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  1. No Global Demos, No Global Democracy? A Systematization and Critique.Laura Valentini - 2014 - Perspectives on Politics 12 (4):789-807.
    A globalized world, some argue, needs a global democracy. But there is considerable disagreement about whether global democracy is an ideal worth pursuing. One of the main grounds for scepticism is captured by the slogan: “No global demos, no global democracy.” The fact that a key precondition of democracy—a demos—is absent at the global level, some argue, speaks against the pursuit of global democracy. The paper discusses four interpretations of the skeptical slogan—each based on a specific account of the notion (...)
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  2. Il futuro della democrazia nel tempo presente: promesse non mantenute e speranze della democrazia, trent'anni dopo.Eleonora Piromalli - 2016 - Nuova Antologia 2 (151).
    Sono passati poco più di trent'anni da quando, a Madrid e successivamente a Locarno, Bobbio tenne la relazione dal titolo Il futuro della democrazia, poi pubblicata in volume insieme ad altri scritti sugli stessi temi. Nella sua relazione, Bobbio rifletteva su problemi e speranze delle democrazie reali, delineando sei «promesse non mantenute» della democrazia attraverso cui analizzare il divario tra i princìpi ideali alla base di essa e la loro necessariamente imperfetta applicazione alla «rozza materia» della realtà politica e sociale. (...)
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  3. Why Not a Philosopher King and Other Objections to Epistocracy.Dragan Kuljanin - 2019 - Phenomenology and Mind 16:80-89.
    In this paper, I will examine epistocracy as a form of limiting the political agency of some citizens (by removing their political rights) and offer an internal critique of it. I will argue that epistocracy runs into a number of logical and epistemic problems in trying to define who should be the members of an epistocratic polity. Furthermore, I will argue that the argument for epistocracy cannot ignore unjust background conditions. I will also suggest that some of the problems epistocracy (...)
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  4. Beyond the Search for the Subject: An Anti-Essentialist Ontology for Liberal Democracy.Samuel Bagg - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511876388.
    Reading Foucault’s work on power and subjectivity alongside “developmentalist” approaches to evolutionary biology, this article endorses poststructuralist critiques of political ideals grounded in...
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  5. Response to Umbers: An Instability of the Duty and Right to Vote.Ten-Herng Lai - 2020 - Res Publica 26 (2):275-280.
    Lachlan Umbers defends democracy against Jason’s Brennan’s competence objection, by showing that voting even incompetently does not violate the rights of others, as the risk imposed is negligible, and furthermore lower than other permissible actions, e.g. driving. I show there are costs in taking this line of argument. Accepting it would make arguing for the duty to vote more difficult in two ways: since voting incompetently is permissible, and not voting imposes less risk than not voting, then not voting is (...)
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  6. Social Depoliticization, Authoritarian Power, and Lack of Development in African States.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - Hemispheres 24:133-142.
    Claude Ake was interested in how the depoliticization of African societies has led to their existing in a state of permanent crisis, and, in particular, to the impossibility of their development. He understood depoliticization as a situation where the right to possess a political sphere of life is withheld from most members of the state and, at the same time, politics is monopolized by those in power. He showed the error of seeing the African crisis primarily as an economic crisis (...)
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  7. Crying for Repression: Populist and Democratic Biopolitics in Times of COVID-19.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Critical Legal Thinking 3.
    We live in very Foucauldian times, as the many think-pieces published on biopolitics and COVID-19 show. Yet what is remarkable—biopolitically—about the current situation has gone largely unnoticed: We are witnessing a new form of biopolitics today that could be termed populist biopolitics. Awareness of this populist biopolitics helps illuminate what is needed today: democratic biopolitics.
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  8. The Relation Between Academic Freedom and Free Speech.Robert Mark Simpson - 2020 - Ethics 130 (3):287-319.
    The standard view of academic freedom and free speech is that they play complementary roles in universities. Academic freedom protects academic discourse, while other public discourse in universities is protected by free speech. Here I challenge this view, broadly, on the grounds that free speech in universities sometimes undermines academic practices. One defense of the standard view, in the face of this worry, says that campus free speech actually furthers the university’s academic aims. Another says that universities have a secondary (...)
