The term “dictator” may have a strong impression on many of us because it is usually associated with destructive consequences, like the Holocaust directed by Adolf Hitler and the Great Purge ordered by Joseph Stalin. Yet, little is known about how a dictator-to-be can harness the power and rise into power. This chapter proposes a psycho-political mechanism that enables a dictator-to-be to harness the power generated from disinformation-induced hysteria. The conceptual framework is constructed using the mindsponge-based analytical framework (...) and the SM3D theory (Serendipity-Mindsponge-3D). The framework can help examine cases of dictatorship and prospect potential dictators, which gives our societies insights and preparations to reduce the possible rise of dictatorship in the future. This chapter is placed at the end of the book to wrap up the process of describing and discussing the mindsponge thinking approach in the book from simplicity to complexity. (shrink)

All humans have an equal basic moral status. They possess the same fundamental rights, and the comparable interests of each person should count the same in calculations that determine social policy. Neither supposed racial differences, nor skin color, sex, sexual orientation, ethnicity, intelligence, nor any other differences among humans negate their fundamental equal worth and dignity. These platitudes are virtually universally affirmed. A white supremacist racist or an admirer of Adolf Hitler who denies them is rightly regarded as (...) beyond the pale of civilized dialogue. However, a very simple line of argument developed by Peter Singer challenges our understanding of these platitudes and forces us to rethink the basis and nature of the moral equality of all humans. What I call the “Singer Problem” arises if one accepts that the morally significant cognitive capacities that are relevant to the determination of the fundamental moral status of a being vary from individual to individual by degree. The problem is to specify a moral principle determining fundamental moral status that assigns a superior status to humans compared to other animals on the basis of the superior cognitive capacities of humans but also assigns all human persons an equal fundamental moral status regardless of their differing cognitive capacities. More broadly posed, the problem is to specify moral principles that yield intuitively satisfactory implications for the treatment of human individuals and other individual animals given that cognitive capacities differ across species and individuals. A search for a resolution of the Singer problem leads to disappointing results. (shrink)

In his recently published posthumous works "Prefiguration" and "The Rigorism of Truth" Hans Blumenberg surprisingly steps into the area of political history that he had left widely unconsidered in "Work on Myth". While "Prefiguration" tackles the “demonic” aspects of Napoleon and Hitler that Blumenberg tries to dismantle and bring into derision, in "Rigorism of Truth" he attacks Hannah Arendt's phrase of the Banality of Evil in relation to the Jerusalem trial against Adolf Eichmann in 1961. In this latter (...) issue Blumenberg defends the demonic he sees culminated in the form of Eichmann to assert what he calls the “mythical dimension“ in the Israeli process of nation-building. To him, Eichmann represents a prototypical demon incarnate that must be slaughtered by the heroic character seen in young state Israel. This obviously turns Blumenberg's criticism of Napoleon and Hitler into an affirmation of political myths that, on the face of it, appears to be a contradiction in terms. The essay focuses on this theoretical tension and tries to point out that significance (“Bedeutsamkeit”) is not only a necessity for individual self-assertion (“Selbstbehauptung”) but also a category of communality that must be handled with care. (shrink)

This paper explores the concept of determinism through the lens of the "levels of mind," offering a framework to understand human behavior as governed by an intricate interplay of subconscious, conscious, and metacognitive processes. By challenging the notion of free will, the work redefines traditional ideas of moral responsibility, ethics, and societal structures. The argument emphasizes the necessity of shifting from stigmatizing and punitive approaches toward rehabilitation and proactive intervention. Instead of judging individuals who engage in harmful actions as lesser (...) or irredeemable, this paper advocates for a compassionate understanding of the factors that shape behavior. Some individuals, influenced by genetic, neurological, or environmental factors, may require structured support to change, while others may not improve despite intervention. This perspective highlights the importance of addressing the root causes of behavior and fostering environments that promote growth and transformation. Through philosophical analysis, neuroscientific evidence, and practical applications, this paper highlights how embracing determinism can pave the way for a more empathetic, equitable society. The provocative comparison of Adolf Hitler and Mother Teresa exemplifies the central thesis: all actions, whether altruistic or harmful, are the inevitable outcomes of external and internal causal factors. By understanding this, humanity can replace judgment with intervention, forming a future where equity and compassion guide societal progress. (shrink)

