Results for 'Public reason'

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  1. Constitutional Interpretation and Public Reason: Seductive Disanalogies.Christopher F. Zurn - 2020 - In Silje Langvatn, Wojciech Sadurski & Mattias Kumm (eds.), Public Reason and Courts. Cambridge University Press. pp. 323-349.
    Theorists of public reason such as John Rawls often idealize constitutional courts as exemplars of public reason. This paper raises questions about the seduction and limits of analogies between theorists’ account of public reason and actual constitutional jurisprudence. Examining the work product of the United States Supreme Court, the paper argues that while it does engage in reason-giving to support its decisions—as the public reason strategy suggests— those reasons are (largely) legalistic (...)
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  2. Collectivizing Public Reason.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - Social Theory and Practice 50 (2):285–306.
    Public reason liberals expect individuals to have justificatory reasons for their views of certain political issues. This paper considers how groups can, and whether they should, give collective public reasons for their political decisions. A problem is that aggregating individuals’ consistent judgments on reasons and a decision can produce inconsistent collective judgments. The group will then fail to give a reason for its decision. The paper considers various solutions to this problem and defends a deliberative procedure (...)
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  3. Why Public Reason Could Not Be Too Modest: The Case of Public Reason Confucianism.Franz Mang - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):163-176.
    In Public Reason Confucianism, Sungmoon Kim presents an important Confucian political theory that seeks to combine a specific conception of Confucianism and the ideal of public reason. My article examines this theory and identifies some of the theoretical complications with Rawlsian public reason.
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  4. Why Public Reasoning Involves Ideal Theorizing.Blain Neufeld - 2017 - In Kevin Vallier & Michael Weber (eds.), Political Utopias: Contemporary Debates. New York, USA: Oup Usa. pp. 73-93.
    Some theorists—including Elizabeth Anderson, Gerald Gaus, and Amartya Sen—endorse versions of 'public reason' as the appropriate way to justify political decisions while rejecting 'ideal theory'. This chapter proposes that these ideas are not easily separated. The idea of public reason expresses a form of mutual 'civic' respect for citizens. Public reason justifications for political proposals are addressed to citizens who would find acceptable those justifications, and consequently would comply freely with those proposals should they (...)
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  5. Public Reason and Abortion: Was Rawls Right After All?Robbie Arrell - 2019 - The Journal of Ethics 23 (1):37-53.
    In ‘Public Reason and Prenatal Moral Status’ (2015), Jeremy Williams argues that the ideal of Rawlsian public reason commits its devotees to the radically permissive view that abortion ought to be available with little or no qualification throughout pregnancy. This is because the only (allegedly) political value that favours protection of the foetus for its own sake—the value of ‘respect for human life’—turns out not to be a political value at all, and so its invocation in (...)
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  6. Rescuing Public Reason Liberalism’s Accessibility Requirement.Gabriele Badano & Matteo Bonotti - 2020 - Law and Philosophy 39 (1):35-65.
    Public reason liberalism is defined by the idea that laws and policies should be justifiable to each person who is subject to them. But what does it mean for reasons to be public or, in other words, suitable for this process of justification? In response to this question, Kevin Vallier has recently developed the traditional distinction between consensus and convergence public reason into a classification distinguishing three main approaches: shareability, accessibility and intelligibility. The goal of (...)
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  7. Public Reason, Partisanship and the Containment of the Populist Radical Right.Gabriele Badano & Alasia Nuti - 2023 - Political Studies 71 (1):198-217.
    This article discusses the growth of the populist radical right as a concrete example of the scenario where liberal democratic ideas are losing support in broadly liberal democratic societies. Our goal is to enrich John Rawls’ influential theory of political liberalism. We argue that even in that underexplored scenario, Rawlsian political liberalism can offer an appealing account of how to promote the legitimacy and stability of liberal democratic institutions provided it places partisanship centre stage. Specifically, we propose a brand-new moral (...)
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  8. Global Public Reason, Diversity, and Consent.Samuel Director - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):31-57.
    In this paper, I examine global public reason as a method of justifying a global state. Ultimately, I conclude that global public reason fails to justify a global state. This is the case, because global public reason faces an unwinnable dilemma. The global public reason theorist must endorse either a hypothetical theory of consent or an actual theory of consent; if she endorses a theory of hypothetical consent, then she fails to justify (...)
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  9. Public reason, non-public reasons, and the accessibility requirement.Jason Tyndal - 2019 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 49 (8):1062-1082.