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  9. Towards Global Cooperation: The Case for a Deliberative Global Citizens' Assembly.Michael Vlerick - forthcoming - Global Policy.
    In an important article published in this journal, Dryzek, Bächtiger and Milewicz (2011) champion the convocation of a Deliberative Global Citizens’ Assembly (DGCA). In this article, I aim to further strengthen the case for a DGCA by addressing: (i) why a DGCA is likely to take a long-term perspective in the global interest and (ii) why it is so vital that a global institution should do so. I start by analyzing the nature of the issues requiring global policy. These issues, (...)
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  10. Political Liberalism, Autonomy, and Education.Blain Neufeld - forthcoming - In The Palgrave Handbook of Citizenship and Education.
    Citizens are politically autonomous insofar as they are subject to laws that are (a) justified by reasons acceptable to them and (b) authorized by them via their political institutions. An obstacle to the equal realization of political autonomy is the plurality of religious, moral, and philosophical views endorsed by citizens. Decisions regarding certain fundamental political issues (e.g., abortion) can involve citizens imposing political positions justified in terms of their respective worldviews upon others. Despite citizens’ disagreements over which worldview is correct, (...)
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  11. Political Disagreement or Partisan Badmouthing? The Role of Expressive Discourse in Politics.Michael Hannon - manuscript
    A striking feature of political discourse is how prone we are to disagree. Political opponents will even give different answers to factual questions, which suggests that opposing parties cannot agree on facts any more than they can on values. This impression is widespread and supported by survey data. I will argue, however, that the extent and depth of political disagreement is largely overstated. Many political disagreements are merely illusory. This claim has several important upshots. I will explore the implications of (...)
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  12. Plurality and the Potential for Agreement: Arendt, Kant, and the “Way of Thinking” of the World Citizen.Nicholas Dunn - forthcoming - Constellations.
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  13. Towards a Political Philosophy of Human Rights.Annabelle Lever - 2019 - In Debra Satz & Annabelle Lever (eds.), Ideas That Matter: Justice, Democracy, Rights. New York, NY, USA: Oxford University Press.
    Is there a human right to be governed democratically – and how should we approach such an issue philosophically? These are the questions raised by Joshua Cohen’s 2006 article, ‘Is There a Human Right to Democracy?’ – a paper over which I have agonised since I saw it in draft form, many years ago. I am still uncomfortable with its central claim, that while justice demands democratic government, the proper standard for human rights is something less. But, as I hope (...)
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  14. Republicanism and the Future of Democracy Edited by Yiftah Elazar and Geneviève Rousselière. [REVIEW]Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2019 - Perspectives on Politics 4.
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  15. Exile the Rich!Thomas R. Wells - 2016 - Krisis 2016 (1):19-28.
    The rich have two defining capabilities: independence from and command over others. These make being wealthy very pleasant indeed, but they are also toxic to democracy. First, I analyse the mechanisms by which the presence of very wealthy individuals undermines the two pillars of liberal democracy, equality of citizenship and legitimate social choice. Second, I make a radical proposal. If we value the preservation of democracy we must limit the amount of wealth any individual can have and still be a (...)
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  16. Introduction.Attila Tanyi - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):1-7.
    Volume 48, Issue 1, March 2019, Page 1-7.
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  17. Voting Rights for Older Children and Civic Education.Michael Merry & Anders Schinkel - 2016 - Public Affairs Quarterly 30 (3):197-213.
    The issue of voting rights for older children has been high on the political and philosophical agenda for quite some time now, and not without reason. Aside from principled moral and philosophical reasons why it is an important matter, many economic, environmental, and political issues are currently being decided—sometimes through indecision—that greatly impact the future of today’s children. Past and current generations of adults have, arguably, mortgaged their children’s future, and this makes the question whether (some) children should be granted (...)
