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  1. An Ethical Framework for Presenting Scientific Results to Policy-Makers.S. Andrew Schroeder - forthcoming - Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal.
    Scientists have the ability to influence policy in important ways through how they present their results. Surprisingly, existing codes of scientific ethics have little to say about such choices. I propose that we can arrive at a set of ethical guidelines to govern scientists’ presentation of information to policymakers by looking to bioethics: roughly, just as a clinician should aim to promote informed decision-making by patients, a scientist should aim to promote informed decision-making by policymakers. Though this may sound like (...)
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  2. The Democratization of Science.Faik Kurtulmus - forthcoming - In Global Epistemologies and Philosophies of Science.
    The democratization of science entails the public having greater influence over science and that influence being shared more equally among members of the public. This chapter will present a thumbnail sketch of the arguments for the democratization of science based on the importance of collectively shaping science’s impact on society, the instrumental benefits of public participation in science, and the need to ensure that the use of science in politics does not undermine collective self-government. It will then outline worries about (...)
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  3. Dionysus Lyseus Reborn: The Revolutionary Philosophy Chorus.Joshua M. Hall - forthcoming - Philosophy Today.
    Having elsewhere connected Walter Otto’s interpretation of Dionysus as a politically progressive deity to Huey P. Newton’s vision for the Black Panthers, I here expand this inquiry to a line of Otto-inspired scholarship. First, Alain Daniélou identifies Dionysus and Shiva as the dancing god of a democratic/decolonizing cult oppressed by tyrannical patriarchies. Arthur Evans sharpens this critique of sexism and heteronormativity, concluding that, as Dionysus’ chorus is to Greek tragedy, so Socrates’ circle is to Western philosophy. I thus call for (...)
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  4. Democratic Citizenship and Denationalization.Patti Tamara Lenard - 2018 - American Political Science Review 112 (1):99-111.
    Are democratic states permitted to denationalize citizens, in particular those whom they believe pose dangers to the physical safety of others? In this article, I argue that they are not. The power to denationalize citizens—that is, to revoke citizenship—is one that many states have historically claimed for themselves, but which has largely been in disuse in the last several decades. Recent terrorist events have, however, prompted scholars and political actors to reconsider the role that denationalization can and perhaps should play (...)
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  5. Putinism: A Phenomenological and Prototypical Investigation.Andrej Poleev - 2021
    English abstract: On last day of the year 1999, Russia has entered another era of despotism, that of Vladimir Putin. During his reign, the Putin‘s clan has undermined and infiltrated the mass media, the parliament and the judicial system. Deliberate violation of basic citizen‘s rights, compulsory acquisition of property, government-funded racket, misuse of mass media to scarify and to disinform the peoples belong to the diabolic methods of self-constituted disposers. All this lawlessness has led to exorbitant corruption, mass poverty, economic (...)
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  6. Diversity and Democracy: Agent-Based Modeling in Political Philosophy.Bennett Holman, William Berger, Daniel J. Singer, Patrick Grim & Aaron Bramson - 2018 - Historical Social Research 43:259-284.
    Agent-based models have played a prominent role in recent debates about the merits of democracy. In particular, the formal model of Lu Hong and Scott Page and the associated “diversity trumps ability” result has typically been seen to support the epistemic virtues of democracy over epistocracy (i.e., governance by experts). In this paper we first identify the modeling choices embodied in the original formal model and then critique the application of the Hong-Page results to philosophical debates on the relative merits (...)
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  7. Una teoria critica della società capitalistica. "Capitalism" di Nancy Fraser e Rahel Jaeggi.Eleonora Piromalli - 2019 - Critica Marxista 1 (6):50-56.
    Capitalism, uscito lo scorso anno negli Stati Uniti, è un corposo saggio in forma di dialogo scritto da due delle maggiori rappresentanti dell’attuale teoria critica: Nancy Fraser e Rahel Jaeggi. Nel volume le due autrici si propongono di tracciare «una teoria critica della società capitalistica» capace di connettere in una cornice unitaria le diverse crisi che pervadono le società contemporanee: crisi ambientale, economica, del la riproduzione sociale e della democrazia. A guidare l’opera vi è l’intuizione, comune sia a Fraser che (...)
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  8. Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez: Sobre la relación entre marxismo, democracia y justicia // Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez on the Relationship between Marxism, Democracy, and Justice.Alberto Luis López - 2020 - Thémata: Revista de Filosofía 61 (1):65-83.
