Results for 'liberal nationalism'

983 found
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  1. Liberal Nationalism, Culture, and Justice.Simon Cushing - 2002 - Social Philosophy Today 18:151-165.
    Over the past ten years or so, the position of Liberal Nationalism has progressed from being an apparent oxymoron to a widely accepted view. In this paper I sketch the most prominent liberal defenses of nationalism, focusing first on the difficulties of specifying criteria of nationhood, then criticizing what I take to be the most promising, culture-based defense, forwarded by Will Kymlicka. I argue that such an approach embroils one in a pernicious conservatism completely at odds (...)
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  2. liberal nationalism for isreal, 1999.Joseph Agassi - 1999 - gefen.
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  3. Nationalism, Secularism and Liberal Neutrality: The Danish Case of Judges and Religious Symbols.Nils Holtug - 2011 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 6 (2):107-125.
    In 2009, a law was passed in the Danish parliament, according to which judges cannot wear religious symbols in courts of law. First, I trace the development of this legislation from resistance to Muslim religious practices on the nationalist right to ideas in mainstream Danish politics about secularism and state neutrality – a process I refer to as ‘liberalization’. Second, I consider the plausibility of such liberal justifications for restrictions on religious symbols in the public sphere and, in particular, (...)
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  4. In Defense of Nonliberal Nationalism.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2006 - Political Theory 34 (3):304-327.
    Although nonliberal nationalism has played a prominent role in previously and currently colonized nations of the Third World, its assessment by liberal political theorists has been less than favorable. These theorists believe that nonliberal nationalisms are bound to be oppressive to marginalized members, since they view nonliberal cultures, which such movements aim to protect and maintain, to be essentialist and static monoliths that do not recognize the fundamental value of individual rights. In this article, I defend nonliberal nationalisms (...)
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  5. Nationalism.Renaud-Philippe Garner - 2022 - Oxford Research Encyclopedia of Politics.
    Nationalism is a set of beliefs about the nation: its origins, nature, and value. For nationalists, we are particular social animals. On the one hand, our lives are structured by a profound sense of togetherness and similarity: We share languages and memories. On the other hand, our lives are characterized by deep divisions and differences: We draw borders and contest historical narratives. For nationalism, humanity is neither a single species-wide community nor an aggregation of individuals but divided into (...)
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  6. (1 other version)Nationalism and Crisis.Enrique Camacho - 2017 - Tópicos: Revista de Filosofía 52:427-456.
    Nationalism seems a persistent ideology in academia as much as in politics; despite the fact that it has been shown that nationalism is deeply unjust for minorities. A case for national identity is often invoked to supplement liberalism regarding the inner difficulties that liberal theories have to explain their membership, assure stability and produce endorsement. So, it seems that national identity may also be required for justice. While this controversy continues, I argue that a different approach is (...)
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  7. Why Nationalism[REVIEW]Karel J. Leyva - 2021 - Oxímora: Revista Internacional de Ética y Política 18:170-174.
    Durante los últimos treinta años, los nacionalistas liberales han defendido la idea según la cual del mismo modo que el liberalismo necesita delnacionalismo para lograrmejor sus objetivos centrales, las diferentes expresiones delnacionalismo deben ser limitadas por los principios liberales.Yael Tamir ha sidouna de las figuras clave de esta singular articulación. En su obra Liberal Nationalism(1993), como en sus trabajos posteriores,no sólo defendió que era posible conciliar los valores liberales con ciertos aspectos fundamentales de la tradición nacionalista, sino también (...)
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  8. Liberal Democracy’ in the ‘Post-Corona World’.Shirzad Peik - 2020 - Journal of Philosophical Investigations at University of Tabriz 14 (31):1-29.
    ABSTRACT A new ‘political philosophy’ is indispensable to the ‘post-Corona world,’ and this paper tries to analyze the future of ‘liberal democracy’ in it. It shows that ‘liberal democracy’ faces a ‘global crisis’ that has begun before, but the ‘novel Coronavirus pandemic,’ as a setback for it, strongly encourages that crisis. ‘Liberalism’ and ‘democracy,’ which had long been assumed by ‘political philosophers’ to go together, are now becoming decoupled, and the ‘liberal values’ of ‘democracy’ are eroding. To (...)