Blind Obedience: A Double-Edged Sword -/- Introduction -/- Blind obedience refers to unquestioning compliance with authority, where individuals follow orders or rules without critical thinking or moral evaluation. Throughout history, blind obedience has led to both progress and disaster. While obedience is necessary for maintaining order in societies, institutions, and organizations, blindly following authority without questioning its ethical implications can result in tragic consequences. -/- This essay explores the nature of blind obedience, its psychological roots, historical examples, its presence in (...) modern society, and the importance of critical thinking in preventing its dangers. By examining these aspects, we can better understand the balance between necessary obedience and the responsibility to challenge unethical commands. -/- The Psychology of Blind Obedience -/- Human beings are naturally inclined to obey authority. From childhood, people are taught to respect parents, teachers, and leaders, which helps maintain societal order. However, this conditioning can also suppress independent thought and personal moral judgment. -/- One of the most well-known psychological studies on obedience is Stanley Milgram’s experiment (1961). In this study, participants were instructed by an authority figure (a scientist) to administer electric shocks to another person (who was actually an actor and not harmed). Even as the “victim” screamed in pain, many participants continued delivering shocks simply because they were told to do so. The study demonstrated how ordinary individuals could commit harmful acts when instructed by an authority figure, proving that blind obedience is a powerful force that can override personal morality. -/- Another significant study is the Stanford Prison Experiment (1971), conducted by Philip Zimbardo. Participants were randomly assigned roles as either guards or prisoners in a simulated prison. The ”guards” quickly became abusive, using psychological and physical intimidation, while the “prisoners” became submissive. The experiment had to be stopped early due to the extreme behavior of the participants, showing how blind obedience to authority and roles can lead to cruelty and loss of moral reasoning. -/- Historical Examples of Blind Obedience -/- 1. Nazi Germany and the Holocaust -/- One of the most horrific examples of blind obedience occurred during World War II. Under Adolf Hitler’s rule, millions of ordinary citizens and soldiers followed orders that led to the mass genocide of Jews and other targeted groups. High-ranking officials like Adolf Eichmann, who played a major role in organizing the Holocaust, later defended their actions by claiming they were simply “following orders.” The Nuremberg Trials rejected this defense, emphasizing that individuals are responsible for their actions, even when acting under authority. -/- 2. The My Lai Massacre (Vietnam War, 1968) -/- During the Vietnam War, American soldiers carried out the My Lai Massacre, killing hundreds of unarmed Vietnamese civilians, including women and children. Soldiers later justified their actions by stating they were following direct orders from their superiors. This event became a symbol of the dangers of military obedience without ethical consideration, leading to global condemnation and changes in military training regarding moral responsibility. -/- 3. The Jonestown Mass Suicide (1978) -/- The Jonestown Massacre is a chilling example of blind obedience within a cult. Jim Jones, leader of the Peoples Temple, manipulated over 900 of his followers into committing mass suicide by drinking cyanide-laced punch. Many obeyed without resistance, demonstrating how charismatic leaders can exploit blind obedience to maintain control, even to the point of self-destruction. -/- 4. The Spanish Inquisition -/- During the Spanish Inquisition (1478–1834), religious authorities ordered the persecution, torture, and execution of individuals accused of heresy. Many officials and citizens participated in these brutal acts simply because they were told it was their duty. Blind obedience to religious authority justified unimaginable cruelty in the name of faith. -/- Blind Obedience in Modern Society -/- Although history provides extreme examples, blind obedience continues to manifest in various ways today. -/- 1. In the Workplace -/- Many corporate scandals, such as the Enron financial fraud, occurred because employees blindly followed unethical directives from executives. Employees who question unethical policies may risk losing their jobs, making it difficult to resist orders from higher-ups. -/- 2. In Politics -/- Authoritarian governments thrive on blind obedience. In North Korea, citizens are forced to obey government propaganda without question, and those who dissent face severe punishment. In many cases, blind obedience to political leaders leads to oppression, censorship, and human rights violations. -/- 3. In Religion -/- Religious extremism often arises from blind obedience. Groups like ISIS and past events like the Crusades show how unquestioning faith can be manipulated to justify violence, terrorism, and oppression. While religion can promote