    En el presente artículo me aproximo a la relación que guarda el marxismo y la democracia con la idea de justicia que sostuvo el filósofo hispano-mexicano Adolfo Sánchez Vázquez. Para ello me serviré de algunas de sus principales obras pero sobre todo de sus escritos menores, porque en ellos se vislumbra de mejor manera la concepción de justicia del filósofo y se evidencia la estrecha relación de ésta con presupuestos marxistas y socialistas. Para llevar a cabo esta labor será también (...)
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  9. Salience Principles for Democracy.Susanna Siegel - forthcoming - In Sophie Archer (ed.), Salience.
    I discuss the roles of journalism in aspirational democracies, and argue that they generate set of pressures on attention that apply to people by virtue of the type of society they live in. These pressures, I argue, generate a problem of democratic attention: for journalism to play its roles in democracy, the attentional demands must be met, but there are numerous obstacles to meeting them. I propose a principle of salience to guide the selection and framing of news stories that (...)
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  10. Брак.Andrej Poleev - 2021 - Enzymes 19.
    Брак может означать в одних случаях употребления брачные, т.е. супружеские узы, бракосочетание, в других случаях что-то совсем другое, а именно, изъян, изделие, не соответствующее техническим нормам, и поэтому негодное к употреблению. Производитель брака – бракодел, причина брака – недобросовестность, невнимательность, или дефекты орудия производства, в то время как частый результат брака в смысле бракосочетания и супружества – дети, которые тоже могут быть полноценными или неполноценными.
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  11. Radicalizing Radical Negativity: On Oliver Marchart’s Thinking Antagonism.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Etica & Politica / Ethics & Politics 3 (22):581-605.
    Oliver Marchart constructs an elaborate ontologization of the political that builds on theories developed by the Essex School while relying on Heideggerianism and Hegelianism. This original thought is a powerful and convincing attempt to think the ontology of the political without lapsing into a celebration of essentialist grounding or complete groundlessness, which are equally metaphysical and mutually supporting positions. Tensions arise within Marchart’s own thought when the notion of instrumentality appears to be inscribed solely on the side of politics or (...)
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  12. Are Knowledgeable Voters Better Voters?Michael Hannon -
    It is widely believed that democracies require knowledgeable citizens to function well. But the most politically knowledgeable individuals also tend to be the most partisan, and the strength of partisan identity tends to corrupt political thinking. This creates a conundrum. On the one hand, an informed citizenry is allegedly necessary for a democracy to flourish. On the other hand, the most knowledgeable and passionate voters are also the most likely to think in corrupted, biased ways. What to do? This paper (...)
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  13. Nachdenken über Corona.Romy Jaster & Geert Keil (eds.) - 2021 - Stuttgart: Reclam.
    Die Covid-19-Pandemie und der Umgang mit ihr sind eine immense Herausforderung, nicht zuletzt für das philosophische Denken. Unter dem Brennglas der Coronakrise stellen sich viele Fragen schärfer und dringlicher als zuvor: etwa über die Berechtigung von Freiheitseinschränkungen, Vertrauen als politische Kategorie, die Schutzpflichten des Staates, Freiwilligkeit und Zwang, den gerechten Umgang mit Versorgungsengpässen in der Medizin oder über verantwortungsvolle Krisenkommunikation. Die Gesellschaft für Analytische Philosophie (GAP) hat einen Essay-Wettbewerb ausgerufen: »Nachdenken über Corona«. Dieser Band versammelt die Texte der drei Preisträger (...)
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  14. On Law and Justice Attributed to Archytas of Tarentum.Johnson Monte & P. S. Horky - 2020 - In David Wolfsdorf (ed.), Early Greek Ethics. Oxford: pp. 455-490.
    Archytas of Tarentum, a contemporary and associate of Plato, was a famous Pythagorean, mathematician, and statesman of Tarentum. Although his works are lost and most of the fragments attributed to him were composed in later eras, they nevertheless contain valuable information about his thought. In particular, the fragments of On Law and Justice are likely based on a work by the early Peripatetic biographer Aristoxenus of Tarentum. The fragments touch on key themes of early Greek ethics, including: written and unwritten (...)
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  15. The Point of Political Belief.Michael Hannon & Jeroen de Ridder - forthcoming - In Michael Hannon & Jeroen de Ridder (eds.), Routledge Handbook of Political Epistemology.
