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  1. An Ethical Framework for Global Vaccine Allocation.Ezekiel J. Emanuel, Govind Persad, Adam Kern, Allen E. Buchanan, Cecile Fabre, Daniel Halliday, Joseph Heath, Lisa M. Herzog, R. J. Leland, Ephrem T. Lemango, Florencia Luna, Matthew McCoy, Ole F. Norheim, Trygve Ottersen, G. Owen Schaefer, Kok-Chor Tan, Christopher Heath Wellman, Jonathan Wolff & Henry S. Richardson - 2020 - Science 1:DOI: 10.1126/science.abe2803.
    In this article, we propose the Fair Priority Model for COVID-19 vaccine distribution, and emphasize three fundamental values we believe should be considered when distributing a COVID-19 vaccine among countries: Benefiting people and limiting harm, prioritizing the disadvantaged, and equal moral concern for all individuals. The Priority Model addresses these values by focusing on mitigating three types of harms caused by COVID-19: death and permanent organ damage, indirect health consequences, such as health care system strain and stress, as well as (...)
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  2. The Case for Ideal Theory.Laura Valentini - 2018 - In Robyn Eckersley & Chris Brown (eds.), The Oxford Handbook of International Political Theory. New York, NY, USA: pp. 664-676.
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  3. Global Justice and the Role of the State: A Critical Survey.Laura Valentini & Miriam Ronzoni - 2020 - In Thom Brooks (ed.), Oxford Handbook of Global Justice. New York, NY, USA:
    Reference to the state is ubiquitous in debates about global justice. Some authors see the state as central to the justification of principles of justice, and thereby reject their extension to the international realm. Others emphasize its role in the implementation of those principles. This chapter scrutinizes the variety of ways in which the state figures in the global-justice debate. Our discussion suggests that, although the state should have a prominent role in theorizing about global justice, contrary to what is (...)
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  4. Cosmopolitanism and Unipolarity: The Theory of Hegemonic Transition.Jelena Belic & Zoltan Miklosi - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-23.
    Cosmopolitans typically argue that the realization of cosmopolitan ideals requires the creation of global political institutions of some kind. While the precise nature of the necessary institutions is widely discussed, the problem of the transition to such an order has received less attention. In this paper, we address what we take to be a crucial aspect of the problem of transition: we argue that it involves a moral coordination problem because there are several morally equivalent paths to reform the existing (...)
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  5. Is a Post-Nationalist Europe Still Possible After Catalonia?Yuezhen Li - 2017 - Midway Review 13 (Spring 2017):12-22.
    After the independence drive in Catalonia, we are forced back to reflect on the post-national vision for a unified Europe. Post-nationalism, at least as Habermas understands it, requires ethnic identities be replaced by rational-ideological bonds as the cornerstone of state-formation. Whether that political theory is valid remains up to debate. Yet, we must admit that post-nationalism is not the reality. The idea that we now live in a world beyond national and ethnic divides is nothing more than a preposterous pretension; (...)
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  6. A Kantian Argument for Sovereignty Rights of Indigenous Peoples.Thomason Krista - 2014 - Public Reason 6 (1-2):21-34.
    Kant’s non-voluntarist conception of political obligation has led some philosophers to argue that he would reject self-government rights for indigenous peoples. Some recent scholarship suggests, however, that Kant’s critique of colonialism provides an argument in favor of granting self-government rights. Here I argue for a stronger conclusion: Kantian political theory not only can but must include sovereignty for indigenous peoples. Normally these rights are considered redress for historic injustice. On a Kantian view, however, I argue that they are not remedial. (...)
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  7. Universalism in Catholic Social Thought: 'Accompaniment' as Trinitarian Praxis.Kathleen Glenister Roberts - 2012 - Solidarity: The Journal of Catholic Social Thought and Secular Ethics 2 (1):Article 4.
    Cosmopolitanism is an ancient concept whose meaning and significance have shifted over the last two millennia. Most recently, cosmopolitanism has been resurrected to mean “world citizenship” – a renunciation of one’s national identity for the sake of the universal human family. While such an endeavor seems as though it should correspond to Catholic social thought, its iterations in academia and elsewhere have resulted in a preoccupation with personal identity and political doctrine rather than love. Cosmopolitanism is complex and harbors many (...)
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  8. Climate Change and Justice: A Non-Welfarist Treaty Negotiation Framework.Alyssa R. Bernstein - 2015 - Ethics, Policy and Environment 18 (2):123-145.
