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  1. Ethical Reconstruction of Citizenship: A Proposal Between the Intimate Self and the Public Sphere.Antonio Bernal Guerrero, Vicent Gozálvez Pérez & Marta Burguet Arfelis - 2019 - Journal of Moral Education 48 (4):483-498.
    ABSTRACTWhen, in societies today, civic commitment decreases, there is a call for the need to strengthen citizenship education, identified uniquely with its public dimension and, on the other hand, the requirement for character education has been advocated, which is a cultivator of the most strictly private dimension. Setting out from the recognition of the new social conditions, mediated by the phenomenon of globalisation and of the place that people have in these new contexts, we ask ourselves about the new profile (...)
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  • Trust, Reliance, and Democracy.Christian Budnik - 2018 - International Journal of Philosophical Studies 26 (2):221-239.
    From the perspective of philosophy and political science it is often pointed out that trust is of central value for democracy. The paper critically examines this claim and argues that we should not overestimate the role of trust in democracy. In order to do that, I argue for a specific understanding of the notion of trust that appropriately accounts for the distinction between trust and mere reliance. In a second step, I argue that we have no reason to put this (...)
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  • Response to Open Peer Commentaries on “How Payment for Research Participation Can Be Coercive”.Joseph Millum & Michael Garnett - 2020 - American Journal of Bioethics 20 (8):W8-W11.
    Volume 20, Issue 8, August 2020, Page W8-W11.
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  • Radical Republicanism and Solidarity.Margaret Kohn - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory.
    This article explains how 19th-century radical republicans answered the following question: how is it possible to be free in a social order that fosters economic dependence on others? I focus on th...
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  • Exploring the Boundaries of Autonomy and the 'Right' to Access Innovative Stem Cell Therapies.Tamra Lysaght, Bernadette Richards & Anantharaman Muralidharan - 2017 - Asian Bioethics Review 9 (1-2):45-60.
    Demands for improved access to innovative therapies have prompted a discourse that claims patients have rights to access treatments that may be of benefit, even if evidence that demonstrates safety and efficacy is lacking. This rights-based discourse is grounded in accounts of autonomy and assertions claiming that the state ought to not interfere with the free choices of patients and clinical decision-making. In this essay, we scrutinise these arguments to defend the ethical and legal permissibility of interference in contexts where (...)
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  • Syria & Locating Tyranny, Hegemony and Anarchy in Contemporary International Law.Aoife O’Donoghue - 2020 - Jus Cogens 2 (1):29-55.
    Substantive renderings of tyranny, hegemony or anarchy as governance forms within international law seldom appear. When invoked, tyranny and anarchy are presented as exceptional while hegemony, in accounts often borrowed from international relations scholarship, is defined as mundane and a natural explanation of international legal governance. This article puts forward substantive accounts of all three—tyranny, anarchy and hegemony—and utilises these to understand a single event, the airstrikes against Syria after the use of chemical weapons by the Assad Government in 2018. (...)
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  • Un nuevo adversario de la libertad como no-dominación.Hugo Omar Seleme - 2015 - Araucaria 17 (33).
    Philip Pettit ha utilizado la libertad positiva y negativa de Isaiah Berlin para dos propósitos diferentes. En primer lugar, la distinción es empleada para elaborar un ideal distinguible de libertad como no-dominación que contiene elementos propios de la libertad negativa y la libertad positiva. En segundo lugar, Pettit sostiene que la libertad como no-dominación es más atractiva que la libertad negativa defendida por Berlin –la libertad como no-interferencia– y una variedad de libertad positiva que Berlin critica –la libertad como participación (...)
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  • Does a Mugger Dominate? Episodic Power and the Structural Dimension of Domination.Dorothea Gädeke - 2020 - Journal of Political Philosophy 28 (2):199-221.
    Imagine you are walking through a park. Suddenly, a mugger points a gun at you, threatening to shoot you if you do not hand over your valuables. Is this an instance of domination? Many authors working within the neo-republican framework - including Philip Pettit himself - are inclined to say 'yes'. After all, the mugger case seems to be a paradigmatic example of what it means to be at someone's mercy. However, I argue that this conclusion is based on a (...)
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  • ON MERCY, by Malcolm Bull.Christopher Brooke - forthcoming - Mind:egaa032.