    In Liberalism without Perfection, Jonathan Quong develops what is perhaps the most comprehensive defense of the consensus model of public reason – a model which incorporates both a public-reasons-only requirement and an accessibility requirement framed in terms of shared evaluative standards. While the consensus model arguably predominates amongst public reason liberals, it is criticized by convergence theorists who reject both the public-reasons-only requirement and the accessibility requirement. In this paper, I argue that while we (...)
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  10. Public Reason Naturalism.James Dominic Rooney - forthcoming - American Journal of Jurisprudence.
    I will argue that the natural law theory of morality, when extended into a political theory of justice, results in a picture of political justice much like that of public reason liberalism. However, natural law political theory, I argue, need not entail a natural law theory of morality. While facts about what societies ought to do supervene upon facts about what is good for human beings, there are distinct goods involved and distinct reasons for action. Rather, considerations taken (...)
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  11.  38
    Autonomy, Community, and the Justification of Public Reason.Andersson Emil - 2024 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy:1-15.
    Recently, there have been attempts at offering new justifications of the Rawlsian idea of public reason. Blain Neufeld has suggested that the ideal of political autonomy justifies public reason, while R.J. Leland and Han van Wietmarschen have sought to justify the idea by appealing to the value of political community. In this paper, I show that both proposals are vulnerable to a common problem. In realistic circumstances, they will often turn into reasons to oppose, rather than (...)
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  12. Public Reason Liberalism and the Certification of Scientific Claims.Jason Tyndal - 2019 - Social Epistemology Review and Reply Collective 11 (8):8-14.
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  13. On Theorizing about Public Reason.Gerald Gaus - 2013 - European Journal of Analytic Philosophy 9 (1):64-85.
    This essay responds to the thoughtful essays on the Order of Public Reason (OPR) by Elvio Baccarini, Giulia Bistagnino and Nenad Miscevic. All three essays interrogate OPR’s understanding of moral theory - “meta” matters about the nature of morality, reasons and modeling within moral theories. I first turn to the general understanding of the moral enterprise underlying OPR, explaining why it takes a view at odds with the contemporary mainstream in moral philosophy. I then explain the idea of (...)
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  14. Discursive Equality and Public Reason.Thomas M. Besch - forthcoming - In J. D. Rooney & Patrick Zoll (eds.), Freedom and the Good: Beyond Classical Liberalism. Routledge.
    In public reason liberalism, equal respect requires that conceptions of justice be publicly justifiable to relevant people in a manner that allocates to each an equal say. But all liberal public justification also excludes: e.g., it accords no say, or a lesser say, to people it deems unreasonable. Can liberal public justification be aligned with the equal respect that allegedly grounds it, if the latter calls for discursive equality? The chapter explores this challenge with a focus (...)
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  15. Shared intentions, public reason, and political autonomy.Blain Neufeld - 2019 - Canadian Journal of Philosophy 49 (6):776-804.
    John Rawls claims that public reasoning is the reasoning of ‘equal citizens who as a corporate body impose rules on one another backed by sanctions of state power’. Drawing on an amended version of Michael Bratman’s theory of shared intentions, I flesh out this claim by developing the ‘civic people’ account of public reason. Citizens realize ‘full’ political autonomy as members of a civic people. Full political autonomy, though, cannot be realised by citizens in societies governed by (...)
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  16. What Pragmatism means by Public Reason.Roberto Frega - 2010 - Etica and Politica / Ethics & Politics 12 (1):28-51.
    In this article I examine the main conceptions of public reason in contemporary political philosophy in order to set the frame for appreciating the novelty of the pragmatist understanding of public reason as based upon the notion of consequences and upon a theory of rationality as inquiry. The approach is inspired by Dewey but is free from any concern with history of philosophy. The aim is to propose a different understanding of the nature of public (...)
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  17. Can Civic Friendship Ground Public Reason?Paul Billingham & Anthony Taylor - 2023 - Philosophical Quarterly 74 (1):24-45.
    Public reason views hold that the exercise of political power must be acceptable to all reasonable citizens. A growing number of philosophers argue that this reasonable acceptability principle (RAP) can be justified by appealing to the value of civic friendship. They claim that a valuable form of political community can only be achieved among the citizens of pluralistic societies if they refrain from appealing to controversial ideals and values when justifying the exercise of political power to one another. (...)
