specifically, we (...) argue that the vast majority of proposals that purport to select for virtue are either (a) unlikely to be effective, (b) not implementable at the scale of most current nations, or (c) have already been incorporated into most democratic states. Thus defenders of meritocratic institutions should take more seriously the practical barriers that will almost certainly arise when trying to implement these proposals at scale. Historical proponents of meritocratic values were well aware of concerns about the feasibility of their political ideals, and we should be too. (shrink)

In this paper, I investigate the role of public opinion and De Staël’s liberal principles in relation to her psychological image of human nature. De Staël regarded the French Revolution as a new stage of human progress, in which the French people, for the first time, gained a political voice. From her position as a liberal republican, De Staël argues for political progress in the form of civil equality and liberty confirmed by law and political representation, for which public opinion (...) serves as a political tool. I aim to demonstrate that De Staël developed a multi-layered analysis of public opinion as both an emancipatory tool for more equality, justice, and liberty, as well as a discriminating and harmful tool. According to De Staël, human passions play a crucial role in determining the employment and the effects of public opinion, as becomes clear in the case of the trial of Marie-Antoinette. (shrink)

A teoria dos dois sistemas (Kahneman, 2011), em suas várias vertentes, assume que a tomada de decisão humana é baseada em dois sistemas cognitivos: um que é automático, rápido, agindo com mínimo esforço cognitivo, intuitivo (no sentido de Morewedge & Kahneman, 2010), e majoritariamente inconsciente; e outro que é reflexivo, lento, atuando com intenso esforço cognitivo, racional e totalmente consciente. Neste trabalho, investigamos a teoria dos dois sistemas e sua aplicação na tomada de decisão econômica em governos democráticos, com ênfase (...) especial na proposta de Kahneman. Consideramos sua abordagem incompleta e limitada na explicação do processo intuitivo que orienta a tomada de decisão. Essa limitação nos leva a defender a existência de um terceiro sistema de tomada de decisão em Economia: a intuição ecológica criativa, baseada no attunement entre affective drives e percepção direta de affordances, abordando não só as disposições e objetivos dos agentes, mas também a responsabilidade socioambiental das empresas e governos. Argumentamos que o terceiro sistema de tomada de decisão que propomos implica um conceito de intuição diferente do associativismo de ideias de Simon (1992), e damos como exemplo do funcionamento do terceiro sistema o processo de tomada de decisão que conduziu à formação do Banco Finapop, no Brasil. (shrink)

UN TRABAJADOR SOCIAL entorpece la tramitación de una denuncia de violencia intrafamiliar porque es mucho papeleo y cree que, si fuera real, la supuesta víctima habría abandonado a su abusador. Una policía obliga a una persona detenida a firmar una confesión bajo coacción porque tiene que cumplir una cuota. Un profesor no asigna importancia a las preguntas de una alumna porque tiene una discapacidad visible. Estas situaciones tienen en común que son ejemplos de la injusticia epistémica. ¿Cómo se pueden combatir (...) las injusticias epistémicas que perjudican a los ciudadanos en sus interacciones con el estado? [...]. (shrink)

The social media industry lacks developed principles of professional ethics that it would need in order to better navigate the ethics of conforming to local media laws in authoritarian countries that lack meaningful protections for privacy, personal and political expression, and intellectual property. This chapter analyzes this question through three frameworks of professional ethics—journalism ethics, technology ethics, and business ethics—and the ways that social media resembles and crucially differs from these three industries.

Johan van der Walt offers a modest conception of liberal democratic law as a groundless modus vivendi, while at the same time backing up this conception with an ambitious inquiry into the long history of Western metaphysics and the ways in which it shaped legal imagination. There are two main dimensions to my criticism of Van der Walt’s work, and they exactly divide between its modesty and ambition. I contend that the understanding of liberal democratic law as a modus vivendi (...) is too modest insofar as it avoids normative justification, whereas the philosophical storyline is too ambitious insofar as it amplifies the extent to which questions of legal and political theory are embedded in questions of ontology. (shrink)

Wars and crises worldwide force millions of people to flee and seek refuge, often outside their countries of origin. What moral responsibilities do states have towards refugees? In this Ethical Annotation, Dr Jos Philips and his co-authors zoom in on the responsibilities of EU countries. They consider arguments in favour of and against admitting refugees and argue that EU countries must do at least at much as they can do at little cost, and perhaps even more.