    An intuitive and widely accepted view is that (a) beliefs aim at truth, (b) many citizens have stable and meaningful political beliefs, and (c) citizens choose to support political candidates or parties on the basis of their political beliefs. We argue that all three claims are false. First, we argue that political beliefs often differ from ordinary world-modelling beliefs because they do not aim at truth. Second, we draw on empirical evidence from political science and psychology to argue that most (...)
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  16. The Ballot and the Wallet: Self‐Respect and the Fair Value of Political Liberties.Jahel Queralt & Iñigo González-Ricoy - forthcoming - European Journal of Philosophy.
    Economic disparities often translate into disparities in political influence, rendering political liberties less worthy to poor citizens than to wealthier ones. Concerned with this, Rawls advocated that a guarantee of the fair value of political liberties be included in the first principle of justice as fairness, with significant regulatory and distributive implications. He nonetheless supplied little examination of the content and grounding of such guarantee, which we here offer. After examining three uncompelling arguments in its favor, we complete a more (...)
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  17. Disagreement or Badmouthing? The Role of Expressive Discourse in Politics.Michael Hannon - forthcoming - In Elizabeth Edenberg & Michael Hannon (eds.), Political Epistemology. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    A striking feature of political discourse is how prone we are to disagree. Political opponents will even give different answers to factual questions, which suggests that opposing parties cannot agree on facts any more than they can on values. This impression is widespread and supported by survey data. I will argue, however, that the extent and depth of political disagreement is largely overstated. Many political disagreements are merely illusory. This claim has several important upshots. I will explore the implications of (...)
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  18. W.E.B. Du Bois.Elvira Basevich - forthcoming - In Simon Choat & Manjeet Ramgotra (eds.), Reconsidering Political Thinkers. New York:
    This chapter introduces W.E.B. Du Bois’s original political thought and his strategies for political advocacy. It is limited to explaining the pressure he puts on the liberal social contract tradition, which prioritizes the public values of freedom and equality for establishing fair and inclusive terms of political membership. However, unlike most liberal theorists, Du Bois’s political thought concentrates on the politics of race, colonialism, gender, and labor, among other themes, in order to redefine how political theorists and activists should build (...)
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  19. Dark Advertising and the Democratic Process.Joe Saunders - 2020 - In Kevin Macnish & Jai Galliott (eds.), Big Data and Democracy. Edinburgh University Press.
    Political advertising is changing. This chapter considers some of the implications of this for the democratic process. I begin with recent reports of online political advertising. From this, two related concerns emerge. The first is that online political advertisements sometimes occur in the dark, and the second is that they can involve sending different messages to different groups. I consider these issues in turn. This involves an extended discussion of the importance of publicity and discussion in democracy, and a comparison (...)
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  20. Rousseau'da Demokrasi: Otonomi ve Katılım.İbrahim Akkın - 2020 - In İsmail Serin (ed.), Demokrasi̇ Felsefesi̇: Klasik Ve Modern Yaklaşımlar. İstanbul, Turkey: pp. 203-228.
    [...] Rousseau bir yandan çağının yükselen değerlerinden yararlanırken diğer yandan bu değerlerin içeriden eleştirisini yapmayı başarabilen düşünürlerden biri olduğu için fikirleri ölümünden asırlar sonra bile önemini yitirmemiştir. Demokratik devletlerin meşruiyet krizinin giderek derinleştiği ve çoğunlukçu, majoritarian, ideolojilerin etraflıca sorgulanmaya başlandığı çağımızda, demokrasiyi çoğunluk kararına ek olarak “rıza”, “Yurttaşlık”, “sivil özgürlük”, “kamusal uzlaşı” ve “Genel İrade” kavramlarıyla birlikte ele alan Rousseau’yu yeniden okumak önemlidir [...] Rousseau-demokrasi ilişkisinin kazılıp ortaya çıkartılacağı bu metinde uğranılacak olan kavramsal duraklar sırasıyla: Eşitsizlik (doğal ve toplumsal), özgürlük (...)
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  21. Plurality and the Potential for Agreement: Arendt, Kant, and the “Way of Thinking” of the World Citizen.Nicholas Dunn - 2020 - Constellations 27 (2):244-257.
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  22. Kilka uwag wprowadzających do badań nad współczesną rolą władzy tradycyjnej w państwach Afryki Subsaharyjskiej.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2017 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce Społeczeństwo - polityka - gospodarka. Olsztyn: pp. 11-30.