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  18. A Framework for Analyzing Public Reason Theories.Paul Billingham & Anthony Taylor - 2022 - European Journal of Political Theory 21 (4).
    Proponents of public reason views hold that the exercise of political power ought to be acceptable to all reasonable citizens. This article elucidates the common structure shared by all public reason views, first by identifying a set of questions that all such views must answer and, second, by showing that the answers to these questions stand in a particular relationship to each other. In particular, we show that what we call the ‘rationale question’ is fundamental. This (...)
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  19. Bringing Public Reason into the Philosophy Classroom.Ernesto V. Garcia - 2022 - Teaching Ethics 22 (2):173-191.
    *Honorable Mention for the 2024 American Association of Philosophy Teachers (AAPT) Lenssen Prize*: In recent years, ‘philosophy as a way of life’ [PWOL] courses have emerged as an exciting new pedagogical approach. I explain what a PWOL-course is. Next, I argue that the standard method for teaching such courses—what I call the ‘Smorgasbord Model’—presents us with a basic problem: viz., the challenge of how to enable students in the context of the modern university to truly experience what a PWOL even (...)
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  20. Autonomous Driving and Public Reason: a Rawlsian Approach.Claudia Brändle & Michael W. Schmidt - 2021 - Philosophy and Technology 34 (4):1475-1499.
    In this paper, we argue that solutions to normative challenges associated with autonomous driving, such as real-world trolley cases or distributions of risk in mundane driving situations, face the problem of reasonable pluralism: Reasonable pluralism refers to the fact that there exists a plurality of reasonable yet incompatible comprehensive moral doctrines within liberal democracies. The corresponding problem is that a politically acceptable solution cannot refer to only one of these comprehensive doctrines. Yet a politically adequate solution to the normative challenges (...)
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  21. On Actualizing Public Reason.Michael Baur - 2004 - Fordham Law Review 72 (5):2153-2175.
    In this Essay, I examine some apparent difficulties with what I call the "actualization criterion" connected to Rawls's notion of public reason, that is, the criterion for determining when Rawlsian public reason is concretely actualized by citizens in their deliberating and deciding about constitutional essentials and matters of basic justice. While these apparent difficulties have led some commentators to reject Rawlsian public reason altogether, I offer an interpretation that might allow Rawlsian public (...) to escape the difficulties. My reading involves the claim that Rawlsian public reason is to be understood essentially as an imperative or an ideal, and as not necessarily grounded in any stock of existing beliefs or opinions. I make this claim on the basis of the seemingly counterintuitive observation that it is possible for citizen-interlocutors to know that public reason has been violated without necessarily knowing who the violator is (and thus without being able to foreclose the possibility that the violator may even be oneself). This observation is based in turn on my analysis of the necessary reciprocity and self-referentiality built in to the very concept of public reason as such. (shrink)
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  22. The discursive dilemma and public reason.Christian List - 2006 - Ethics 116 (2):362-402.
    Political theorists have offered many accounts of collective decision-making under pluralism. I discuss a key dimension on which such accounts differ: the importance assigned not only to the choices made but also to the reasons underlying those choices. On that dimension, different accounts lie in between two extremes. The ‘minimal liberal account’ holds that collective decisions should be made only on practical actions or policies and that underlying reasons should be kept private. The ‘comprehensive deliberative account’ stresses the importance of (...)
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  23. Critique and public reason.Thomas M. Besch - 2024 - Philosophy, Politics and Critique 1 (1):22-25.
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  24.  82
    Why not Extend Rawls’ Public Reason Beyond Fundamental Issues? A Defence of the Broad-Scope View of Public Reason.Rubén Marciel - 2020 - Teorema: International Journal of Philosophy 39 (2):105-125.
    The scope of public reason determines which political decisions should be taken according to its standards. In this paper, I defend a broad-scope view of public reason, according to which every single political decision should be justified by public reasons. In the first part, I argue that, despite the unclarity of Rawls’ position, it is compatible with the wide-scope view. In the three following parts, I refute the main arguments in favour of the narrow-scope view (...)
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  25. The Principle of Restraint: Public Reason and the Reform of Public Administration.Gabriele Badano - 2020 - Political Studies 68 (1):110-127.
    Normative political theorists have been growing more and more aware of the many difficult questions raised by the discretionary power inevitably left to public administrators. This article aims to advance a novel normative principle, called ‘principle of restraint’, regulating reform of established administrative agencies. I argue that the ability of public administrators to exercise their power in accordance with the requirements of public reason is protected by an attitude of restraint on the part of potential reformers. (...)