    _ On Mercy _, by BullMalcolm. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2019. Pp. xii + 191.
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  • Democratic Legitimacy and the Competence Obligation.Finlay Malcolm - forthcoming - Moral Philosophy and Politics.
    What obligations are there on voters? This paper argues that voters should make their electoral decision competently, and does so by developing on a recent proposal for democratic legitimacy. It then explores three problems arising from this ‘competency obligation’. First, how should voters be competent? I propose three conditions required for voter competence. Second, how competent should voters be? I argue that that the competency required tracks the significance of the consequences of the vote. The threshold for competency can therefore (...)
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  • A Neo-Republican Theory of Just State Surveillance.Patrick Taylor Smith - 2020 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 7 (1):49-71.
    This paper develops a novel, neo-republican account of just state surveillance in the information age. The goal of state surveillance should be to avoid and prevent domination, both public and private. In light of that conception of justice, the paper makes three substantive points. First, it argues that modern state surveillance based upon information technology and predicated upon a close partnership with the tech sector gives the state significant power and represents a serious potential source of domination. Second, it argues (...)
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  • Exploitation and International Clinical Research: The Disconnect Between Goals and Policy.Danielle M. Wenner - 2018 - In David Boonin (ed.), The Palgrave Handbook of Philosophy and Public Policy. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Verlag. pp. 563-574.
    A growing proportion of clinical research funded by pharmaceutical companies, high-income country research agencies, and not-for-profit funders is conducted in low- and middle-income settings. Disparities in wealth and access to healthcare between the populations where new interventions are often tested and those where many of them are ultimately marketed raise concerns about exploitation. This chapter examines several ethical requirements frequently advanced as mechanisms for protecting research subjects in underserved communities from exploitation and evaluates the effectiveness of those mechanisms as responses (...)
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  • Theory of Sovereignty and the Body Politic in Modern and Contemporary Political Thought.Valerio Fabbrizi - 2018 - Philosophica Critica 4 (1):3-19.
    The purpose of this article is to investigate one of the most interesting and debated issues within the philosophical dis-cussion about politics: the metaphor of the body politic and its relation with the theory of sovereignty in contemporary political theory. After an opening section, which proposes a brief sketch about the origin of the body politic within phi-losophy (especially in Plato’s and Aristotle’s contributions), the article provides a theoretical insight of such a theory, by dealing with three of its definitions: (...)
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  • Three Types of Cosmopolitanism? Liberalism, Democracy, and Tian-Xia.Robin Celikates - 2020 - Yearbook for Eastern and Western Philosophy 2019 (4):208-220.
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  • Global Tax Governance: The Bullets Internationalists Must Bite – And Those They Must Not.Miriam Ronzoni - 2014 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 1 (1):37-59.
    Under conditions of high capital mobility, states are pressurised into various forms of tax competition to attract or retain capital and investors. When this occurs, the capacity of domestic institutions autonomously to generate fiscal policies is constrained. What exactly, if anything, is unjust about this phenomenon? This paper argues that tax competition puts particular pressure on internationalists, who must acknowledge that its occurrence makes our obligations of global justice more demanding, and that such obligations require supranational institutions in order to (...)
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  • On the Value of Constitutions and Judicial Review.Laura Valentini - 2017 - Criminal Law and Philosophy 11 (4):817-832.
    In his thought-provoking book, Why Law Matters, Alon Harel defends two key claims: one ontological, the other axiological. First, he argues that constitutions and judicial review are necessary constituents of a just society. Second, he suggests that these institutions are not only means to the realization of worthy ends, but also non-instrumentally valuable. I agree with Harel that constitutions and judicial review have more than instrumental value, but I am not persuaded by his arguments in support of this conclusion. I (...)
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  • The Metabolism of the State.Sean Erwin - 2015 - Epoché: A Journal for the History of Philosophy 20 (1):81-104.
    At Discorsi II.20, Machiavelli defines auxiliary arms as those, “whom a prince or a republic send captained and already paid for, for your aid.” My contention is that Machiavelli’s treatment of auxiliary arms is much more nuanced than it may seem at first glance. Throughout his works, Machiavelli articulates this type of force from the standpoint of the prince but also, surprisingly, from the standpoint of the people. In their princely employment, auxiliary arms act instrumentally as means for the projection (...)