    Obstacles to achieving a global climate treaty include disagreements about questions of justice raised by the UNFCCC's principle that countries should respond to climate change by taking cooperative action "in accordance with their common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities and their social and economic conditions". Aiming to circumvent such disagreements, Climate Change Justice authors Eric Posner and David Weisbach argue against shaping treaty proposals according to requirements of either distributive or corrective justice. The USA's climate envoy, Todd Stern, takes (...)
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  9. What Marriage Law Can Learn From Citizenship Law.Govind Persad - 2013 - Tul. Jl and Sexuality 22:103.
    Citizenship and marriage are legal statuses that generate numerous privileges and responsibilities. Legal doctrine and argument have analogized these statuses in passing: consider, for example, Ted Olson’s statement in the Hollingsworth v. Perry oral argument that denying the label “marriage” to gay unions “is like you were to say you can vote, you can travel, but you may not be a citizen.” However, the parallel between citizenship and marriage has rarely been investigated in depth. This paper investigates the marriage-citizenship parallel (...)
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Cultural Cosmopolitanism
  1. Duplicity, Corruption, and Exceptionalism in the Romanian Experience of Modernity.Marius Ion Benta - 2020 - In Agnes Horvath, Manussos Marangudakis & Arpad Szakolczai (eds.), Duplicity, corruption, and exceptionalism in the Romanian experience of modernity. New York, USA: pp. 211–228.
    The problem of trickster leadership is discussed in this chapter in the context of the Romanian experience of modernity. This experience has emerged as a Post-Byzantine condition; it was strongly marked by the forty years of communist regimes and was loaded with a high amount of duplicity and ambivalence. The chapter argues that the communist type of trickster leadership in Romania was the outcome of a clash between two types of corruption: a domestic one and a global one. The idea (...)
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  2. Legitimacy and Importance of the Traditional Authority in Africa: K.A. Appiah's Approach and Its Critique.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Africana Bulletin 58:47-74.
    In many African states, numerous different pre-colonial systems of power – such as kingships, sultanates or chieftaincies – which have a traditional legitimacy often confirmed in colonial and post-colonial times, have survived till our day. Their role in the contemporary republican state has been studied by many African intellectuals, and the views of Kwame Anthony Appiah, a thinker originating from Ghana, are of particular interest. He believes that in order to understand the significance of traditional authority and the phenomenon of (...)
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  3. Космополітизм: українська версія.Ivan Lysyi - 2018 - NaUKMA Researh Papers. Literary Studies 1:74-86.
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  4. In the Name of Equality— An Examination of Equality Arguments for National Self-Government.Hsin-Wen Lee - 2018 - In Hsin-Wen Lee & Sungmoon Kim (eds.), Reimaging Nation and Nationalism in Multicultural East Asia. New York, USA: Routledge. pp. 36-56.
    Both Kymlicka and Patten argue that the equal treatment of different national groups require that the state officially recognize the right of each to create its own autonomous government. After carefully examining their arguments, I show that they both make the false assumption that, in a multinational state, the state belongs only to the majority group but not the minority, and that a multination state can never treat minority groups equally. Both claims are inherently anti-pluralistic. Thus, the equal treatment of (...)
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  5. Embedded Identities and Dialogic Consensus: Educational Implications From the Communitarian Theory of Bhikhu Parekh.Michael S. Merry - 2005 - Educational Philosophy and Theory 37 (4):495-517.
    In this article the author will investigate the extent to which Bhikhu Parekh believes that a person's cultural/religious background must be preserved and whether, by implication, religious schooling is justified by his theory. His discussion will explore—by inference and implication—whether Parekh's carefully crafted multiculturalism, enriched and illuminated by numerous practical insights, is socially tenable. The author will also consider whether, by extension, it is justifiable, on his line of reasoning, to cultivate cultural and religious understandings among one's own children. Finally, (...)
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  6. परिघ : लेखकाचा आणि समकालीनतेचा.Shriniwas Hemade - 2015 - Pratishthan, Publication of Marathawada Sahitya Prishad, Maharashtra, India 64 (01):23-30.
    What is exactly is the meaning of Being Contemporaryness ? is analysed in philosophical perspective with reference Indian Social Structure. Emhasis is given on one being democratic and secular for the purpose of secure humanity. The Paper is Marathi.
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  7. Ideologies of Language at Hippo Family Club.Chad Nilep - 2015 - Pragmatics 25 (2):205-227.