morality, blind obedience can be dangerous when it discourages critical thinking. -/- 4. In Social Media and Misinformation -/- In the digital age, blind obedience appears in the form of misinformation and propaganda. Many people accept fake news, conspiracy theories, and political lies without fact-checking. This has led to real-world consequences, such as vaccine hesitancy, political division, and even violent riots based on false information. -/- The Dangers of Blind Obedience -/- 1. Loss of Personal Responsibility -/- Blind obedience allows individuals to shift responsibility for their actions onto authority figures. This leads to moral disengagement, where people justify harmful actions by saying they were just following orders. -/- 2. Suppression of Critical Thinking -/- When individuals do not question authority, they lose the ability to think independently. This weakens societies by allowing corrupt leaders, unethical policies, and harmful ideologies to spread unchecked. -/- 3. Violation of Human Rights -/- Many human rights violations throughout history, including genocide, slavery, and discrimination, occurred because individuals and societies accepted orders without questioning their morality. -/- The Importance of Critical Thinking -/- To prevent the dangers of blind obedience, individuals must develop critical thinking skills. This involves: -/- Questioning Authority: Instead of blindly following orders, people should ask whether commands are ethical and justified. -/- Encouraging Open Dialogue: Societies must promote free speech and debate to challenge oppressive or unethical ideas. -/- Teaching Ethical Decision-Making: Schools and workplaces should educate individuals on how to recognize and resist unethical commands. -/- Holding Leaders Accountable: Governments, corporations, and religious institutions must be held responsible for their actions, preventing the abuse of authority. -/- Conclusion -/- Blind obedience is a powerful but dangerous force. While obedience is sometimes necessary for maintaining order, unquestioning submission to authority has led to some of the greatest tragedies in human history. From the Holocaust to modern corporate scandals, the consequences of blind obedience highlight the need for critical thinking, ethical reasoning, and personal responsibility. -/- To build a just and moral society, individuals must learn to balance obedience with independent thought. Questioning authority does not mean rejecting all rules, but rather ensuring that decisions align with ethical principles. By fostering education, awareness, and critical thinking, we can prevent the dangers of blind obedience and create a world where people act not out of fear or habit, but out of reason and moral responsibility. -/- . (shrink)

The Role of Power Transitions in Government Collapse: Historical Lessons and Solutions -/- Throughout history, the transition of power has been a defining factor in the stability or collapse of governments. When power is transferred smoothly, institutions remain strong, and societies continue to function. However, when transitions are mismanaged, contested, or poorly structured, they often lead to political instability, civil wars, or the complete breakdown of government structures. This essay explores the importance of power transitions in maintaining political stability by (...) examining historical examples where such transitions led to the collapse of governments. Additionally, it proposes solutions to prevent such collapses in the future. -/- The Critical Nature of Power Transitions -/- The process of transferring power is one of the most vulnerable moments for any political system. Several factors determine whether a transition is successful or leads to instability: -/- 1. Legitimacy of Succession – If the public and political elites accept the process of succession, transitions occur peacefully. However, when legitimacy is questioned, power struggles emerge. -/- 2. Institutional Strength – Strong political institutions ensure smooth power transitions, while weak institutions make governments dependent on individual rulers. -/- 3. Elite Consensus – When ruling elites agree on a transition, it is more likely to be peaceful. Divisions among elites can result in coups or civil wars. -/- 4. Public Support and Social Stability – If the population supports the transition, the government remains stable. Mass protests or revolts can destabilize regimes. -/- 5. Military and Security Forces’ Role – A neutral or loyal military ensures a peaceful transition, but if the military intervenes, coups or armed conflicts may occur. -/- 6. Economic Conditions – Economic crises can accelerate government collapse during power transitions by weakening public trust. -/- 7. External Influences – Foreign intervention, diplomatic pressure, or economic sanctions can shape whether a transition succeeds or leads to chaos. -/- Historical Examples of Power Transitions Leading to Collapse -/- 1. The Fall of the Roman Republic (1st Century BCE) -/- The assassination of Julius Caesar in 44 BCE triggered a power vacuum and civil war. The Republic collapsed as Augustus (Octavian) seized power and established the Roman Empire. The failure to create a smooth transition from the Republic to an alternative stable government structure led to one-man rule. -/- 