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  26. Does political community require public reason? On Lister’s defence of political liberalism.Paul Billingham - 2016 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 15 (1):20-41.
    Andrew Lister’s Public Reason and Political Community is an important new contribution to the debate over political liberalism. In this article, I critically evaluate some of the central arguments of the book in order to assess the current state of public reason liberalism. I pursue two main objections to Lister’s work. First, Lister’s justification for public reason, which appeals to the value of civic friendship, fails to show why public reason liberalism should (...)
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  27. Veřejný rozum a právo [Public Reason and Law].Pavel Dufek - 2020 - In Tomáš Sobek & Martin Hapla (eds.), Filosofie práva [Philosophy of Law]. Brno, Czechia: pp. 227–254.
    The chapter explores the ways in which philosophical thinking about public reason and public justification can shed light on some deep issues regarding the legitimacy or purpose of law, as well as shallower yet no less important questions of constitutional engineering and institutional desing.
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  28. Precis – The Order of Public Reason: A Theory of Freedom and Morality in a Diverse and Bounded World.Gerald Gaus - 2013 - European Journal of Analytic Philosophy 9 (1):8-13.
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  29. Deliberative Democracy, Public Reason, and the Allocation of Clinical Care Resources.Gabriele Badano - 2014 - Dissertation, University College London
    This thesis discusses how societies should allocate clinical care resources. The first aim of the thesis is to defend the idea that clinical care resource allocation is a matter for deliberative democratic procedures. I argue that deliberative democracy is justified because of its ability to implement equal respect and autonomy. Furthermore, I address several in-principle objections to the project of applying deliberative democracy to clinical care resource allocation. Most notably, I respond to the narrow view of the scope of deliberative (...)
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  30. A Non‐Sectarian Comprehensive Confucianism?—On Kim's Public Reason Confucianism.Baldwin Wong - 2019 - Journal of Social Philosophy 50 (2):145-162.
    In Public Reason Confucianism, Kim Sungmoon presents a perfectionist theory that is based on a partially comprehensive Confucian doctrine but is non-sectarian, since the doctrine is widely shared in East Asian societies. Despite its attractiveness, I argue that this project, unfortunately, fails because it is still vulnerable to the sectarian critique. The blurred distinction between partially and fully comprehensive doctrines will create a loophole problem. Sectarian laws and policies may gain legitimacy that they do not deserve. I further (...)
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  31. The Well-Ordered Society under Crisis: A Formal Analysis of Public Reason vs. Convergence Discourse.Hun Chung - forthcoming - American Journal of Political Science:1-20.
    A well-ordered society faces a crisis whenever a sufficient number of noncompliers enter into the political system. This has the potential to destabilize liberal democratic political order. This article provides a formal analysis of two competing solutions to the problem of political stability offered in the public reason liberalism literature—namely, using public reason or using convergence discourse to restore liberal democratic political order in the well-ordered society. The formal analyses offered in this article show that using (...)
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  32. The shallow ecology of public reason liberalism.Fred Matthews - 2023 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy (N/A):1-24.
    In this article, I shall contend that Rawlsian public reason liberalism (PRL) is in tension with non-anthropocentric environmentalism. I will argue that many reasonable citizens reject non-anthropocentric values, and PRL cannot allow them to be used as the justification for ecological policies. I will analyse attempts to argue that PRL can incorporate non-anthropocentric ideas. I shall consider the view, deployed by theorists such as Derek Bell and Mark A. Michael, that PRL can make a distinction between constitutional essentials (...)
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  33. Rawls' Idea of Public Reason and Democratic Legitimacy.Fabienne Peter - 2007 - Politics and Ethics Review 3 (1):129-143.
    Critics and defenders of Rawls' idea of public reason have tended to neglect the relationship between this idea and his conception of democratic legitimacy. I shall argue that Rawls' idea of public reason can be interpreted in two different ways, and that the two interpretations support two different conceptions of legitimacy. What I call the substantive interpretation of Rawls' idea of public reason demands that it applies not just to the process of democratic decision-making, (...)
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  34.  21
    Public Reason and Political Autonomy: Realizing the Ideal of a Civic People by Blain Neufeld (Routledge, 2022). [REVIEW]Gabriele Badano - 2024 - Philosophy 99 (2):310-314.