    Ethnographic study of Hippo Family Club, a foreign language learning club in Japan with chapters elsewhere, reveals a critique of foreign language teaching in Japanese schools and in the commercial English conversation industry. Club members contrast their own learning methods, which they view as “natural language acquisition”, with the formal study of grammar, which they see as uninteresting and ineffective. Rather than evaluating either the Hippo approach to learning or the teaching methods they criticize, however, this paper considers the ways (...)
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  8. Territory and Subjectivity: The Philosophical Nomadism of Deleuze and Canetti.Simone Aurora - 2014 - Minerva - An Internet Journal of Philosophy 18 (1):01-26.
    The paper’s purpose consists in pointing out the importance of the notion of “territory”, in its different accepted meanings, for the development of a theory and a practice of subjectivity both in deleuzean and canettian thought. Even though they start from very different perspectives and epistemic levels, they indeed produce similar philosophical effects, which strengthen their “common” view and the model of subjectivity they try to shape. More precisely, the paper focuses on the deleuzean triad of territorialisation, deterritorialisation, reterritorialisation, with (...)
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  9. Reaching for My Gun: Why We Shouldn't Hear the Word "Culture" in Normative Political Theory.Simon Cushing - 2007 - 1st Global Conference: Multiculturalism, Conflict and Belonging.
    Culture is a notoriously elusive concept. This fact has done nothing to hinder its popularity in contemporary analytic political philosophy among writers like John Rawls, Will Kymlicka, Michael Walzer, David Miller, Iris Marion Young, Joseph Raz, Avishai Margalit and Bikhu Parekh, among many others. However, this should stop, both for the metaphysical reason that the concept of culture, like that of race, is itself either incoherent or lacking a referent in reality, and for several normative reasons. I focus on the (...)
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  10. Cosmopolitan Right, Indigenous Peoples, and the Risks of Cultural Interaction.Timothy Waligore - 2009 - Public Reason 1 (1):27-56.
    Kant limits cosmopolitan right to a universal right of hospitality, condemning European imperial practices towards indigenous peoples, while allowing a right to visit foreign countries for the purpose of offering to engage in commerce. I argue that attempts by contemporary theorists such as Jeremy Waldron to expand and update Kant’s juridical category of cosmopolitan right would blunt or erase Kant’s own anti-colonial doctrine. Waldron’s use of Kant’s category of cosmopolitan right to criticize contemporary identity politics relies on premises that upset (...)
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  11. Review of Hauke Brunkhorst, Habermas. [REVIEW]Marco Solinas - 2009 - Iride: Filosofia e Discussione Pubblica (56):253-254.
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  12. Pragmatic Alternatives to the Melting Pot Theory and Solutions for Modern Immigration Problems.Trenton Ogden - manuscript
    This paper shall begin by exploring the work of R. Bourne and his concept of transnationalism. The case shall be made for its advantages in contrast to the melting-pot theory but this essay shall further argue that it alone is not a sufficient alternative. Instead, the paper shall shift its focus to H. Kallen and his notions of cultural pluralism. In conjunction with one another, they will be used to argue against the melting-pot theory and more specifically, against Samuel Huntington (...)
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  13. On the Art of Intercultural Dialogue. Some Forms, Conditions and Structures.Ulrich Diehl - 2005 - In P. N. Liechtenstein & Ch M. Gueye (eds.), Peace and Intercultural Dialogue. Universitätsverlag Winter.
    This essay begins with the claim that intercultural dialogue is an art rather than a science or technique and it attempts to point out what it takes to learn the art of intercultural dialogue. In PART ONE some basic forms of intercultural dialogue are presented which correlate to some basic forms of human life, such as family, politics, economy, science, art and religion. Also a few common traits about how intercultural dialogue is practised today are specified. PART TWO is pointing (...)
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  14. The Self-Extinguishing Despot: Millian Democratization, or The Autophagous Autocrat.Yvonne Chiu & Robert S. Taylor - 2011 - Journal of Politics 73 (4):1239-50.
    Although there is no more iconic, stalwart, and eloquent defender of liberty and representative democracy than J.S. Mill, he sometimes endorses non-democratic forms of governance. This article explains the reasons behind this seeming aberration and shows that Mill actually has complex and nuanced views of the transition from non-democratic to democratic government, including the comprehensive and parallel material, cultural, institutional, and character reforms that must occur, and the mechanism by which they will be enacted. Namely, an enlightened despot must cultivate (...)
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Economic Cosmopolitanism
  1. Космополітизм: українська версія.Ivan Lysyi - 2018 - NaUKMA Researh Papers. Literary Studies 1:74-86.