2. The French Revolution (1789-1799) -/- The monarchy collapsed due to economic crises and public discontent. The power vacuum led to the Reign of Terror and multiple regime changes before Napoleon took control. The lack of a stable transition plan from monarchy to democracy resulted in violent political struggles. -/- 3. The Russian Revolution (1917) -/- Czar Nicholas II abdicated amid economic and military crises. The weak Provisional Government was overthrown by the Bolsheviks, leading to decades of political purges. The failure to establish a strong democratic system allowed radical elements to seize power. -/- 4. The Weimar Republic and Hitler’s Rise (1933) -/- Germany’s economic crisis and political instability enabled Adolf Hitler to rise to power legally, leading to the collapse of democracy and the Nazi dictatorship. The failure of democratic institutions to resist authoritarian takeovers contributed to this transition failure. -/- 5. The Iranian Revolution (1979) -/- The Shah of Iran lost legitimacy due to repression and economic struggles. His departure created a power vacuum, allowing the Islamic Revolution to establish a theocratic regime. The lack of a democratic transition framework led to a total political shift. -/- 6. The Collapse of the Soviet Union (1991) -/- Mikhail Gorbachev’s reforms weakened the centralized government, leading to nationalist movements and economic collapse, resulting in the dissolution of the USSR. The sudden transition from communism to multiple independent states was mismanaged, leading to political chaos. -/- 7. The Arab Spring (2010-2012) -/- Mass protests led to the overthrow of governments in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and Yemen. However, weak institutions and power vacuums resulted in ongoing instability and civil wars. The absence of structured political succession made these transitions chaotic. -/- 8. The Fall of the Afghan Government (2021) -/- The withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan in 2021 led to the rapid collapse of the Afghan government, allowing the Taliban to take power without resistance. The lack of a well-planned transition left a power vacuum that extremist groups exploited. -/- Solutions for Preventing Government Collapse During Power Transitions -/- 1. Establishing Strong Political Institutions -/- Governments should build independent institutions that can function regardless of leadership changes. -/- A clear legal framework for succession should be established, ensuring stability. -/- Example: United States Presidential Transition – Despite political disagreements, strong institutions ensure smooth transitions of power every four years. -/- 2. Promoting a Culture of Democratic Succession -/- Political education should emphasize peaceful transitions of power. -/- Leaders should prepare successors and ensure a stable transition process. -/- Example: South Africa’s Transition from Apartheid (1994) – Nelson Mandela ensured a peaceful transfer of power through negotiations, preventing civil war. -/- 3. Ensuring Economic Stability -/- Economic policies should focus on long-term growth and stability to prevent crises that weaken governments. -/- Governments should maintain financial reserves to manage economic downturns during transitions. -/- Example: China’s Economic Reforms (1978-Present) – Transition from Maoist policies to a market economy was gradual, preventing instability. -/- 4. Strengthening Public Trust in Government -/- Transparency and accountability should be prioritized to gain public confidence. -/- Civic engagement and public participation in governance should be encouraged. -/- Example: Post-World War II Japan – Japan rebuilt trust in democratic institutions, leading to long-term political stability. -/- 5. Avoiding Military Interventions in Politics -/- The military should remain neutral in political transitions and serve as a stabilizing force, not a political actor. -/- Civilian oversight of the military should be strengthened to prevent coups. -/- Example: Turkey’s Democratic Reforms – Despite past military coups, recent reforms have reduced military interference in politics. -/- 6. International Mediation and Support -/- International organizations (e.g., the UN) should assist in ensuring peaceful transitions in unstable regions. -/- Diplomatic pressure can prevent violent takeovers and encourage legitimate transitions. -/- Example: East Timor’s Independence (2002) – The UN helped facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy after Indonesian rule. -/- 7. Managing Internal and External Political Conflicts -/- Governments should ensure national unity by addressing ethnic and political divisions. -/- Foreign influence should be managed to prevent external powers from exploiting transitions. -/- Example: Rwanda’s Post-Genocide Rebuilding – After the 1994 genocide, Rwanda implemented reconciliation policies to prevent future power struggles. -/- Conclusion -/- The transition of power is one of the most critical and dangerous moments for any government. If managed well, it can lead to stable governance and progress. However, when transitions are mismanaged, contested, or forced, they can result in political collapse, violence, and societal breakdown. -/- The historical examples discussed demonstrate the importance of legitimacy, institutional strength, elite consensus, public support, and military neutrality in ensuring successful power transitions. By implementing solutions such as strong institutions, economic stability, democratic culture, and international mediation, governments can prevent collapse and ensure smooth transitions of power. -/- The fate of nations often depends not only on who rules, but on how power is transferred from one leader or system to the next. Learning from history and implementing practical solutions can help safeguard governments from the chaos of failed transitions. -/- . (shrink)