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  • Freedom Without Law.Harrison P. Frye - 2018 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 17 (3):298-316.
    Untangling the relationship of law and liberty is among the core problems of political theory. One prominent position is that there is no freedom without law. This article challenges the argument that, because law is constitutive of freedom, there is no freedom without law. I suggest that, once properly understood, the argument that law is constitutive of freedom does not uniquely apply to law. It also applies to social norms. What law does for freedom, social norms can do too. Thus, (...)
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  • Social Egalitarianism and the Private Sponsorship of Refugees.Desiree Lim - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (3):301-321.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  • Vulnerability and Non-Domination: A Republican Perspective on Natural Limits.Peter F. Cannavò - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-17.
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  • Being Realistic About Neoliberalism.Andrew Norris - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1):63-78.
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  • Igualitarismo E Liberdade Como Não Dominação.Claudio Araujo Reis - 2019 - Doispontos 16 (1).
    A filosofia política de Rousseau sugere que há uma ligação íntima entre a garantia da liberdade e uma constituição radicalmente democrática da sociedade, especialmente no que se refere ao processo de tomada de decisões coletivas. Este texto procura explorar alguns aspectos dessa ligação entre igualitarismo e liberdade como não dominação, a partir da teoria da democracia proposta por Rousseau no Contrato social.
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  • XII—Fighting for My Mind: Feminist Logic at the Edge of Enlightenment.Hannah Dawson - 2018 - Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society 118 (3):275-306.
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  • Personal Data Are Political. A Feminist View on Privacy and Big Data.Sara Suárez-Gonzalo - 2019 - Recerca.Revista de Pensament I Anàlisi 24:173-192.
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  • Rule Consequentialism at Top Rates.Teemu Toppinen - 2015 - Philosophical Quarterly:pqv065.
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  • On Nudging’s Supposed Threat to Rational Decision-Making.Timothy Houk - 2019 - Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 44 (4):403-422.
    Nudging is a tool of libertarian paternalism. It involves making use of certain psychological tendencies in order to help people make better decisions without restricting their freedom. However, some have argued that nudging is objectionable because it interferes with, or undermines, the rational decision-making of the nudged agents. Opinions differ on why this is objectionable, but the underlying concerns appear to begin with nudging’s threat to rational decision-making. Those who discuss this issue do not make it clear to what this (...)
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  • Republicanism: An Unattractive Version of Liberalism.Carla Saenz - 2008 - Ethic@ - An International Journal for Moral Philosophy 7 (2):267-285.
    Philip Pettit is the most important contemporany advocate of the republican tradition in political philosophy. He advances a concept of freedom as non-domination, and constrasts it with the liberal conception of freedom as non-interference. He claims that two features distinguish domination from interference: The capacity of interference , and the fact that the interference is arbitrary. I shall argue that Pettit´s republicanism is not sufficiently differente from liberalism, certainly not from John Rawls´s liberalism. The only relevant difference between republicanism and (...)
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  • A Brief History of Liberty--And Its Lessons.Philip Pettit - 2016 - Journal of Human Development and Capabilities 17:5-21.
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  • István Hont and Political Theory.Paul Sagar - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (4):476-500.
    This article explores the relevance of the work of Cambridge historian of political thought István Hont to contemporary political theory. Specifically, it suggests that Hont’s work can be of great help to the recent realist revival in political theory, in particular via its lending support to the account favoured by Bernard Williams, which has been a major source for recent realist work. The article seeks to make explicit the main political theoretic implications of Hont’s historically-focused work, which in their original (...)
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  • Conservative Roots of Republicanism.Manjeet Ramgotra - 2014 - Theoria: A Journal of Social and Political Theory 61 (139):22-49.
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  • Self-Censorship for Democrats.Matthew Festenstein - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory 17 (3):324-342.
    On the face of it, self-censorship is profoundly subversive of democracy, particularly in its talk-centric forms, and undermines the culture of openness and publicity on which it relies. This paper has two purposes. The first is to develop a conception of self-censorship that allows us to capture what is distinctive about the concept from a political perspective and which allows us to understand the democratic anxiety about self-censorship: if it is not obvious that biting our tongues is always wrong, we (...)