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  9. Rethinking Liberal Multiculturalism: Foundations, Practices and Methodologies.François Boucher, Sophie Guérard de Latour & Esma Baycan-Herzog - forthcoming - Ethnicities.
    The article introduces a special issue on “Rethinking Liberal Multiculturalism: Foundations, Practices and Methodologies.” The contributions presented in this special issue were discussed during the conference « Multicultural Citizenship 25 Years Later », held in Paris in November 2021. Their aim is to take stock of the legacy of Kymlicka’s contribution and to highlight new developments in theories of liberal multiculturalism and minority rights. The contributions do not purport to challenge the legitimacy of theories of multiculturalism and minority (...)
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  10. Liberal Presumptions: A Response to Curtis.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2007 - Political Theory 35 (3):341-47.
    In his “Critical Response,” William Curtis presents three main criticisms against my position elaborated in “In Defense of Nonliberal Nationalism.” First, he alleges that my conception of national membership is “voluntarist” and ultimately liberal. Second, he claims that my position on nonliberal democracy is “quintessentially liberal.” Third, he charges that my account of nonliberal nationalism would allow the oppression of minorities. The first charge is based on Curtis’s misreading of my article. The second charge is interesting (...)
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  11. Immigration, and Common Identities: A Social Cohesion-Based Argument for Open Borders.Esma Baycan-Herzog - 2021 - In Corinna Mieth & Wolfram Cremer, Migration, Stability and Solidarity. pp. 155-187.
    What does social cohesion require in culturally diverse post-immigration societies? Immigration and social cohesion are, in the public debate, believed to be incompatible. In normative political philosophy, a similar understanding manifests in the argument that social cohesion-based on a common national identity-is incompatible with immigration. In so doing, its proponents justify restrictive border policies. In this chapter, I will critically engage with this argument by reconnecting the literature in social sciences to normative political philosophy. I will offer a conditional and (...)
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  12. A Tale of Two Islamophobias: The Paradoxes of Civic Nationalism in Contemporary Europe and the United States.Jason A. Springs - 2015 - Soundings: An Interdisciplinary Journal 98 (3):289-321.
    I argue that trends of diagnosing anti-Muslim attitudes and activism as “Islamophobia” in European and the U.S. contexts may actually aid and abet more subtle varieties of the very stigmatization and exclusion that the “phobia” moniker aims to isolate and oppose. My comparative purpose is to draw into relief—to make explicit and subject to critical analysis— features of normative public discourse in these two sociopolitical contexts broadly perceived to be peaceful, prosperous, liberal-democratic. The features I focus on function under (...)
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  13. Restoring Lost Liberty: Francois Hotman and the Nationalist Origins of Constitutional Self-Government.Ethan Alexander-Davey - 2016 - Constitutional Studies 1 (1).
    The rise of constitutional self-government in early modern Europe, I argue, owes much to a nationalist liberation narrative pioneered by French Huguenot François Hotman in Francogallia (1573). In response to appeals by absolutist thinkers to Ro- man law, which put the power of the king beyond legal or constitutional restraint, Hotman wove together tales of the heroism of ancient Gauls and Franks wresting their native liberties back from the Romans with a theory of constitutionally limited government grounded in the common (...)
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  14. Immigration, and Common Identities: A Social Cohesion-Based Argument for Open Borders.Esma Baycan-Herzog - 2021 - In Corinna Mieth & Wolfram Cremer, Migration, Stability and Solidarity. pp. 155-187.
    What does social cohesion require in culturally diverse post-immigration societies? Immigration and social cohesion are, in the public debate, believed to be incompatible. In normative political philosophy, a similar understanding manifests in the argument that social cohesion-based on a common national identity-is incompatible with immigration. In so doing, its proponents justify restrictive border policies. In this chapter, I will critically engage with this argument by reconnecting the literature in social sciences to normative political philosophy. I will offer a conditional and (...)
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  15. Justice for Earthlings.Esma Baycan - 2014 - Ethical Perspectives 21 (3):429-439.
    A review essay of David Miller's book: Justice for Earthlings: Essays in Political Philosophy, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2013. The essay situates this work among Miller's other works and critically engages with his arguments and theory of migration.