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  18. Debating Intercultural Integration in Belgium: From the Commission for Intercultural Dialogue to the Round Tables on Interculturalism.Karel J. Leyva & Léopold Vanbellingen - 2017 - In Solange Lefebvre & Patrice Brodeur (eds.), Public Commissions on Cultural and Religious Diversity: Analysis, Reception, and Challenges. Londres, Royaume-Uni: pp. 104-124.
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  19. Akan Chiefs and Queen Mothers in Contemporary Ghana: Examples of Democracy, or Accountable Authority?Gail Presbey - 2001 - International Journal of African Studies 3 (1):63-83.
    The paper evaluates the claims of Kwame Gyekye and Kwasi Wiredu that the Akan traditional governance structures are just as democratic or even more democratic that Western style representative democracies.
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  20. Disaster and Debate.Alexandra Couto & Guy Kahane - 2018 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 15 (5):516-544.
    Faced with a national tragedy, citizens respond in different ways. Some will initiate debate about the possible connections between this tragedy and broader moral and political issues. But others often complain that this is too early, that it is inappropriate to debate such larger issues while ‘the bodies are still warm’. This paper critically examines the grounds for such a complaint. We consider different interpretations of the complaint—cynical, epistemic and ethical—and argue that it can be resisted on all of these (...)
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  21. Uncovering a Tension.Luke Maring - 2018 - Journal of Philosophical Research 43:159-169.
    It is common to assume that democracy is intrinsically valuable, and that nation-states have the authority to exclude would-be immigrants from their territory. Are and in tension? This paper argues that they are. Every account of democracy’s intrinsic value suggests that nation-states lack the authority to exclude would-be immigrants. In fact, reflection on democratic values suggests an even more heterodox conclusion: nation-states should not be the privileged sites of decision-making that we often take them to be.
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  22. Economic Participation Rights and the All-Affected Principle.Annette Zimmermann - 2017 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric 10 (2):1-21.
    The democratic boundary problem raises the question of who has democratic participation rights in a given polity and why. One possible solution to this problem is the all-affected principle, according to which a polity ought to enfranchise all persons whose interests are affected by the polity’s decisions in a morally significant way. While AAP offers a plausible principle of democratic enfranchisement, its supporters have so far not paid sufficient attention to economic participation rights. I argue that if one commits oneself (...)
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  23. Popular Rule in Schumpeter's Democracy.Sean Ingham - 2016 - Political Studies 64 (4):1071-1087.
    In this article, it is argued that existing democracies might establish popular rule even if Joseph Schumpeter’s notoriously unflattering picture of ordinary citizens is accurate. Some degree of popular rule is in principle compatible with apathetic, ignorant and suggestible citizens, contrary to what Schumpeter and others have maintained. The people may have control over policy, and their control may constitute popular rule, even if citizens lack definite policy opinions and even if their opinions result in part from elites’ efforts to (...)
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  24. Social Choice and Popular Control.Sean Ingham - 2016 - Journal of Theoretical Politics 28 (2):331-349.
    In democracies citizens are supposed to have some control over the general direction of policy. According to a pretheoretical interpretation of this idea, the people have control if elections and other democratic institutions compel officials to do what the people want, or what the majority want. This interpretation of popular control fits uncomfortably with insights from social choice theory; some commentators—Riker, most famously—have argued that these insights should make us abandon the idea of popular rule as traditionally understood. This article (...)
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  25. The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy by Daniel A. Bell. [REVIEW]Elena Ziliotti - 2017 - Philosophy East and West 67:295-298.
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  26. Can Deliberation Neutralise Power?Samuel Bagg - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):257-279.
    Most democratic theorists agree that concentrations of wealth and power tend to distort the functioning of democracy and ought to be countered wherever possible. Deliberative democrats are no exception: though not its only potential value, the capacity of deliberation to ‘neutralise power’ is often regarded as ‘fundamental’ to deliberative theory. Power may be neutralised, according to many deliberative democrats, if citizens can be induced to commit more fully to the deliberative resolution of common problems. If they do, they will be (...)
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  27. Justifying the State From Rights-Based Libertarian Premises.J. Mikael Olsson - 2016 - Libertarian Papers 8.