The Concept of Power: Its Nature, Forms, and Impact -/- Introduction -/- Power is one of the most fundamental forces shaping human civilization, scientific progress, and personal development. It is present in every aspect of life—from the natural world to political structures, from economic systems to personal relationships. At its core, power is the ability to influence, control, or direct outcomes, whether through force, knowledge, persuasion, or other means. -/- However, power can be used in both constructive and destructive ways. (...) While ethical power leads to progress and justice, the misuse of power creates oppression, corruption, and societal imbalance. This essay explores different dimensions of power, including scientific, political, economic, and philosophical power, while also highlighting examples of the misuse of power and its consequences. -/- Forms of Power -/- 1. Physical and Scientific Power -/- In the scientific realm, power is defined as the rate at which work is done or energy is transferred. It is a measurable quantity, expressed in watts (W), and is essential in fields such as engineering, mechanics, and electricity. -/- For example, in mechanical engineering, a car engine generates power by converting fuel into kinetic energy, allowing the vehicle to move. Similarly, in renewable energy, solar panels convert sunlight into electrical power, demonstrating how natural forces can be harnessed for human use. -/- Misuse of Scientific Power: Nuclear Weapons -/- A key example of the misuse of scientific power is the development of nuclear weapons. The atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945 demonstrated the destructive potential of scientific advancements when used irresponsibly. While nuclear energy can be a powerful source of clean electricity, its military application led to mass destruction, the loss of thousands of innocent lives, and long-term environmental and health consequences. -/- 2. Social and Political Power -/- Political power is the ability to influence governance, policies, and social structures. It exists at different levels, from small communities to global institutions. -/- Types of Political Power: -/- Legitimate power: Derived from laws and democratic institutions, such as the authority of an elected president or parliament. -/- Coercive power: Based on force, often seen in dictatorships or police states where compliance is ensured through fear. -/- Soft power: The ability to shape opinions and values through culture, diplomacy, and media, as seen in the global influence of Hollywood movies or international organizations like the United Nations. -/- Example of Proper Political Power Use: Nelson Mandela’s leadership in South Africa was an example of moral and legitimate power. Despite being imprisoned for 27 years, he led his country to end apartheid through reconciliation rather than revenge. -/- Misuse of Political Power: Dictatorships and Oppression -/- Example: Adolf Hitler (Nazi Germany) One of the most infamous examples of political power being used in the wrong way is Adolf Hitler’s regime in Nazi Germany. Hitler gained power through democratic means but later abolished freedoms, controlled information, and used propaganda to manipulate the masses. His leadership led to World War II, the Holocaust, and the deaths of millions of people. His misuse of political power resulted in genocide, war crimes, and long-term global instability. -/- Example: North Korea’s Authoritarian Rule In modern times, North Korea is an example of political power used to oppress rather than empower. The government, led by Kim Jong-un, controls every aspect of citizens’ lives, from their access to information to their ability to leave the country. The country’s resources are allocated to its military, while many citizens suffer from poverty and starvation. This is an example of power used to control people rather than improve their well-being. -/- 3. Psychological and Personal Power -/- Personal power is an individual’s ability to influence their own life and the lives of others. It can take many forms: -/- Inner power: Strength, resilience, and self-discipline, allowing people to overcome adversity. -/- Social power: Charisma, persuasion, and emotional intelligence that enable individuals to lead and inspire others. -/- Knowledge power: The ability to gain influence through education and expertise. -/- Example of Proper Personal Power Use: The philosopher Socrates possessed immense intellectual power. Even without political authority, his ideas shaped Western thought through questioning and critical thinking. Today, leaders and influencers continue to shape society using their intellectual power. -/- Misuse of Psychological Power: Manipulation