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  16. Bangladesh’s Constitution Needs a Philosophical Renewal.Kazi Huda - 2024 - The Daily Star.
    This op-ed examines the philosophical foundation of the debate over the 1972 Constitution of Bangladesh and whether it requires reform or a complete rewrite. Reform would involve specific amendments to address current issues while rewriting would involve a full reconsideration to eliminate authoritarian elements and restore alignment with the democratic ideals of the 1971 Liberation War. This perspective emphasizes the need to return to the roots of the 1971 Proclamation of Independence, issued on April 10, 1971, by the Provisional Government (...)
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  17. Nasserism and the Impossibility of Innocence.Zeyad El Nabolsy - 2021 - International Politics Reviews 2021:1-9.
    One of the central strengths of Salem's analysis of Nasserism is that she recognizes both its world-historical significance as a progressive nationalist movement, and its severe limitations. In the first section of this paper, I discuss Salem's notion of the "afterlives" of the Nasserist project by drawing attention to one of the most debilitating legacies of that project, namely the transformation of Egyptian politics into petty bourgeois politics. In the second section, I argue that while Salem does not explicitly draw (...)
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  18. Comment les médias grand public alimentent-ils le populisme de droite?Gheorghe-Ilie Farte - 2019 - Argumentum. Journal of the Seminar of Discursive Logic, Argumentation Theory and Rhetoric 17 (1):9-32.
    The vertiginous rise of right-wing populism, especially in its “nationalist, xenophobic and conservative form”, and some “racist, anti-Semitic, homophobic and sexist” drifts associated with this phenomenon – whether real or perceived as such – make the mainstream media play a double role. On the one hand, the mainstream media reflect the struggle for political hegemony between different vested interests; on the other hand, they engage in the fight against right-wing populism blasting both right-wing populist candidates and their voters or supporters. (...)
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  19.  98
    Democratic Rewrite of Constitution.Kazi Huda - 2024 - New Age.
    Since the post-August 5 discourse among public intellectuals has centered around op-eds and commentaries, the buzzwords "reform" and "rewrite" dominate discussions about our Constitution. But how many of us have paused to explore what these terms truly mean? In this commentary, I delve into the ongoing debate about reforming vs. rewriting Bangladesh’s Constitution. My op-ed explores the semantics of these terms and insinuates a bold argument: You don’t need to invoke the “spirit of 2024” to justify rewriting the 1972 Constitution. (...)
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  20. La metafísica de los liberales. La historia y el progreso según Vicente Riva Palacio, Ignacio Manuel Altamirano e Ignacio Ramírez "El Nigromante".Francisco Miguel Ortiz Delgado - 2020 - Aguascalientes, México: Universidad Autónoma de Aguascalientes.
    Study on the "philosophy of history" of three mexican intellectuals in the 19th century./ Estudio sobre la "filosofía de la historia" positivista y liberal en tres intelectuales mexicanos del siglo XIX,.
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  21. An Individualist Theory of Meaning.Jesper Ahlin Marceta - 2021 - Journal of Value Inquiry 57 (1):41-58.
    According to some critics of liberal individualism, it is fundamentally problematic that individualists focus on rights instead of community and on decision-making processes instead of substantial goods. Among other things, it is claimed that liberal individualism therefore fails to provide meaning to people’s lives. The view has recently gained momentum as it has been incorporated in novel conservative and nationalist arguments. This article presents an individualist theory of meaning in response to a recent nationalist reiteration of the critique. (...)
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  22. Passion and politics.Walzer Michael - 2002 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 28 (6):617-633.
    Passion is a hidden issue behind or at the heart of, contemporary theoretical debates about nationalism, identity politics and religious fundamentalism. It is not that reason and passion cannot be conceptually distinguished. They are, however, always entangled in practice - and this entanglement itself requires a conceptual account. So it is my ambition to blur the line between reason and passion: to rationalize (some of) the passions and to impassion reason. Passionate intensity has a legitimate place in the social (...)
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  23. Populism, Anti-populism and Minorities: Governmental Discourses and Policies on the Romani People in Greece.G. Markou - 2024 - Caste: A Global Journal on Social Exclusion 5 (3):371-392.