    Although many libertarians share similar moral foundations, they disagree about whether the state can be justified. The most famous libertarian attempt to justify the state is that of Robert Nozick. This attempt has been criticized by, among others, the libertarian anarchist Murray Rothbard. In this article, Nozick’s theory and Rothbard’s critique are discussed, as well as some other attempts to justify the state from libertarian premises. Keeping the criticisms of those theories in mind, an alternative theory, which attempts to bypass (...)
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  28. Democracy Before, In, and After Schumpeter.Pettit Philip - 2017 - Critical Review 29 (4):492-504.
    The classical model of democracy that Schumpeter criticizes is manufactured out of a variety of earlier ideas, not those of any one thinker or even one school of thought. His critique of the central ideals by which he defines the model--those of the common will and the common good--remains persuasive. People's preferences are too messy and too manipulable to allow us to think that mass democracy can promote those ideals, as he defines them. Should we endorse his purely electoral model (...)
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  29. El Pueblo and Its Problems: Democracy of, by, and for Whom?Alexander Stehn - 2011 - The Pluralist 6 (3):103.
    In response to those calling for philosophical dialogue across the Americas, this paper considers the historical emergence of the concept of el pueblo (“the people”) as the subject and object of democracy. The first section makes a linguistic claim: the genuinely communal nature of “the people” clearly appears when considering el pueblo because it is unambiguously singular, grammatically speaking. The second section makes a historical claim: the microhistory of a largely indigenous pueblo in Mexico’s Yucatán enables us to begin unpacking (...)
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  30. Tyranny and the Democratic Value of Distrust.Meena Krishnamurthy - 2015 - The Monist 98 (4):391-406.
    This paper makes an argument for the democratic value of distrust. It begins by analyzing distrust, since distrust is not merely the negation of trust. The account that it develops is based primarily on Martin Luther King Jr.’s work in Why We Can’t Wait. On this view, distrust is the confident belief that another individual or group of individuals or an institution will not act justly or as justice requires. It is a narrow normative account of distrust, since it concerns (...)
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  31. Rule in Turn: Political Rule Against Mastery in Aristotle's Politics.Adriel M. Trott - 2013 - Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 17 (2):301-311.
    Aristotle’s political theory is often dismissed as undemocratic due to his treatment of natural slavery and women and to his conception of political rule as rule by turns. The second reason presents no less serious challenges than the first for finding democracy in Aristotle’s political theory. This article argues that Aristotle’s account of ruling in turns hinges on a critique of master rule and an affirmation of political rule, which involves both the rulers and the ruled in the project of (...)
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  32. Jacques Maritain and a Spirituality of Democratic Participation.Chantelle Ogilvie-Ellis - 2013 - Solidarity: The Journal of Catholic Social Thought and Secular Ethics 3 (1):Article 6.
    The contribution of Jacques Maritain to twentieth century political philosophy has been widely noted. This paper explores the implications of Maritain’s work and life for contemporary spirituality, in particular, for a spirituality that might nourish and shape democratic participation. It finds the roots of such a spirituality in Maritain’s integral vision of the person, and his view of saints as those persons who alone have fully resolved the human condition. Maritain argues that while sanctity so defined is universal, it must (...)
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  33. Book Review: Judith Green. Deep Democracy: Community, Diversity, Transformation. Lanham, Md: Rowman and Littlefield, 1999. [REVIEW]Lisa Heldke - 2004 - Hypatia 19 (2):177-180.
    Deep Democracy draws upon the insights of American thinkers whose work has received less attention than the "holy trinity" of Peierce, James and Dewey, in order to investigate current philosophical problems and questions. The work does carry out a sustained interaction with the work of Dewey, in the course of exploring the nature of, obstacles to, and prospects for strengthening the fabric of democracy in the contemporary world. But Green also puts Dewey in conversation with Jane Addams, Alain Locke, Martin (...)
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  34. On the Democratic Value of Distrust.Erich Hatala Matthes - 2015 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy (3):1-5.