and Propaganda -/- Example: Cult Leaders (Jim Jones and the Jonestown Massacre) Some individuals misuse personal power to manipulate others for selfish or destructive purposes. A tragic example is Jim Jones, the leader of the People’s Temple cult. He used psychological manipulation to gain total control over his followers, leading to the infamous Jonestown Massacre in 1978, where over 900 people died in a mass murder-suicide. -/- Example: Social Media Misinformation In today’s digital age, personal power is often misused on social media platforms. False information and propaganda are used to manipulate public opinion, often leading to social division, violence, and political unrest. -/- 4. Economic Power -/- Economic power refers to control over financial resources, industries, and markets. Those who control wealth often shape global and national policies, technological advancements, and even cultural trends. -/- Proper Use of Economic Power: -/- Corporate power: Companies like Amazon, Google, and Tesla wield significant economic power, influencing markets and technological innovation. -/- Wealth and capital: Billionaires such as Elon Musk and Jeff Bezos can impact industries like space travel and artificial intelligence through private investments. -/- Misuse of Economic Power: Corporate Greed and Exploitation -/- Example: The 2008 Financial Crisis The 2008 financial crisis was a result of large financial institutions misusing their economic power. Banks engaged in reckless lending, market manipulation, and financial fraud, leading to a global economic collapse. Millions of people lost their jobs, homes, and savings due to the greed and irresponsibility of a few. -/- Example: Sweatshops and Worker Exploitation Some multinational corporations use their economic power to exploit cheap labor in developing countries, forcing workers to endure low wages, unsafe conditions, and inhumane treatment. This misuse of power highlights the dark side of economic influence when profit is prioritized over ethics. -/- 5. Power in Nature and Universal Law -/- From the perspective of the universal law of balance in nature, power must be aligned with natural equilibrium to ensure sustainability and harmony. If power is used excessively or irresponsibly, it creates imbalances—whether in the environment, society, or personal well-being. -/- Misuse of Power in Nature: Environmental Destruction -/- Example: Climate Change and Industrial Pollution Human industrial activity has disrupted the natural balance of the planet. Deforestation, excessive carbon emissions, and overconsumption of natural resources have led to global warming, species extinction, and ecological collapse. This is an example of humanity misusing its power over nature without considering the consequences. -/- The Ethical Use of Power -/- Power itself is neither good nor bad—it depends on how it is used. Ethical power aligns with justice, wisdom, and balance, while unethical power leads to corruption and destruction. -/- Principles of Ethical Power Use: -/- 1. Responsibility: Those in power must act for the common good rather than personal gain. -/- 2. Transparency: Power should be exercised openly, with accountability to the people it affects. -/- 3. Balance: Power must be used in a way that sustains long-term harmony rather than creating instability. -/- Conclusion -/- Power is a complex and dynamic force that can lead to progress or destruction, depending on how it is used. History provides countless examples of both ethical and unethical power, showing that unchecked power leads to oppression, injustice, and suffering. -/- The universal law of balance in nature teaches that any misuse of power will eventually lead to consequences. Therefore, the wisest approach to power is to use it ethically, responsibly, and in alignment with natural equilibrium. -/- . (shrink)

How to Spot a Potentially Dangerous Future Leader -/- Leadership plays a critical role in shaping the future of societies, nations, and even the world. While great leaders bring stability, progress, and balance, dangerous leaders can lead to authoritarianism, oppression, and societal collapse. History has shown that early warning signs of destructive leadership are often ignored until it is too late. Understanding these warning signs can help prevent the rise of leaders who threaten human rights, democracy, and the well-being of (...) their people. This essay explores the key characteristics of a potentially dangerous future leader and how individuals and societies can recognize and respond to them. -/- 1. Extreme Authoritarian Traits -/- One of the most obvious signs of a dangerous leader is a strong inclination toward authoritarianism. Such individuals often seek to centralize power, dismantling institutions that limit their authority. They may show a disregard for the rule of law, manipulating or bypassing legal systems to consolidate their control. A dangerous leader is intolerant of dissent, using censorship, intimidation, or direct repression to silence critics. They often work to weaken checks and balances, eliminating opposition parties, controlling the judiciary, or suppressing the media. By doing so, they remove any obstacles to their absolute authority, creating a system that serves their personal interests rather than the public good. -/- 