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  23. Gerechtigkeit als Dekonstruktion. Zur kulturellen Form von Recht und Demokratie nach Jacques Derrida.Markus Wolf - 2019 - Konstanz: Konstanz University Press.
    Is justice (merely) an expression of particular values or is it to be understood as a (universal) cross-cultural standard of validity? Following the ideas of Jacques Derrida, this book provides a new answer to this question: Justice is to be explained as a process of deconstruction. To arrive at this conclusion, I proceed from a critical discussion of Martin Heidegger's approach to social philosophy in Being and Time which I connect with a detailed analysis of the implications of Derrida's writings (...)
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  24. Claude Ake o rozwoju i demokracji w Afryce.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2012 - In R. Vorbrich (ed.), Rozwój a kultura. Perspektywy poznawcze i praktyczne. Wrocław: pp. 89-107.
    W artykule tym przedstawiam koncepcję rozwoju autorstwa wybitnego nigeryjskiego myśliciela i demokraty Claude’a Akego. Ake zaproponował abstrakcyjny paradygmat rozwoju społeczeństw afrykańskich w warunkach demokracji. Paradygmat ten opiera się na rolnej strategii rozwoju, zgodnie z którą powinien być on uzyskiwany małymi krokami i pierwotnie generowany na wsi. Ake zdefiniował rozwój jako proces, „poprzez który ludzie kształtują i zmieniają siebie oraz swoją sytuację życiową, by osiągać wyższe poziomy cywilizacyjne, zgodnie z własnymi wyborami i wartościami”. Zdaniem nigeryjskiego myśliciela, rozwój jako proces zbiorowy powinien (...)
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  25. No Global Demos, No Global Democracy? A Systematization and Critique.Laura Valentini - 2014 - Perspectives on Politics 12 (4):789-807.
    A globalized world, some argue, needs a global democracy. But there is considerable disagreement about whether global democracy is an ideal worth pursuing. One of the main grounds for scepticism is captured by the slogan: “No global demos, no global democracy.” The fact that a key precondition of democracy—a demos—is absent at the global level, some argue, speaks against the pursuit of global democracy. The paper discusses four interpretations of the skeptical slogan—each based on a specific account of the notion (...)
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  26. Becoming Political: Spinoza’s Vital Republicanism and the Democratic Power of Judgement. [REVIEW]Sandra Field - 2020 - Contemporary Political Theory 19 (2):116-120.
    In this review, I propose that the core contribution of Skeaff's book is to supplement existing discourses of non-domination and agonistic politics with the distinctly Spinozist concept of immanent normativity. However, I question whether this immanent normativity is so clearly and efficaciously democratic as Skeaff presumes.
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  27. Il necessario legame di democrazia e diritti: considerazioni a partire da "Politica e cultura" di Norberto Bobbio.Eleonora Piromalli - 2017 - In L'intellettuale ieri e oggi. Torino TO, Italia:
    Quali sono le condizioni della democrazia? Quando un regime politico può dirsi una dittatura, e in base a quali precisi elementi esso risulta ingiusto e pericoloso? E ancora, cosa rende una democrazia tale, e cosa, quindi, va difeso? Queste sono le domande che guidano due scritti pubblicati da Bobbio nel 1954 e poi raccolti in Politica e cultura, intitolati Democrazia e dittatura e Della libertà dei moderni comparata a quella dei posteri. Il presente articolo propone una ricostruzione critica di questi (...)
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  28. Il futuro della democrazia nel tempo presente: promesse non mantenute e speranze della democrazia, trent'anni dopo.Eleonora Piromalli - 2016 - Nuova Antologia 2 (151).
    Sono passati poco più di trent'anni da quando, a Madrid e successivamente a Locarno, Bobbio tenne la relazione dal titolo Il futuro della democrazia, poi pubblicata in volume insieme ad altri scritti sugli stessi temi. Nella sua relazione, Bobbio rifletteva su problemi e speranze delle democrazie reali, delineando sei «promesse non mantenute» della democrazia attraverso cui analizzare il divario tra i princìpi ideali alla base di essa e la loro necessariamente imperfetta applicazione alla «rozza materia» della realtà politica e sociale. (...)
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  29. Bir Eksik Demokrasi (One Less Democracy).İbrahim Akkın - 2020 - Kilikya Felsefe Dergisi / Cilicia Journal of Philosophy 1:51-61.