    In her paper "(White) Tyranny and the Democratic Value of Distrust," Meena Krishnamurthy argues that distrust has a political value that has often been overlooked by democratic theorists. She pursues this argument by developing an account of distrust from Martin Luther King Jr. and exploring the role that King's distrust played in the Black Civil Rights Movement. In this discussion note, I argue that an alternative account of distrust from recent work by Katherine Hawley can better capture distrust 's democratic (...)
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  35. The Democracy/Contractualism Analogy.David Estlund - 2003 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 31 (4):387-412.
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  36. Debate: Why Does the Excellent Citizen Vote?Luke Maring - 2016 - Journal of Political Philosophy 24 (2):245-257.
    Is it morally important to vote? It is common to think so, but both consequentialist and deontological strategies for defending that intuition are weak. In response, some theorists have turned to a role-based strategy, arguing that it is morally important to be an excellent citizen, and that excellent citizens vote. But there is a lingering puzzle: an individual vote changes very little (virtually nothing in large-scale elections), so why would the excellent citizen be so concerned to cast a ballot? Why (...)
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  37. Democracy and Epistemology: A Reply to Talisse.Annabelle Lever - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (1):74-81.
    According to Robert Talisse, ‘we have sufficient epistemological reasons to be democrats’ and these reasons support democracy even when we are tempted to doubt the legitimacy of democratic government. As epistemic agents, we care about the truth of our beliefs, and have reasons to want to live in an environment conducive to forming and acting on true, rather than false, beliefs. Democracy, Talisse argues, is the best means to provide such an environment. Hence, he concludes that epistemic agency, correctly understood, (...)
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  38. Public & its Problems.John Dewey - 1954 - Swallow Press.
    In The Public and Its Problems, a classic of social and political philosophy, John Dewey exhibits his strong faith in the potential of human intelligence to solve the public's problems. In his characteristic provocative style, Dewey clarifies the meaning and implications of such concepts as "the public," "the state," "government," and "political democracy." He distinguishes his a posterior reasoning from a priori reasoning, which, he argues permeates less meaningful discussion of basic concepts. Dewey repeatedly demonstrates the interrelationships between fact and (...)
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  39. Political Corruption as Deformities of Truth.Yann Allard-Tremblay - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):28-49.
    This paper presents a conception of corruption informed by epistemic democratic theory. I first explain the view of corruption as a disease of the political body. Following this view, we have to consider the type of actions that debase a political entity of its constitutive principal in order to assess corruption. Accordingly, we need to consider what the constitutive principle of democracy is. This is the task I undertake in the second section where I explicate democratic legitimacy. I present democracy (...)
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  40. Corruption de la Démocratie ? Introduction.Marc-Antoine Dilhac - 2014 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 9 (1):4-7.
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  41. Voting Advice Applications and Political Theory: Citizenship, Participation and Representation.Joel Anderson & Thomas Fossen - 2014 - In Garzia Diego & Marschall Stefan (eds.), Matching Voters with Parties and Candidates: Voting Advice Applications in Comparative Perspective. Colchester, UK: ECPR Press. pp. 217-226.
    Voting Advice Applications (VAAs) are interactive online tools designed to assist voters by improving the basis on which they decide how to vote. In recent years, they have been widely adopted, but their design is the subject of ongoing and often heated criticism. Most of these debates focus on whether VAAs accurately measure the standpoints of political parties and the preferences of users and on whether they report valid results while avoiding political bias. It is generally assumed that if their (...)
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  42. In Search of Ubuntu: A Political Philosopher’s View of Democratic South Africa.Thaddeus Metz - 2014 - In Busani Ngcaweni (ed.), Liberation Diaries: Reflections on 20 Years of Democracy. Jacana. pp. 205-214.
    In this essay I recount how I have been hoping to see more ubuntu in South Africa’s institutions than had been present in the two dominant socio-politico-economic models across the world in the 20th century. I haven’t been expecting utopia from the past 20 years of democracy; I’ve just wanted something new to come out of Africa. I here relate my experience of learning that it is not always forthcoming, at least not as quickly as I would have liked. However, (...)
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  43. The Political Uses of Philosophy-Elective Affinities in the Spanish Transition to Democracy.F. Colom - 2004 - Filozofia 59 (3-4):156-171.