    The early 21st century has witnessed a significant rise in extreme nationalism, racism, and xenophobia, deeply affecting the rights of minorities such as the Roma, who have historically faced systemic discrimination and racism. Given that many political leaders who downplay minority rights often engage in populist discourse, a debate has emerged about the relationship between populism and minority rights. While many scholars argue that populism inherently undermines liberal principles like the protection of minorities, the question remains whether populism (...)
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  24. Taking Aim at Long-Range: Marginalia on W.E.B. Du Bois’s Intellectual Maturation and His Root Expansion of Human Thought Through the Ideology of Pan-Africanism.Miron Javionne Clay-Gilmore - 2024 - Res Philosophica 101 (3):649-679.
    This essay conducts a diachronic examination of the thought of W.E.B. Du Bois. In so doing, it reveals a corpus that is marked by a tradition of thinking rarely acknowledged by scholars today: Black nationalism. Du Bois’s early focus on the relationship between racism and imperialism and ideological conflicts with Booker T. Washington and Marcus Garvey laid the basis for his intellectual maturation around the concept of self-determination. After synthesizing the insights of his former ideological rivals, this essay will (...)
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  25. The Status of Authority in the Globalizing Economy: Beyond the Public/Private Distinction.Eva Hartmann & Poul F. Kjaer - 2018 - Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies 25 (1):3 - 11.
    Over the past decades, the idea that national sovereignty and the authority of the state have been increasingly challenged or even substantially eroded has been a dominant one. Economic globalization advancing a neo-liberal dis-embedding of the economy is seen as the major reason for this erosion. Concerns have increased about the negative consequences for the social fabric of societies, deprived of the strong shock absorption capacity that the welfare states had established in the time of the embedded liberalism to (...)
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  26. Transcending national citizenship or taming it? Ayelet Shachar’s Birthright Lottery.Duncan Ivison - 2012 - Les ateliers de l'éthique/The Ethics Forum 7 (2):9-17.
    Recent political theory has attempted to unbundle demos and ethnos, and thus citizenship from national identity. There are two possible ways to meet this challenge: by taming the relationship between citizenship and the nation, for example, by defending a form of liberal multicultural nationalism, or by transcending it with a postnational, cosmopolitan conception of citizenship. Both strategies run up against the boundedness of democratic authority. In this paper, I argue that Shachar adresses this issue in an innovative way, (...)
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  27. De-Bordering Justice in the Age of International Migrations: An Introduction.Juan Carlos Velasco & MariaCaterina La Barbera - 2019 - In Juan Carlos Velasco & MariaCaterina La Barbera, Challenging the Borders of Justice in the Age of Migrations. Cham, Switzerland: Springer Verlag. pp. 1-13.
    This chapter introduces and discusses the concepts that are in-depth articulated in the volume. International migration is presented here as a test bench where the normative limits of institutional order, its contradictions and internal tensions are examined. Migrations allows to call into question classical political categories and models. Pointing at walls and fences as tools that reproduce enormous inequalities within the globalized neo-liberal system, this chapter presents the conceptual tensions and contradictions between migration policies and global justice. We challenge (...)
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  28. Right now: Contemporary forms of far-right populism and fascism in the Global South.Ewa Latecka, Jean Du Toit & Gregory Morgan Swer - 2022 - Acta Academica 54 (3):1-11.
    Recent years have seen the global emergence of populist political formations, leading certain scholars to term our present age the “age of populism” and some politicians, such as Hungary’s current prime minister Viktor Orbán, to proclaim that “the era of liberal democracy is over”. Contemporary forms of populism are characterized by ‘us’ (often ‘the people’ in an ethnic or communal sense) versus ‘them’ (usually liberal elites, the establishment, minorities, or immigrants) forms of binary thinking. For some, the rise (...)
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  29.  18
    The Distortion of Religious Legacies: How Followers Altered the Teachings of Major Religious Founders.Angelito Malicse - manuscript
    The Distortion of Religious Legacies: How Followers Altered the Teachings of Major Religious Founders -/- Religious founders throughout history have introduced teachings that emphasize compassion, justice, and spiritual growth. Figures like Jesus Christ, Prophet Muhammad, Siddhartha Gautama (the Buddha), Abraham, Moses, and various Hindu sages laid down principles meant to guide human behavior toward peace, harmony, and ethical living. However, as these teachings passed through generations, followers often distorted their original messages due to cultural, political, and societal influences. This essay (...)