Background and Objectives: In this research article, the researcher addresses the issue of creating public understanding in a democratic society about the progress of science, with an emphasis on pluralism from philosophers of science. The idea that there is only one truth and that there are just natural laws awaiting discovery by scientists has historically made it difficult to explain scientific progress. This belief motivates science to develop theories that explain the unity of science, and it is thought that diversity (...) in the way different ideas presented by scientists is a problem that results in time being wasted in search of the most accurate theory. Some scientists perceive a benefit in having a range of scientific hypotheses, though. One benefit that is frequently cited is that scientific diversity as a whole contributes to the development of a democratic society that permits the expression of a range of viewpoints. The road to accountable scientific pluralism is fraught with difficulties, though. Therefore, it is crucial to take into account both pluralism's advantages and disadvantages. This research aims at: 1. analyzing in an epistemological way the interpretation of scientific theories and the progress of science from the perspectives of scientific pluralists; 2. analyzing the relationship between science and democracy in explaining scientific significance and progress; and 3. synthesizing new knowledge on epistemic dependentism and to argue that it plays a significant role in evaluating research issues related to scientific pluralism. Methodology: The research methodology involves the application of documentary investigation along with philosophical discourse. The method of philosophical argumentation involves analyzing the lines of arguments found in relevant academic publications in order to assess their validity and soundness. Main Results: One key argument of the pluralists is the use of the concept of theoretical pluralism, which suggests that scientific knowledge is created from a variety of perspectives according to the social and cultural context of knowledge creation. It is found that part of Longino's argument is based on the negation of rational/social dichotomy. Moreover, her theory is a departure from philosopher of science Philip Kitcher, who advocates the creation of scientific knowledge and the evaluation of scientific progress through the means of democratic society. He explains that these procedures will lead to "well-ordered science" in democratic society. Discussions: The researcher examines the underlying ideas accepted by these two philosophers of science and finds that although their opinions differ, they have common ground in the acceptance of consensus. However, the views of both philosophers still lack weight in explaining the knowledge itself. The researcher argues that the acceptance of pluralism as a way of understanding scientific progress necessarily lends itself to dependentism, which points to interdependence in comparisons of superiority/inferiority between scientific theories. It is undeniable that the situation has emerged all the time, even though the success of the scientific theories being compared to each other comes from different social and cultural grounds of thought. Conclusions: Some popular models of scientific pluralism in the philosophy of science still lack a compelling justification, particularly on the epistemic grounds. By elucidating the epistemic significance of the interdependence of these things, scientific pluralism can be strengthened by incorporating the notion of epistemic dependentism into the analysis of scientific progress. (shrink)

The paper reviewed financial resources which is a critical factor and component of Business Process Re-engineering in achieving academic performance of higher education institutions in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The objective of the study is to examine whether financial resources can contribute to improving and achieving academic performance of higher education institutions in general and students in particular. The study used a systematic literature review and content analysis was to establish the relationship between financial resources and academic performance. The (...) key findings are grouped in three dimensions: 1) financial resources; 2) budget and funding/financial model; 3) tuitions fees, scholarship and loans provision. The study found consistent evidence to show that there is a significant and positive relationship between financial resources and performance of higher education institutions. The study concluded that higher education sector in the Democratic Republic of Congo needs a radical change and fundamental rethinking in improving educational budget processes to meet the needs of the institutions, provision of scholarship and loans processes to students mainly those from poor background and designing innovative financial/funding model to sustain educational institutions. The study is based on academic capitalism theory. The recommendations were made based on the findings of the study. -/- . (shrink)

El presente escrito tiene por objetivo exponer la fundamentación de la visibilidad del poder a partir del principio de publicidad kantiano, esgrimido en sus textos de filosofía política, y de la crítica al poder invisible empuñada por Norberto Bobbio. Teniendo presente que Kant no se afirma como un defensor de la democracia, es gracias al rediseño bobbiano del principio de publicidad que puede colocarse procedimentalmente como base de la transparencia de la toma de decisiones tan propia de la democracia.

War is almost always conducted with various restrictions in the form of rules, rituals, and taboos. Many of the norms that regulate warfare can be found in the tradition of just war. This tradition seeks to provide a middle ground between an unrealistic (at least for politicians) pacifism that does not even allow war in self-defence and a too realistic realism that claims there is no place for ethics in war. The tradition of just war does not have the force (...) of law; it provides, above all, a vocabulary to discuss war in moral terms. At the same time, the tradition does have an impact: it forms the basis of humanitarian law and the Geneva Conventions. Just like with laws, it is recognised here that imperfect adherence to these principles does not necessarily diminish their validity. Most proponents of the tradition believe that the principles of just war, even though some date back centuries, are sufficiently general to be applicable to contemporary conflicts, such as the Russo-Ukrainian War. If we apply the norms of the just war tradition to the current situation in Ukraine, we see that Russia is waging an unjust war in an unjust manner. (shrink)