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  2. Coercion, Justification, and Inequality: Defending Global Egalitarianism.Simon Caney - 2015 - Ethics and International Affairs 29 (3):277-288.
    Michael Blake’s excellent book 'Justice and Foreign Policy' makes an important contribution to the ongoing debates about the kinds of values that should inform the foreign policy of liberal states. In this paper I evaluate his defence of the view that egalitarianism applies within the state but not globally. I discuss two arguments he gives for this claim - one appealing to the material preconditions of democracy and the other grounded in a duty to justify coercive power. I argue that (...)
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Moral Cosmopolitanism
  1. Can Patriotism Be Critical?Michael Merry - 2018 - In Mitja Sardoc (ed.), Handbook on Patriotism. Springer.
    In this chapter, I develop a pragmatic defense of critical patriotism, one that recognizes the many personal and social benefits of patriotic sentiment yet which is also infused with a passion for justice. Though the argument is pragmatic given the ubiquity of patriotic sentiment, I argue that critical patriotism is able to reconcile a love of one’s country with an ardent determination to reform and improve it.
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  2. Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  3. Enforcing the Global Economic Order, Violating the Rights of the Poor, and Breaching Negative Duties? Pogge, Collective Agency, and Global Poverty.Bill Wringe - 2018 - Journal of Social Philosophy 49 (2):334-370.
    Thomas Pogge has argued, famously, that ‘we’ are violating the rights of the global poor insofar as we uphold an unjust international order which provides a legal and economic framework within which individuals and groups can and do deprive such individuals of their lives, liberty and property. I argue here that Pogge’s claim that we are violating a negative duty can only be made good on the basis of a substantive theory of collective action; and that it can only provide (...)
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  4. Institutional Consequentialism and Global Governance.Attila Tanyi & András Miklós - 2017 - Journal of Global Ethics 13 (3):279-297.
    Elsewhere we have responded to the so-called demandingness objection to consequentialism – that consequentialism is excessively demanding and is therefore unacceptable as a moral theory – by introducing the theoretical position we call institutional consequentialism. This is a consequentialist view that, however, requires institutional systems, and not individuals, to follow the consequentialist principle. In this paper, we first introduce and explain the theory of institutional consequentialism and the main reasons that support it. In the remainder of the paper, we turn (...)
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  5. Identita v liberální politické teorii a dilema kosmopolitismu [Identity in Liberal Political Theory and the Cosmopolitan Dilemma].Sylvie Bláhová & Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Filosoficky Casopis 66 (3, 4):383–399, 505–517.
    In this article we address the question of individual identity and its place – or rather omission – in contemporary discussions about the cosmopolitan extension of liberalism as the dominant political theory. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part we show that if we consistently emphasise the complementarity of the “inner” and “outer” identity of a person, which is essential to liberalism from its very beginnings, then a fundamental flaw in the liberal cosmopolitan project becomes apparent. (...)
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  6. Reading, Implementing and Theorising Global Justice: On Some Recent Work in the Political Philosophy of Cosmopolitanism.Pavel Dufek - 2013 - Cosmopolis: A Review of Cosmopolitics 4 (4):84–98.
    In the last fifteen years or so, political philosophers have been increasingly busy nurturing their latest darling, global justice (hereinafter GJ). There are many reasons why justice, the centrepiece of much political theorising since the 1970s, has spilled beyond the confines of the (nation-)state – from certain inherent features of prominent philosophical accounts of justice to the seemingly morally arbitrary nature of state borders to the perceived or assumed effects of globalisation. In any case, the previously rather scattered reflections on (...)
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  7. Why Strong Moral Cosmopolitanism Requires a World-State.Pavel Dufek - 2013 - International Theory 5 (2):177–212.
    The article deals with a pivotal conceptual distinction employed in philosophical discussions about global justice. Cosmopolitans claim that arguing from the perspective of moral cosmopolitanism does not necessarily entail defending a global coercive political authority, or a "world-state", and suggest that ambitious political and economic (social) goals implied in moral cosmopolitanism may be achieved via some kind of non-hierarchical, dispersed and/or decentralised institutional arrangements. I argue that insofar as moral cosmopolitans retain "strong" moral claims, this is an untenable position, and (...)
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  8. Caring for Strangers: Can Partiality Support Cosmopolitanism?Pilar Lopez-Cantero - 2016 - Diacritica 30 (2):87-108.