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  35. Having a Reason and Distributive Justice in The Order of Public Reason.Elvio Baccarini - 2013 - European Journal of Analytic Philosophy 9 (1):25-51.
    In the first part of the paper, Gaus’ ground for the ideal of persons as free and equal is described. Doubts are raised about the appropriateness of the use of his account of this ideal as endogenous to our moral practice. Th e worries are related to the use of the concept of having a reason that Gaus makes in his book, as well as to the aptness of his account of our moral practice from the viewpoint of our (...)
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  36. Critique of public reason revisited: Kant as arbiter between Rawls and Habermas.Nythamar Fernandes De Oliveira - 2000 - Veritas – Revista de Filosofia da Pucrs 45 (4):583-606.
    Trata-se de revisitar o debate Rawls-Habermas,em particular, o problema da autonomia política à luz da apropriação que estes autores nos oferecem do procedimentalismo kantiano.Tanto John Rawls quanto Jürgen Habermas, em suas respectivas concepções de "cultura política" e "esfera pública," partem de uma equivocada atribuição de um fundacionalismo moral em Kant de forma a preservar o princípio normativo de universalizabilidade capaz de assegurar a estabilidade de uma "sociedade bem ordenada" e balizar o procedimentalismo democrático enquanto alternativa para os modelos liberais e (...)
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  37. The Priority of Public Reasons and Religious Forms of Life in Constitutional Democracies.Cristina Lafont - 2019 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 11 (4):45-60.
    In this essay I address the difficult question of how citizens with conflicting religious and secular views can fulfill the democratic obligation of justifying the imposition of coercive policies to others with reasons that they can also accept. After discussing the difficulties of proposals that either exclude religious beliefs from public deliberation or include them without any restrictions, I argue instead for a policy of mutual accountability that imposes the same deliberative rights and obligations on all democratic citizens. The (...)
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  38. On the Compatibility of Epistocracy and Public Reason.Thomas Mulligan - 2015 - Social Theory and Practice 41 (3):458-476.
    In "epistocratic" forms of government, political power is wielded by those who possess the knowledge relevant to good policymaking. Some democrats--notably, David Estlund--concede that epistocracy might produce better political outcomes than democracy but argue that epistocracy cannot be justified under public reason. These objections to epistocracy are unsound because they violate a viability constraint: they are also fatal to democracy and all other plausible political arrangements. Moreover, there is a problem with the public reason framework itself--a (...)
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  39. Toward an Islamic Conception of Democracy: Islam and the Notion of Public Reason.Raja Bahlul - 2003 - Critique: Critical Middle Eastern Studies 12 (1):43-60.
    This paper is a discussion of the ways in which the notion of public reason has come to manifest itself in recent Islamic writings. The discussion is part of an effort to discover a common language in terms of which Islamic and liberal/secular discourses about democracy and public debate can be understood. The difficult question we are left with is whether it is permissible to speak of “public reason” sans phrase, or whether the notion must (...)
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  40. What We Have Reason to Value: Human Capabilities and Public Reason.Nancy S. Jecker - 2021 - In Hon-Lam Li & Michael Campbell (eds.), Public Reason and Bioethics: Three Perspectives. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 337-357.
    This chapter sets forth an interpretation of public reason that appeals to our central capabilities as human beings. I argue that appealing to central human capabilities and to the related idea of respect for threshold capabilities is the best way to understand public reason. My defense of this position advances stepwise: first, I consider a central alternative to a capability account, which regards public reason as a matter of contracting; next, I describe central concerns (...)
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  41. Justice in the Laws, a Restatement: Why Plato Endorses Public Reason.Samuel Director - 2018 - Journal of the American Philosophical Association 4 (2):184-203.
    In the Laws, Plato argues that the legislator should attempt to persuade people to voluntarily obey the laws. This persuasion is accomplished through use of legislative preludes. Preludes (also called preambles) are short arguments written into the legal code, which precede laws and give reasons to follow them. In this paper, I argue that Plato’s use of persuasive preludes shows that he endorses the core features of a public reason theory of political justification. Many philosophers argue that Plato’s (...)
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  42. On the Virtues of Inhospitality: toward an Ethics of Public Reason and Critical Engagement.Lawrence Torcello - 2014 - Philo 17 (1):99-115.