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  • Democracy, Law and Relationships of Domination—A Response to ‘Can Republicanism Tame Public Health?’.Paul Scott - 2016 - Public Health Ethics 9 (2):134-135.
    This brief comment responds to some of the issues raised by Daniel Weinstock’s paper on the application of the republican ideal to public health. It considers the application outside of that specific context of both the problem Weinstock identifies and the solution he proposes. It queries, with reference to the different sorts of relationships of domination which exist, whether a republican approach to public health might not be better to seek to begin from private relationships of domination and to define (...)
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  • Freedom, Republicanism, and Workplace Democracy.Keith Breen - 2015 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 18 (4):470-485.
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  • Indiscriminate Mass Surveillance and the Public Sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  • Property and Economic Planning in Fichte's Contractualism.Michael Nance - 2019 - European Journal of Philosophy 27 (3):643-660.
    My paper reconstructs Fichte's property theory and political economy in Foundations of Natural Right and The Closed Commercial State. Fichte's theory of property requires the rejection of the classical liberal theory of property rights. Fichte's alternative theory of property, in conjunction with his republican account of the state's role in guaranteeing individual rights, further requires the rejection of a market economy in favor of a planned economy. For Fichte's view entails the normative necessity of a political economy in which the (...)
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  • A Further Defence of the Right Not to Vote.Ben Saunders - 2018 - Res Publica 24 (1):93-108.
    Opponents of compulsory voting often allege that it violates a ‘right not to vote’. This paper seeks to clarify and defend such a right against its critics. First, I propose that this right must be understood as a Hohfeldian claim against being compelled to vote, rather than as a mere privilege to abstain. So construed, the right not to vote is compatible with a duty to vote, so arguments for a duty to vote do not refute the existence of such (...)
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  • Republicanismo y neo-republicanismo.Ángel Rivero - 2005 - Isegoría 33:5-17.
    A finales del siglo veinte la historiografía acuñó el concepto de republicanismo para definir la ideología que había sustentado la revolución americana. Posteriormente el concepto fue apropiado normativamente por la filosofía política y se presentó como una alternativa a la hegemonía del liberalismo. En el primer caso se señaló una continuidad entre la tradición republicana de pensamiento político y la ideología revolucionaria. En el segundo caso, lo que se intentó fue una exhumación de temas republicanos para formar una nueva ideología. (...)
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  • Republicanism and the Politics of Place.Richard Dagger - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):157 – 173.
    Republicanism may seem to be a nostalgic politics of place that is incapable of responding to the challenges of globalization.The burden of this essay is to demonstrate that this view is both right and wrong - right in regarding republicanism as a politics of place, butwrong in thinking that such a form of politics is irrelevant to an increasingly interconnected world. On the contrary, the republican concern for place provides the basis for the responsible, public-spirited action that cosmopolitan theorists need (...)
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  • Should We Equalize Status in Order to Equalize Health?M. E. J. Nielsen, X. Landes & M. M. Andersen - 2013 - Public Health Ethics 6 (1):104-113.
    If it is true, as suggested by Sir Michael Marmot and other researchers, that status impacts health and therefore accounts for some of the social gradient in health, then it seems to be the case that it would be possible to bring about more equality in health by equalizing status. The purpose of this article is to analyze this suggestion. First, we suggest a working definition of what status precisely is. Second, following a luck egalitarian approach to distributive justice, we (...)
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  • Mary Wollstonecraft, Freedom and the Enduring Power of Social Domination.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2013 - European Journal of Political Theory 12 (2):116-135.
    Even long after their formal exclusion has come to an end, members of previously oppressed social groups often continue to face disproportionate restrictions on their freedom, as the experience of many women over the last century has shown. Working within in a framework in which freedom is understood as independence from arbitrary power, Mary Wollstonecraft provides an explanation of why such domination may persist and offers a model through which it can be addressed. Republicans rely on processes of rational public (...)
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  • Why Nothing is Justified by Justifiactory Liberalism.Philip D. Shadd - 2014 - Public Reason 6 (1-2).