    In their strife for designing a moral system where everyone is given equal consideration, cosmopolitan theorists have merely tolerated partiality as a necessary evil (insofar it means that we give priority to our kin opposite the distant needy). As a result, the cosmopolitan ideal has long departed from our moral psychologies and our social realities. Here I put forward partial cosmopolitanism as an alternative to save that obstacle. Instead of demanding impartial universal action, it requires from us that we are (...)
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  9. Cosmopolitanism and Competition: Probing the Limits of Egalitarian Justice.David Wiens - 2017 - Economics and Philosophy 33 (1):91-124.
    This paper develops a novel competition criterion for evaluating institutional schemes. Roughly, this criterion says that one institutional scheme is normatively superior to another to the extent that the former would engender more widespread political competition than the latter. I show that this criterion should be endorsed by both global egalitarians and their statist rivals, as it follows from their common commitment to the moral equality of all persons. I illustrate the normative import of the competition criterion by exploring its (...)
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  10. Coercion, Justification, and Inequality: Defending Global Egalitarianism.Simon Caney - 2015 - Ethics and International Affairs 29 (3):277-288.
    Michael Blake’s excellent book 'Justice and Foreign Policy' makes an important contribution to the ongoing debates about the kinds of values that should inform the foreign policy of liberal states. In this paper I evaluate his defence of the view that egalitarianism applies within the state but not globally. I discuss two arguments he gives for this claim - one appealing to the material preconditions of democracy and the other grounded in a duty to justify coercive power. I argue that (...)
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  11. Responding to Global Injustice: On the Right of Resistance.Simon Caney - 2015 - Social Philosophy and Policy 32 (1):51-73.
    Imagine that you are a farmer living in Kenya. Though you work hard to sell your produce to foreign markets you find yourself unable to do so because affluent countries subsidize their own farmers and erect barriers to trade, like tariffs, thereby undercutting you in the marketplace. As a consequence of their actions you languish in poverty despite your very best efforts. Or, imagine that you are a peasant whose livelihood depends on working in the fields in Indonesia and you (...)
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  12. Cosmopolitanism and the Deeply Religious.Michael S. Merry & Doret J. De Ruyter - 2009 - Journal of Beliefs and Values 30 (1):49-60.
    In this paper we provide a defence of cosmopolitanism from a liberal perspective, examining its moral underpinnings, including moral obligations predicated on a belief in common humanity and the fundamental dignity of human people, cultural capacities that include an embrace of pluralism and a fallibilist disposition, and pragmatist resolve in finding humanitarian solutions to real problems that people face. We also scrutinise the ideal of cosmopolitanism by considering the ‘deeply religious’ as the sort of people about whom it may be (...)
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  13. Does Cosmopolitan Justice Ever Require Restrictions on Migration?José Jorge Mendoza - 2015 - Public Affairs Quarterly 29 (2):175-186.
    In this essay, I argue that even when they appear to help, restrictions on migration are usually only an impediment, not an aid, to cosmopolitan justice. Even though some egalitarian cosmopolitans are well intentioned in their support of migration restrictions, I argue that migration restrictions are (i) not truly cosmopolitan and (ii) will not have the kinds of consequences they expect. My argument in defense of this claim begins, in section 1, by outlining a defense of migration restrictions based on (...)
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  14. From Global Collective Obligations to Institutional Obligations.Bill Wringe - 2014 - Midwest Studies in Philosophy 38 (1):171-186.
    According to Wringe 2006 we have good reasons for accepting the existence of Global Collective Obligations - in other words, collective obligations which fall on the world’s population as a whole. One such reason is that the existence of such obligations provides a plausible solution a problem which is sometimes thought to arise if we think that individuals have a right to have their basic needs satisfied. However, obligations of this sort would be of little interest – either theoretical or (...)
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  15. Arguing for Open Borders: The Ethics of Immigration. [REVIEW]Andy Lamey - 2014 - Literary Review of Canada 22 (April):12-13.
    The Ethics of Immigration, by Joseph Carens, Oxford University Press, 2013. -/- Joseph Carens is arguably the most prominent political theorist to defend open borders, a view which he did much to make intellectually respectable in a famous 1987 article, “Aliens and Citizens: The Case for Open Borders.” In The Ethics of Immigration Carens again defends the open borders view, but with a new rationale. Whereas before he argued that seemingly opposed philosophies provided converging support for open borders, now he (...)
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  16. International Toleration: Rawlsian Versus Cosmopolitan.Kok-Chor Tan - 2005 - Leiden Journal of International Law 18 (4):685-710.