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  30. Democratic Trust and Injustice.Duncan Ivison - 2023 - Journal of Social and Political Philosophy 2 (1):78-94.
    Trust is a crucial condition for the legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic institutions in conditions of deep diversity and enduring injustices. Liberal democratic societies require forms of engagement and deliberation that require trustful relations between citizens: trust is a necessary condition for securing and sustaining just institutions and practices. Establishing trust is hard when there is a lingering suspicion that the institutions citizens are subject to are illegitimate or undermine their ability to participate and deliberate on equal terms. The (...)
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  31. The Status of Authority in the Globalizing Economy: Beyond the Public/Private Distinction. Special Issue of Indiana Journal of Global Legal Studies. Edited by Eva Hartmann and Poul F. Kjaer.Eva Hartmann & Poul F. Kjaer - 2018 - Bloomington, USA: Indiana University Press.
    Over the past decades, the idea that national sovereignty and the authority of the state have been increasingly challenged or even substantially eroded has been a dominant one. Economic globalization advancing a neo-liberal dis-embedding of the economy is seen as the major reason for this erosion. Concerns have increased about the negative consequences for the social fabric of societies, deprived of the strong shock absorption capacity that the welfare states had established in the time of the embedded liberalism to (...)
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  32. Mill’s radical end of laissez-faire: A review essay of the political economy of progress: John Stuart Mill and modern radicalism. [REVIEW]Nick Cowen - 2018 - The Review of Austrian Economics 31:373–386.
    Can John Stuart Mill’s radicalism achieve liberal egalitarian ends? Joseph Persky’s The Political Economy of Progress is a provocative and compelling discussion of Mill’s economic thought. It is also a defense of radical political economy. Providing valuable historical context, Persky traces Mill’s intellectual journey as an outspoken proponent of laissez-faire to a cautious supporter of co-operative socialism. I propose two problems with Persky’s optimistic take on radical social reform. First, demands for substantive equality have led past radicals to endorse (...)
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  33. Joy in Community Study (Review of Border & Rule). [REVIEW]Michael Doan & Alexis Shotwell - 2022 - Riverwise Magazine 1 (19).
    In gloomy and despairing times, we who work for liberation generate light and joy. We experience this every time we work together to defend our communities, when we fight to win collective victories, when we build something new. Much of the time these experiences are in marches and meetings – really important spaces for movement work. But here we want to amplify the usefulness of collective study, and share some thoughts about why Harsha Walia’s new book Border and Rule would (...)
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  34. Muslim women and the rhetoric of freedom.Alia Al-Saji - 2009 - In Mariana Ortega & Linda Martín Alcoff, Constructing the Nation: A Race and Nationalism Reader. SUNY Press.
    I argue that representations of the Muslim woman in the Western imaginary function as counter-images to the patriarchal ideal of Western woman. Drawing upon the work of Frantz Fanon (and supplementing it with a consideration of the role of gender), I show how the image of the veiled, Muslim woman is both othered and racialized. This “double othering,” I argue, serves: (i) To normalize Western norms of femininity. The social control of women and their bodies by liberal society is (...)
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  35. Odczarować ZWDPF – zespół wrodzonej dezakceptacji płci fenotypowej.Anna Karnat-Napieracz & Zbigniew Liber - 2015 - Argument: Biannual Philosophical Journal 5 (2):501-518.
    This article reflects on an in‑depth reading of a publication exploring the question of transsexualism and transsexuals in Poland, as well as the experiences resulting from the medical care of such individuals. The first part of the text is a supplement with essential information from the medical field, which to a large degree is uncovered in the book under review. The second part presents critical comments relating to the book’s contents both in terms of the information it contains (on a (...)
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  36. Religious Nationalism: A Reference Handbook.Jason A. Springs & Atalia Omer - 2013 - Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio.