    According to justificatory liberalism legal coercion is legitimate only when exercised for reasons that all reasonable persons can accept. That is, laws are legitimate only if they satisfy JL’s unanimity condition. This principle entails that if no law meets the unanimity condition, then no law is legitimate. However, given the diversity of persons who meet JL’s own twofold criteria of ‘reasonable’ – commitment to fair cooperation and recognition of reasonable pluralism – no law would be supported by all reasonable persons (...)
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  • Institutional Virtue: How Consensus Matters.Anita Konzelmann Ziv - 2012 - Philosophical Studies 161 (1):87-96.
    The paper defends the thesis that institutional virtue is properly modeled as a ‘‘consensual’’ property, along the lines of the Lehrer–Wagner model of consensus (LWC). In a first step, I argue that institutional virtue is not exhausted by duty-fulfilling, since institutions, contrary to natural individuals, are designed to fulfill duties. To avoid the charge of vacuity, virtue, if attributed to institutions, must be able to motivate supererogatory action. In a second step, I argue against dis- continuity of institutional virtue with (...)
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  • Introduction: Civic Virtue and Pluralism.Bert Van Den Brink - 2001 - Philosophical Explorations 4 (3):152-156.
    * The editorial board wishes to thank Hildegard Penn of Tilburg University for her meticulous editorial work on this issue.
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  • Workers Without Rights as Citizens at the Margins.Virginia Mantouvalou - 2013 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 16 (3):366-382.
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  • Beyond the Search for the Subject: An Anti-Essentialist Ontology for Liberal Democracy.Samuel Bagg - 2018 - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511876388.
    Reading Foucault’s work on power and subjectivity alongside “developmentalist” approaches to evolutionary biology, this article endorses poststructuralist critiques of political ideals grounded in...
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  • Freedom as Independence: Mary Wollstonecraft and the Grand Blessing of Life.Alan M. S. J. Coffee - 2013 - Hypatia (1):908-924.
    Independence is a central and recurring theme in Wollstonecraft’s work. Independence should not be understood as an individualistic ideal that is in tension with the value of community but as an essential ingredient in successful and flourishing social relationships. I examine three aspects of this rich and complex concept that Wollstonecraft draws on as she develops her own notion of independence as a powerful feminist tool. First, independence is an egalitarian ideal that requires that all individuals, regardless of sex, are (...)
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  • Citizenship Education and Liberalism: A State of the Debate Analysis 1990–2010.Christian Fernández & Mikael Sundström - 2011 - Studies in Philosophy and Education 30 (4):363-384.
    What kind of citizenship education, if any, should schools in liberal societies promote? And what ends is such education supposed to serve? Over the last decades a respectable body of literature has emerged to address these and related issues. In this state of the debate analysis we examine a sample of journal articles dealing with these very issues spanning a twenty-year period with the aim to analyse debate patterns and developments in the research field. We first carry out a qualitative (...)
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  • Exit Left: Markets and Mobility in Republican Thought.Robert S. Taylor - 2017 - Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
    Contemporary republicanism is characterized by three main ideas: free persons, who are not subject to the arbitrary power of others; free states, which try to protect their citizens from such power without exercising it themselves; and vigilant citizenship, as a means to limit states to their protective role. This book advances an economic model of such republicanism that is ideologically centre-left. It demands an exit-oriented state interventionism, one that would require an activist government to enhance competition and resource exit from (...)
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  • Hobbes and Human Irrationality.Sandra Field - 2015 - Global Discourse 5 (2):207-220.
    Hobbes’s science of politics rests on a dual analysis of human beings: humans as complex material bodies in a network of mechanical forces, prone to passions and irrationality; and humans as subjects of right and obligation, morally exhortable by appeal to the standards of reason. The science of politics proposes an absolutist model of politics. If this proposal is not to be idle utopianism, the enduring functioning of the model needs to be compatible with the materialist analysis of human behaviour. (...)
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  • Republican International Relations.Nathan Wood - 2015 - Kriterion - Journal of Philosophy 29 (1):51-78.
    Contemporary proponents of republican political theory often focus on the concept of freedom as non-domination, and how best to promote it within a state. However, there is little attention paid to what the republican conception of freedom demands in the international realm. In this essay I examine what is required for an agent to enjoy freedom as non-domination, and argue that this might only be achieved for individuals if one of two possibilities is pursued internationally: either (1) all nations are (...)
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