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  17. Wittgenstein and the Challenge of Global Ethics.Julian Friedland - 2011 - In Claus Dierksmeier, Michael Pirson, Wolfgang Amann, Heiko Spitzeck & Ernst von Kimakowitz (eds.), Humanistic Ethics in the Age of Globality. Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 210-22.
    This paper describes Wittgenstein's pre-theoretical transcendentalist conception of ethics and the challenge it presents for the kind of global cosmopolitan perspective required of any multinational social responsibility strategy. It is argued that this challenge can be overcome through establishing a sense of solidarity with all stakeholders via a corporate social compact rooted in what Wittgenstein refers to as spontaneous agreement and sympathy. Contemporary examples of successful strategies are provided.
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  18. The Motivation Question: Arguments From Justice, and From Humanity.Holly Lawford-Smith - 2012 - British Journal of Political Science 42:661-678.
    Which of the two dominant arguments for duties to alleviate global poverty, supposing their premises were generally accepted, would be more likely to produce their desired outcome? I take Pogge's argument for obligations grounded in principles of justice, a "contribution" argument, and Campbell's argument for obligations grounded in principles of humanity, an "assistance" argument, to be prototypical. Were people to accept the premises of Campbell's argument, how likely would they be to support governmental reform in policies for international aid, or (...)
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  19. Cosmopolitan Global Justice: Brock Vs. The Feasibility Sceptic.Holly Lawford-Smith - 2011 - Global Justice: Theory Practice Rhetoric (4).
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Political Cosmopolitanism
  1. Космополітизм: українська версія.Ivan Lysyi - 2018 - NaUKMA Researh Papers. Literary Studies 1:74-86.
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  2. Introduction.Attila Tanyi - 2019 - Philosophical Papers 48 (1):1-7.
    Volume 48, Issue 1, March 2019, Page 1-7.
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  3. The European Public(s) and its Problems.Axel Mueller - 2015 - In Hauke Brunkhorst, Charlotte Gaitanides & Gerhard Grözinger (eds.), Europe at a Crossroad. From Currency Union to Political and Economic Governance? Baden-Baden, Germany: pp. 19-59.
    I present three versions –Grimm, Offe and Streeck—of a general argument that is often used to establish that the EU-institutions meets a legitimacy-disabling condition, the so called “no demos” argument (II), embedding them in the context of the notorious “democratic deficit” suspicions against the legal system and practice of the EU (I). After examining the logical structure behind the no-demos intuition considered as an argument (III), I present principled reasons by Möllers and Habermas that show why the “no demos” argument (...)
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  4. Why a World State is Unavoidable in Planetary Defense: On Loopholes in the Vision of a Cosmopolitan Governance.Pavel Dufek - 2019 - In Nikola Schmidt (ed.), Planetary Defense: Global Collaboration for Defending Earth from Asteroids and Comet. Cham: pp. 375–399.
    The main claim of this chapter is that planetary defense against asteroids cannot be implemented under a decentralized model of democratic global governance, as espoused elsewhere in this book. All relevant indices point to the necessity of establishing a centralized global political authority with legitimate coercive powers. It remains to be seen, however, whether such a political system can be in any recognizable sense democratic. It seems unconvincing that planetary-wide physical-threat, all-comprehensive macrosecuritization, coupled with deep transformations of international law, global (...)
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  5. Identita v liberální politické teorii a dilema kosmopolitismu [Identity in Liberal Political Theory and the Cosmopolitan Dilemma].Sylvie Bláhová & Pavel Dufek - 2018 - Filosoficky Casopis 66 (3, 4):383–399, 505–517.
    In this article we address the question of individual identity and its place – or rather omission – in contemporary discussions about the cosmopolitan extension of liberalism as the dominant political theory. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part we show that if we consistently emphasise the complementarity of the “inner” and “outer” identity of a person, which is essential to liberalism from its very beginnings, then a fundamental flaw in the liberal cosmopolitan project becomes apparent. (...)
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  6. Reading, Implementing and Theorising Global Justice: On Some Recent Work in the Political Philosophy of Cosmopolitanism.Pavel Dufek - 2013 - Cosmopolis: A Review of Cosmopolitics 4 (4):84–98.
    In the last fifteen years or so, political philosophers have been increasingly busy nurturing their latest darling, global justice (hereinafter GJ). There are many reasons why justice, the centrepiece of much political theorising since the 1970s, has spilled beyond the confines of the (nation-)state – from certain inherent features of prominent philosophical accounts of justice to the seemingly morally arbitrary nature of state borders to the perceived or assumed effects of globalisation. In any case, the previously rather scattered reflections on (...)
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