2. Manipulative and Deceptive Behavior -/- A potentially dangerous leader is highly skilled in deception and manipulation. They often use demagogic speech, relying on emotional appeals rather than facts to influence the masses. Fear-mongering is a common tactic, where they exaggerate threats—real or imagined—to justify their actions. Instead of taking responsibility, they shift blame to minorities, foreign nations, or political opponents, creating scapegoats to distract from their own failures. They may also engage in double standards, saying one thing in public while doing the opposite in private. This inconsistency erodes trust and fosters a culture of confusion and division. -/- 3. Dangerous Ideology and Policies -/- Another key warning sign is the promotion of divisive or extremist ideologies. Dangerous leaders thrive on division, creating an “us vs. them” mentality to justify discrimination or violence. They reject scientific reasoning and expert advice, favoring policies based on personal beliefs or populist rhetoric. This disregard for rationality can lead to disastrous consequences in areas such as healthcare, economics, and environmental policies. Additionally, they often propose radical solutions that ignore balance, promoting extreme nationalism, reckless economic policies, or aggressive military expansion. While such actions may gain short-term popularity, they often lead to long-term instability. -/- 4. Cult of Personality -/- Many dangerous leaders seek to establish a cult of personality, portraying themselves as infallible figures who are beyond criticism. They demand blind loyalty from followers, punishing those who question their decisions. Such leaders often rewrite history or distort reality to fit their narrative, creating propaganda that glorifies their achievements while erasing their failures. This cult-like following makes it difficult for people to see the leader’s flaws, as they become emotionally invested in their idealized image. In extreme cases, societies under such leaders begin to view dissent as betrayal, further deepening the leader’s grip on power. -/- 5. Disregard for Human Rights -/- A major red flag is the leader’s attitude toward human rights. Dangerous leaders often justify the suppression of freedoms in the name of national security, stability, or economic growth. They encourage violence, either through direct orders or by subtly endorsing extremist groups that act on their behalf. Journalists, activists, and opposition figures are often imprisoned or killed under their rule. The suppression of free speech and the persecution of minorities become normalized, as the leader consolidates power through fear and intimidation. -/- 6. Economic and Social Recklessness -/- While dangerous leaders may promise prosperity, their policies often prioritize short-term popularity over long-term stability. They may engage in reckless spending, unsustainable economic projects, or corruption to maintain loyalty among their supporters. Rather than promoting balance in governance, they focus on immediate gains that ultimately lead to financial crises or social unrest. Surrounding themselves with unqualified loyalists, they weaken institutions and reduce the efficiency of government operations. Over time, their failure to uphold the universal law of balance in nature leads to systemic collapse. -/- Conclusion -/- History has repeatedly shown the devastating consequences of dangerous leaders. From Adolf Hitler’s rise in Germany to authoritarian figures in modern times, societies have suffered greatly when warning signs were ignored. Recognizing these patterns early can help prevent future disasters. Education, critical thinking, and institutional safeguards are key to ensuring that power remains balanced and that leadership serves the people rather than personal ambition. By staying vigilant and promoting awareness, individuals and societies can prevent dangerous leaders from gaining power and ensure a future of stability, fairness, and progress. -/- . (shrink)

Alcune opere d'arte manifestano (o suggeriscono di assumere) prospettive morali dubbie e, in certi casi, chiaramente deprecabili. Ad esempio, il documentario propagandista Il Trionfo della Volontà di Leni Riefensthal esprime (e cerca di evocare) ammirazione nei confronti di Adolf Hitler. Nonostante ciò, Il Trionfo della Volontà è considerato un capolavoro nel genere dei documentari. Questo e molti altri esempi simili suggeriscono le seguenti domande: É possibile considerare un'opera d'arte un capolavoro artistico e, allo stesso tempo, un esempio di (...) immoralità? La valutazione morale di un'opera d'arte influisce o dovrebbe influire sulla valutazione artistica dell'opera? (shrink)

This paper introduces the Free Will Theory of Constraint (FWTC), a new philosophical and mathematical model for quantifying human agency under structural, emotional, and metaphysical constraints. FWTC identifies seven core constraint domains and introduces formulae for calculating Functional Will (W_f), Mood-Modified Will (MW_f), and Dominant Constraint. Case studies—including Derek Chauvin, Adolf Hitler, and Virginia Woolf—demonstrate its analytical power. The framework bridges philosophy, psychology, and ethical accountability, and is part of the broader Spiritualectics doctrine developed by the author.