    In this article, Deleuze & Guattari (D+G)’s conception of democracy will be approached with regard to art’s envisagement of “becoming-democratic” as a mode of thinking through percepts and affects. For D+G, democracy is, by no means, a desirable political goal or the name of a type of governance appropriate for the world. On the contrary, as long as it is a representation mechanism, democracy has negative connotations since it promotes the dominance of majority. For this reason, the only way of (...)
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  30. Why Not a Philosopher King and Other Objections to Epistocracy.Dragan Kuljanin - 2019 - Phenomenology and Mind 16:80-89.
    In this paper, I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems epistocracy (...)
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  31. Beyond the Search for the Subject: An Anti-Essentialist Ontology for Liberal Democracy.Samuel Bagg - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory (2):147488511876388.
    Reading Foucault’s work on power and subjectivity alongside “developmentalist” approaches to evolutionary biology, this article endorses poststructuralist critiques of political ideals grounded in...
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  32. Response to Umbers: An Instability of the Duty and Right to Vote.Ten-Herng Lai - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):275-280.
    Lachlan Umbers defends democracy against Jason’s Brennan’s competence objection, by showing that voting even incompetently does not violate the rights of others, as the risk imposed is negligible, and furthermore lower than other permissible actions, e.g. driving. I show there are costs in taking this line of argument. Accepting it would make arguing for the duty to vote more difficult in two ways: since voting incompetently is permissible, and not voting imposes less risk than not voting, then not voting is (...)
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  33. Social Depoliticization, Authoritarian Power, and Lack of Development in African States.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - Hemispheres 24:133-142.
    Claude Ake was interested in how the depoliticization of African societies has led to their existing in a state of permanent crisis, and, in particular, to the impossibility of their development. He understood depoliticization as a situation where the right to possess a political sphere of life is withheld from most members of the state and, at the same time, politics is monopolized by those in power. He showed the error of seeing the African crisis primarily as an economic crisis (...)
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  34. Crying for Repression: Populist and Democratic Biopolitics in Times of COVID-19.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Critical Legal Thinking 3.
    We live in very Foucauldian times, as the many think-pieces published on biopolitics and COVID-19 show. Yet what is remarkable—biopolitically—about the current situation has gone largely unnoticed: We are witnessing a new form of biopolitics today that could be termed populist biopolitics. Awareness of this populist biopolitics helps illuminate what is needed today: democratic biopolitics.
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  35. Sovereignty and its Other: Toward the Dejustification of Violence.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2013 - New York: Fordham University Press.
    Dimitris Vardoulakis asks how it is possible to think of a politics that is not commensurate with sovereignty. For such a politics, he argues, sovereignty is defined not in terms of the exception but as the different ways in which violence is justified. Vardoulakis shows how it is possible to deconstruct the various justifications of violence. Such dejustifications can take place only by presupposing an other to sovereignty, which Vardoulakis identifies with agonistic democracy. In doing so, Sovereignty and Its Other (...)
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  36. Towards Global Cooperation: The Case for a Deliberative Global Citizens' Assembly.Michael Vlerick - forthcoming - Global Policy.
    In an important article published in this journal, Dryzek, Bächtiger and Milewicz (2011) champion the convocation of a Deliberative Global Citizens’ Assembly (DGCA). In this article, I aim to further strengthen the case for a DGCA by addressing: (i) why a DGCA is likely to take a long-term perspective in the global interest and (ii) why it is so vital that a global institution should do so. I start by analyzing the nature of the issues requiring global policy. These issues, (...)
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  37. The Priority of Public Reasons and Religious Forms of Life in Constitutional Democracies.Cristina Lafont - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (4):45-60.
    In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The main (...)
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  38. Political Liberalism, Autonomy, and Education.Blain Neufeld - forthcoming - In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education.
    Citizens are politically autonomous insofar as they are subject to laws that are (a) justified by reasons acceptable to them and (b) authorized by them via their political institutions. An obstacle to the equal realization of political autonomy is the plurality of religious, moral, and philosophical views endorsed by citizens. Decisions regarding certain fundamental political issues (e.g., abortion) can involve citizens imposing political positions justified in terms of their respective worldviews upon others. Despite citizens’ disagreements over which worldview is correct, (...)
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  39. The End of History and the Last Man by Francis Fukuyama. [REVIEW]Michael Baur - 1994 - Review of Metaphysics 48 (1):135-137.
    In this book, Fukuyama seeks to provide affirmative answers to two fundamental questions: Has the ideal of liberal democracy effectively triumphed throughout the world so that we can now speak of the end of humankind's ideological development and thus the end of history? If so, is this a good thing?