Tourism is one of the socio-economic trends that significantly contributes to the shift of the planetary system into the Anthropocene regime. At the same time, it is also a socio-cultural practice characteristic of the imperial mode of living, or consumerism. Thus, it is a form of commodification of nature, also a way of deepening social inequalities between a privileged minority of the global population and an exploited majority providing services to those whose socio-economic status allows them to travel for fun (...) and commoditised “experience”. This is not an inevitable activity, an activity in which environmental costs (carbon footprint, water footprint, energy consumption, and waste production) are necessary to ensure the basic resources of life. Tourism is therefore a form of luxury consumption. For any tourism model to be, not only, environmentally sustainable but also socially just, or at least acceptable, it would have to be accessible to all people. Ecotourism should also have to meet the criterion of a solidarity mode of living referred to as sufficiency. This is hardly conceivable in the climatic, demographic, and political regime of the Anthropocene. The latter is likely to be characterized by, among other things, mass migration of climate or environmental refugees on the one hand and climate apartheid of the states of the global North on the other. Ecotourism, accessible to an even smaller proportion of the world`s population than the current mass tourism, will thus be more likely to accentuate the social and environmental inequalities of which it is already a significant manifestation. Therefore, the question is whether the concept of ecotourism is not just another manifestation of greenwashing, i.e. an attempt to legitimize economic, social, and cultural activities that devastate the social and environmental environment. (shrink)

Abstract: Adoption of digital system becomes an innovative revolution to replace the tradition work into scientific means. Electronic government is the use of technology in which particular wireless based application sustains the provision of online interconnectivity in the way to convey a speedy service delivery and materialize an easy accessibility of users via government portal. Moreover, the vitality of e-government has been recognized in the contemporary era of science and technology across the world. The chief aim of this study to (...) represent a literature of an electronic government use in a conceptual means in which proposed determinants as PEOU, PU, TIEG, SI, and ITU envisage the intention of the users’ online services of government in a Pakistan perspective. In the existing literature all constructs of the proposed model possess an effect on the intention to use e - government and the theoretical approach encompasses the TAM and UTAUT model to assist the technological adopti on of the employee's use of the innovative system in an organization. However, Pakistan has been ranked low in the e-government development index that seems the backwardness of the e-government adaptation in the country that is recognized as the dire need to be adjusted with public sectors to sustain an effective and efficient service delivery. It seems the poor literacy rate an d financial constraints are serious obstacles for adopting e-government technology in the working atmosphere of the diverse public sector organizations. Keywords: Electronic government, Perceived usefulness, Obstacles, Recommendations, Intention to use. (shrink)

El neorepublicanismo comprende un amplio espectro de enfoques y concepciones en constante evolución. Para caracterizarlo podemos focalizarnos en una concepción o teoría y adoptarla como punto de referencia para luego indagar sobre las diferencias específicas de cada enfoque. Así, si quisiéramos caracterizar el liberalismo igualitario lo haríamos adoptando como punto de referencia la teoría de la justicia rawlsiana para luego avanzar sobre los debates subsecuentes que dialogan con aquella. Del mismo modo, para caracterizar al neorepublicanismo, haríamos bien en introducirnos a (...) él a través de la teoría republicana de Philip Pettit. (shrink)

Alongwith the major organ of the doctrinal operations, the Permanent Resolution Act, this research presented a situation review article on the Doctrine of the Chittagong Peace Process in Bangladesh with few global strikeable issues. Unarmed surviving Parbatya Chittagong nation of Buddhists population in Bangladesh has not yet been able to form their government since 1997 to 2023, so it has been assumed that Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina & Awami League Government of Bangladesh (ALGOB) cheated to weaponless freedom fighters Buddhists people (...) by taking their weapons through the Chittagong Hill Tracts Peace Accord 1997 that was signed between Bangladesh and Chittagong HillTracts in order to a Commonwealth of Independence of Autonomy Government, Formation of Legislative Assembly House and Parliament Building Construction, which is also the last official initiative of the Parbatya Peace Process in the Chinese Belt and Road. Following the theater of war between the US-led NATO—Ukraine alliance and the Russian Federation, the 3rd World War situations intended to expand between Bangladesh and Myanmar. This doctrinal paper has been presented through codification of situations of the post-seizure war-fighting battles surviving cold and silent conflicts in Parbatya, Chittagong Hill Tracts, in order to deliver the seized nation onto a free pathway. (shrink)

Aportaciones heurísticas a la investigación en el derecho constitucional. Los principios democráticos en la doctrina constitucional española como ejemplo práctico.

When product design teams gather at the whiteboard in big-tech office parks and startup garages around the world, they ask themselves: How will customers use our technology? Is it better than our competitors’? How much money can we make? But one question that’s rarely asked: does our technology advance human flourishing? -/- In a new white paper by Harvard professor Danielle Allen and her colleagues Eli Frankel, Woojin Lim, Divya Siddarth, Josh Simons, and Glen Weyl entitled “The Ethics of Decentralized (...) Social Technologies: Lessons from Web3, the Fediverse, and Beyond,” the authors not only ask this question but offer a powerful framework for answering it. Drawing on the accumulated wisdom of democratic societies, the authors show that the values of democratic governance that have promoted human flourishing can be translated into a rubric for judging new technologies. -/- In this short research brief, we unpack and comment on the four-step logic at the core of their case. Ultimately, their argument demonstrates the power and the challenge – and above all, the urgency – of placing human flourishing at the center of technology governance. (shrink)