    Religious nationalism is a complex topic fraught with sensitive questions. Does religion cause violence? Is nationalism a quasi-religion? Are the constant conflicts around the world really about religion, or is religion merely a form of false consciousness? Is religious nationalism primarily a powerful tool that political elites use to manipulate the masses? -/- Religious Nationalism: A Reference Handbook challenges dominant scholarly works on religious nationalism by identifying the preconceptions that skew analysis of the phenomenon dubbed (...)
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  37. A liberal realist answer to debunking skeptics: the empirical case for realism.Michael Huemer - 2016 - Philosophical Studies 173 (7):1983-2010.
    Debunking skeptics claim that our moral beliefs are formed by processes unsuited to identifying objective facts, such as emotions inculcated by our genes and culture; therefore, they say, even if there are objective moral facts, we probably don’t know them. I argue that the debunking skeptics cannot explain the pervasive trend toward liberalization of values over human history, and that the best explanation is the realist’s: humanity is becoming increasingly liberal because liberalism is the objectively correct moral stance.
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  38. Rethinking Nationalism in the Wake of Bangladesh's Uprising.Kazi Huda - 2024 - The Daily Star.
    The author discusses Mahfuj Alam's viral speech advocating for a shift from Bengali to Bangladeshi nationalism, which is more inclusive and tolerant. The core of Mahfuj's argument is that the reform of the state should begin with the moral reform of individuals, which then extends to societal change. He criticizes the historical application of Bengali nationalism for being exclusionary and contributing to the rise of authoritarianism, suggesting that a reformed secularism within a new nationalist framework could better embrace (...)
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  39. Methodological Nationalism, Migration and Political Theory.Alex Sager - 2016 - Political Studies 64 (1):xx-yy.
    The political theory of migration has largely occurred within a paradigm of methodological nationalism and this has led to the neglect of morally salient agents and causes. This article draws on research from the social sciences on the transnationalism, globalization and migration systems theory to show how methodological nationalist assumptions have affected the views of political theorists on membership, culture and distributive justice. In particular, it is contended that methodological nationalism has prevented political theorists of migration from addressing (...)
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  40. Political philosophy beyond methodological nationalism.Alex Sager - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (2):e12726.
    Interdisciplinary work on the nature of borders and society has enriched and complicated our understanding of democracy, community, distributive justice, and migration. It reveals the cognitive bias of methodological nationalism, which has distorted normative political thought on these topics, uncritically and often unconsciously adapting and reifying state‐centered conceptions of territory, space, and community. Under methodological nationalism, state territories demarcate the boundaries of the political; society is conceived as composed of immobile, culturally homogenous citizens, each belonging to one and (...)
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  41. Nationalist and cosmopolitan approaches to the nation: a citizen’s perspective and its electoral impact.Hugo Cossette-Lefebvre - 2020 - French Politics 18:293-313.
    Whether it is about Québec independence, French language or immigration, nationalism is a crucial feature of Québec politics. The Québec 2018 election is not an exception. Scholars have developed theories about individual identity, the nation and nationhood, but we lack a citizens’ perspective. We provide the first thorough description of Quebeckers’ nationalism, which reveals a roughly normal (i.e. non-polarized) distribution of ethnic nationalism attitudes. Most importantly, we measure ethnic nationalism with a never tested measure in Québec (...)
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  42. Zombie Nationalism: The Sexual Politics of White Evangelical Christian Nihilism.Jason A. Springs - 2023 - In Atalia Omer & Joshua Lupo, Religion, Populism, and Modernity: Confronting White Christian Nationalism and Racism. University of Notre Dame Press. pp. 51-99.
    Despite their purported demographic and institutional decline, White evangelical voters were instrumental in the election of Donald Trump in 2016, and even more so in his 2020 loss. The story of Trump’s electoral successes among Christian voters in the last two elections is in large part the story of religious nationalism—and White Christian nationalism in particular—because Trump personifies the convergence of nationalism-infused forms of messianism and apocalypticism intrinsic to White evangelicalism, which culminate in QAnon cultic ideology. However, (...)
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  43. The possibility of nationalist feminism.Ranjoo Seodu Herr - 2003 - Hypatia 18 (3):135-160.