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  40. "Fake News" and Conceptual Ethics.Etienne Brown - 2019 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 16 (2).
    In a recent contribution to conceptual ethics, Joshua Habgood-Coote argues that philosophers should refrain from using the term “fake news,” which is commonly employed in public discussions focusing on the epistemic health of democracies. In this short discussion note, I take issue with this claim, discussing each of the three arguments advanced by Coote to support the conclusion that we should abandon this concept. First, I contend that although “fake news” is a contested concept, there is significant agreement among contemporary (...)
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  41. Towards a Political Philosophy of Human Rights.Annabelle Lever - 2019 - In Debra Satz & Annabelle Lever (eds.), Ideas That Matter: Justice, Democracy, Rights. New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    Is there a human right to be governed democratically – and how should we approach such an issue philosophically? These are the questions raised by Joshua Cohen’s 2006 article, ‘Is There a Human Right to Democracy?’ – a paper over which I have agonised since I saw it in draft form, many years ago. I am still uncomfortable with its central claim, that while justice demands democratic government, the proper standard for human rights is something less. But, as I hope (...)
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  42. Republicanism and the Future of Democracy Edited by Yiftah Elazar and Geneviève Rousselière. [REVIEW]Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2019 - Perspectives on Politics 4.
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  43. Exile the Rich!Thomas R. Wells - 2016 - Krisis 2016 (1):19-28.
    The rich have two defining capabilities: independence from and command over others. These make being wealthy very pleasant indeed, but they are also toxic to democracy. First, I analyse the mechanisms by which the presence of very wealthy individuals undermines the two pillars of liberal democracy, equality of citizenship and legitimate social choice. Second, I make a radical proposal. If we value the preservation of democracy we must limit the amount of wealth any individual can have and still be a (...)
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  44. Introduction.Attila Tanyi - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):1-7.
    Volume 48, Issue 1, March 2019, Page 1-7.
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  45. Voting Rights for Older Children and Civic Education.Michael Merry & Anders Schinkel - 2016 - Public Affairs Quarterly 30 (3):197-213.
    The issue of voting rights for older children has been high on the political and philosophical agenda for quite some time now, and not without reason. Aside from principled moral and philosophical reasons why it is an important matter, many economic, environmental, and political issues are currently being decided—sometimes through indecision—that greatly impact the future of today’s children. Past and current generations of adults have, arguably, mortgaged their children’s future, and this makes the question whether (some) children should be granted (...)
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  46. Debating Intercultural Integration in Belgium: From the Commission for Intercultural Dialogue to the Round Tables on Interculturalism.Karel J. Leyva & Léopold Vanbellingen - 2017 - In Solange Lefebvre & Patrice Brodeur (eds.), Public Commissions on Cultural and Religious Diversity: Analysis, Reception, and Challenges. Londres, Royaume-Uni: pp. 104-124.
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  47. Akan Chiefs and Queen Mothers in Contemporary Ghana: Examples of Democracy, or Accountable Authority?Gail Presbey - 2001 - International Journal of African Studies 3 (1):63-83.
    The paper evaluates the claims of Kwame Gyekye and Kwasi Wiredu that the Akan traditional governance structures are just as democratic or even more democratic that Western style representative democracies.
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  48. Disaster and Debate.Alexandra Couto & Guy Kahane - 2018 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 15 (5):516-544.
    Faced with a national tragedy, citizens respond in different ways. Some will initiate debate about the possible connections between this tragedy and broader moral and political issues. But others often complain that this is too early, that it is inappropriate to debate such larger issues while ‘the bodies are still warm’. This paper critically examines the grounds for such a complaint. We consider different interpretations of the complaint—cynical, epistemic and ethical—and argue that it can be resisted on all of these (...)
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  49. Uncovering a Tension.Luke Maring - 2018 - Journal of Philosophical Research 43:159-169.
    It is common to assume that democracy is intrinsically valuable, and that nation-states have the authority to exclude would-be immigrants from their territory. Are and in tension? This paper argues that they are. Every account of democracy’s intrinsic value suggests that nation-states lack the authority to exclude would-be immigrants. In fact, reflection on democratic values suggests an even more heterodox conclusion: nation-states should not be the privileged sites of decision-making that we often take them to be.
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  50. Economic Participation Rights and the All-Affected Principle.Annette Zimmermann - 2017 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2):1-21.
    The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle, according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if one commits oneself (...)
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