    This article seeks to re-conceptualize Rawlsian public reason as a critical tool against ideological propaganda. The article proposes that public reason, as a standard for public discourse, must be conceptualized beyond its mandate for comprehensive neutrality to additionally emphasize critique of ideologically driven ignorance and propaganda in the public realm. I connect uncritical hospitality to such ideological propaganda with Harry Frankfurt’s concept of bullshit. This paper proposes that philosophers have a unique moral obligation to (...)
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  43. Political activism, egalitarian justice, and public reason.Blain Neufeld - forthcoming - Journal of Social Philosophy.
    Journal of Social Philosophy, EarlyView.
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  44. Critique of Public Reason Revisited: Kant as Arbiter between Rawls and Habermas.Nythamar Fernandes De Oliveira - 2000 - Veritas – Revista de Filosofia da Pucrs 45 (4):583-606.
    Trata-se de revisitar o debate Rawls-Habermas,em particular, o problema da autonomia política à luz da apropriação que estes autores nos oferecem do procedimentalismo kantiano.Tanto John Rawls quanto Jürgen Habermas, em suas respectivas concepções de "cultura política" e "esfera pública," partem de uma equivocada atribuição de um fundacionalismo moral em Kant de forma a preservar o princípio normativo de universalizabilidade capaz de assegurar a estabilidade de uma "sociedade bem ordenada" e balizar o procedimentalismo democrático enquanto alternativa para os modelos liberais e (...)
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  45. Responding (appropriately) to religious patients: a response to Greenblum and Hubbard’s ‘Public Reason’ argument.Nicholas Colgrove - 2019 - Journal of Medical Ethics 45 (11):716-717.
    Jake Greenblum and Ryan K Hubbard argue that physicians, nurses, clinical ethicists and ethics committee members should not cite religious considerations when helping patients (or their proxies) make medical decisions. They provide two arguments for this position: The Public Reason Argument and the Fiduciary Argument. In this essay, I show that the Public Reason Argument fails. Greenblum and Hubbard may provide good reason to think that physicians should not invoke their own religious commitments as reasons (...)
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  46. The Principle of Convergent Restraint: A Failed Framework of Public Reason.Jacob Isaac - 2023 - University of British Columbia.
    This essay undertakes a critical examination of Kevin Vallier’s Principle of Convergent Restraint (PCR) within the framework of public reason liberalism. The article begins by scrutinizing the PCR’s inaugural provision: intelligibility, advancing the argument that Vallier’s explication of intelligibility contradicts the requisites of public justification in liberal democracies. It argues that Vallier’s predilection for intelligibility over accessibility runs afoul of the fundamental principles underpinning public reason and pluralistic liberalism. It then provides an evaluation of the (...)
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  47. Public Association as a Domain of Public Reason.Russell Webster - manuscript
    In laying out his theory of public reason, John Rawls is adamant that there be a clear distinction between private and public reason. Rawls says that political society under the theory of political liberalism is not an association. Associations, he says, are private communities, and the domain of private reason. Private reason, furthermore, occurs in the domain of private associations. Public reason, however, occurs beyond the scope of private associations, in an overlapping (...)
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  48. Federico Zuolo, Animals, Political Liberalism and Public Reason, (Palgrave Macmillan), 2020: Cham, Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan, 2020. Hardback (ISBN-13: 9783030495084). €88,39. 280 + Xiii Pp. [REVIEW]Marcus Schultz-Bergin - 2021 - Ethical Theory and Moral Practice 24 (3):851-853.
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  49. Religious Reasons in the Public Sphere: A Challenge to Habermas.Joshua Duclos - 2019 - Philosophy and Theology 31 (1):121-143.
    Should religious reasons be used in political discourse? Habermas argues that religious reasons can enter the public sphere so long as they undergo a translation that meets the standards of public reason. I argue that such a translation may be either unnecessary or impossible. Habermas does not sufficiently consider the possibility that religious reasons are already publicly accessible such that no translation is required. Moreover, Habermas entirely fails to consider the possibility that, if he is right about (...)
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  50. Redefining and Extending the Public Use of Reason: Republic and Reform in Kant’s Conflict of the Faculties.Roberta Pasquarè - manuscript
    With An Answer to the Question: What Is Enlightenment? (1784) and What Does It Mean to Orient Oneself in Thinking? (1786), Kant presents the concept of public use of reason and defines its requirements, scope, and function. In outline, the public use of reason consists in sharing one’s thoughts with “the entire public of the world of readers” (8:37). As for its requirements, to the extent that someone communicates in their own person, i.e. not in (...)
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