    Most Third World feminists consider nationalism as detrimental to feminism. Against this general trend, I argue that “polycentric” nationalism has potentials for advocating feminist causes in the Third World. “Polycentric” nationalism, whose proper goal is the attainment and maintenance of national self-determination, is still relevant in this neocolonial age of capitalist globalization and may serve feminist purposes of promoting the well-being of the majority of Third World women who suffer disproportionately under this system.
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  44. Liberal Naturalism without Reenchantment.Thomas J. Spiegel - 2022 - European Journal for Philosophy of Religion 14 (1):207-229.
    There is a close conceptual relation between the notions of religious disenchantment and scientific naturalism. One way of resisting philosophical and cultural implications of the scientific image and the subsequent process of disenchantment can be found in attempts at sketching a reenchanted worldview. The main issue of accounts of reenchantment can be a rejection of scientific results in a way that flies in the face of good reason. Opposed to such reenchantment is scientific naturalism which implies an entirely disenchanted worldview. (...)
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  45. Liberal Perfectionism and Quong’s Internal Conception of Political Liberalism.Paul Billingham - 2017 - Social Theory and Practice 43 (1):79-106.
    Debates between political liberals and liberal perfectionists have been reinvigorated by Jonathan Quong’s Liberalism Without Perfection. In this paper I argue that certain forms of perfectionism can rebut or evade Quong’s three central objections – that perfectionism is manipulative, paternalistic, and illegitimate. I then argue that perfectionists can defend an ‘internal conception’ of perfectionism, parallel in structure to Quong’s ’internal conception’ of political liberalism, but with a different conception of the justificatory constituency. None of Quong’s arguments show that his (...)
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  46. A liberal paradox for judgment aggregation.Franz Dietrich & Christian List - 2008 - Social Choice and Welfare 31 (1):59-78.
    In the emerging literature on judgment aggregation over logically connected proposi- tions, expert rights or liberal rights have not been investigated yet. A group making collective judgments may assign individual members or subgroups with expert know- ledge on, or particularly affected by, certain propositions the right to determine the collective judgment on those propositions. We identify a problem that generalizes Sen's 'liberal paradox'. Under plausible conditions, the assignment of rights to two or more individuals or subgroups is inconsistent (...)
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  47. Techno-nationalism and digital nationalism in the fourth industrial revolution.Piero Gayozzo - 2022 - Teknokultura. Revista de Cultura Digital y Movimientos Sociales 19 (5):213-220.
    The nationalist phenomenon has played an important role in contemporary history. We are currently entering the fourth industrial revolution, a process of social and political change driven by artificial intelligence, 5G connectivity and other cutting-edge technologies. This paper explores the manifestation of nationalism in the fourth industrial revolution, in particular the concepts of techno-nationalism and digital nationalism, their relationship and their differences. Subsequently, the article explains how digital media affect the rise of techno-nationalism and offers a (...)
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  48. Liberation as the Experience of Pervasive Radiance, the Pervasiveness of Radiance.Rudolph Bauer - 2013 - Transmission 6.
    This paper focuses on liberation as the experience of pervasive radiance.
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  49. The Liberal Arts, the Radical Enlightenment and the War Against Democracy.Arran Gare - 2012 - In Luciano Boschiero, On the Purpose of a University Education. Australian Scholarly Publishing Ltd. pp. 67-102.
    Using Australia to illustrate the case, in this paper it is argued that the transformation of universities into businesses and the undermining of the liberal arts is motivated by either contempt for or outright hostility to democracy. This is associated with a global managerial revolution that is enslaving nations and people to the global market and the corporations that dominate it. The struggle within universities is the site of a struggle to reverse the gains of the Radical Enlightenment, the (...)
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  50. Tentacles of the Leviathan? Nationalism, Islamophobia, and the Insufficiency-yet-Indispensability of Human Rights for Religious Freedom in Contemporary Europe.Jason A. Springs - 2016 - Journal of the American Academy of Religion 84 (3).
    Is the institutionalization of religious freedom through human rights jurisprudence simply a means by which the modern nation-state manufactures and regulates “religion”? Is the discourse of religious freedom principally a technology of state governance? These questions challenge the ways that scholars conceptualize the relation between states, nationalism, human rights, and religious freedom. This article forwards an approach to human rights and methodological nationalism that both counters and explores alternatives to the prevailing conceptions of human rights, nationalism, and (...)
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