    Politická reflexia uskutočňovaná v akademických kruhoch predstavuje rad vlastných charakteristík v porovnaní s inými druhmi intelektuálnej činnosti. Nejde len o j e j viac-menej prirodzené preniknutie do domácich mocenských vzťahov, ale o mimoriadnu citlivosť j e j obsahu a rozvoja na spoločenské a politické podmienky inštitucionálneho kontextu. O politickej kultúre krajiny sa môžeme naučiť veľa práve na základe analýzy toho, o čom j e j intelektuáli diskutujú - a o čom nediskutujú, ako aj o teoretických nástrojoch, ktoré pritom využívajú.
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  44. Liberal Democracy and Nuclear Despotism: Two Ethical Foreign Policy Dilemmas.Thomas E. Doyle - 2013 - Ethics and Global Politics 6 (3):155-174.
    This article advances a critical analysis of John Rawls’s justification of liberal democratic nuclear deterrence in the post-Cold War era as found in The Law of Peoples. Rawls’s justification overlooked how nuclear-armed liberal democracies are ensnared in two intransigent ethical dilemmas: one in which the mandate to secure liberal constitutionalism requires both the preservation and violation of important constitutional provisions in domestic affairs, and the other in which this same mandate requires both the preservation and violation of the liberal commitment (...)
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  45. Immigration, Interpersonal Trust and National Culture.Lubomira Radoilska - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (1):111-128.
    This article offers a critical analysis of David Miller’s proposal that liberal immigration policies should be conceptualized in terms of a quasi-contract between receiving nations and immigrant groups, designed to ensure both that cultural diversity does not undermine trust among citizens and that immigrants are treated fairly. This proposal fails to address sufficiently two related concerns. Firstly, an open-ended, quasi-contractual requirement for cultural integration leaves immigrant groups exposed to arbitrary critique as insufficiently integrated and unworthy of trust as citizens. Secondly, (...)
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  46. Global Democracy: International, Not Cosmopolitan.Kok-Chor Tan - 2008 - In Deen Chatterjee (ed.), Democracy in a Global World. Rowman&Littlefield.
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  47. Dürfen wir Kindern das Wahlrecht vorenthalten?Benjamin Kiesewetter - 2009 - Archiv für Rechts- Und Sozialphilosophie 95 (2):252-273.
    Up to a certain age, young people are denied the right to vote. In this paper, it is argued that this general exclusion from democratic participation is unjustified and should be abandoned. After a short survey of some of the pedagogic, legal, and political arguments that have been brought forward to support a liberalisation of electoral law in favour of children, the essay presents a basic moral argument against any age limit with respect to voting rights. First of all, it (...)
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  48. Democratic Justice in Transition.Marion Smiley - 2001 - Michigan Law Review 99 (6):1332-1347.
    This essay defends a pragmatic approach to transitional justice by arguing that it provides a convincing view of the relationships between theory and practice and is true to the nature of democratic justice itself.
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  49. The Logical Space of Democracy.Christian List - 2011 - Philosophy and Public Affairs 39 (3):262-297.
    Can we design a perfect democratic decision procedure? Condorcet famously observed that majority rule, our paradigmatic democratic procedure, has some desirable properties, but sometimes produces inconsistent outcomes. Revisiting Condorcet’s insights in light of recent work on the aggregation of judgments, I show that there is a conflict between three initially plausible requirements of democracy: “robustness to pluralism”, “basic majoritarianism”, and “collective rationality”. For all but the simplest collective decision problems, no decision procedure meets these three requirements at once; at most (...)
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  50. Workplace Democracy and Human Development: The Example of the Postsocialist Transition Debate.David Ellerman - 2010 - Journal of Speculative Philosophy 24 (4):333-353.
    In the 1990s, a debate raged across the whole postsocialist world as well as in Western development agencies such as the World Bank about the best approach to the transition from various forms of socialism or communism to a market economy and political democracy. One of the most hotly contested topics was the question of the workplace being organized based on workplace democracy (e.g., various forms of worker ownership) or based on the conventional employer-employee relationship. Well before 1989, many of (...)
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