What It’s Like to Chill Out With Whom the Rest of the World Considers As The Most Ruthless Men: Ratko Mladic, Goran Hadzic and Radovan Karadzic (+) Confessions of a Female War Crimes Investigator By Jill Louise Starr NJ USA -/- Read My Entire Book Here (True Story) http://sites.google.com/site/thelawprojectscenternycoffices/what-it-s-like-to-chill-out-with-whom-th e-rest-of-the-world-considers-as-the-most-ruthless-men-ratko-mladic-goran-hadzic-and-radovan-karadzi c-confessions-of-a-female-war-crimes-investigator -/- Retrospectively, it was all so simple, natural and matter of fact being on a boat restaurant in Belgrade, sitting with, laughing, drinking a two hundred bottle of wine and chatting about (...) war and peace while Ratko Mladic held my hand. Mladic, a man considered the world’s most ruthless war criminal since Adolf Hitler, still at large and currently having a five million dollar bounty on his head for genocide by the international community. Yet there I was with my two best friends at the time, a former Serbian diplomat, his wife, and Ratko Mladic just chilling. There was no security, nothing you’d ordinarily expect in such circumstances. Referring to himself merely as, Sharko; this is the story of it all came about. Diplomatic / International Relations Consultant & War Crimes Investigator - War - Peace - Preventive Diplomatic Strategies - International Law - Charitable Causes - International Business - International Political Economy - Human Rights - Politics - War Crimes Investigations - Anti-Terrorism - Law Projects Center Funded Projects (YCICC) Internationally LPCYU Home Website -/- Irrefutable Proof ICTY Is Corrupt Court/Irrefutable Proof the Hague Court Cannot Legitimately Prosecute Karadzic Case By Jill Starr I want to stress, in this particular meeting , there was no observer status at the ICC Preparatory Meetings at the United Nations in New York City in 2001. What I did, made a historical precedent. I was asked by, Darko Trifunovic 1st Secretary of the Bosnian MIssion, to take his place, in a CLOSED DOOR UNITED NATIONS MEETING. This means, ONLY HEADS OF AMBASSADORIAL MISSIONS WERE ALLOWED IN THE MEETING. There was no "Observer Status for say NGO's such as Amnesty International." I represented a Country as an American Citizen that day; the Repuklika Srpska. This never occurred before to my knowledge ever. It was an error. My former professor, Arnold Stark, walked me in, A former State Dept. man chosen to be the former Ambassador from the USA to Bonn/Germany (and he declined years back because of his wife at the time). He knew it was illegal. It said on these paper I picked up in the meeting, Anyone, Richard Holbrooke, sat across from me, discussing this meeting outside the meeting itself thereafter , "would be prosecuted to the fullest extent of int'l law." I heard the Ambassadors of the world ALL DISCUS TRADING MONEY FOR ICC AND ICTY COURT VERDICT AS WELL AS FUTURE JUDICIAL APPOINTMENTS -/- http://sites.google.com/site/thelawprojectscenternycoffices/home/irrefutable-proof-icty-is-corrupt-c ourt-irrefutable-proof-the-hague-court-cannot-legitimately-prosecute-karadzic-case -/- http://picasaweb.google.com/lpcyusa/IrrefutableProofICTYIsCorruptCourtIrrefutabl# (The Documentary Secret United Nations ICC Meeting Papers Scanned Images) OR http://community.jigsaw.com/t5/media/gallerypage/user-id/903610# -/- Rea dMore Here _> Read the entire story here My testimonial video on Youtube _> http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dKe-5LORsGs -/- http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=dKe-5LORsGs (My YouTube VIDEO) -/- This legal technicality indicates the Hague must dismiss charges against Dr Karadzic and others awaiting trials in the Hague jail; like it or not. -/- Unfortunately for the Signatures Of the Rome Statute United Nations member states instituting the ICC & ICTY housed at the Hague, insofar as the, Radovan Karadzic, as with the other Hague cases awaiting trial there, I personally witnessed these United Nations member states having a substantial conversations, and, openly speaking about trading judicial appointments and verdicts for financial funding when I attended the 2001 ICC Preparatory Meetings at the UN in Manhattan making the iCTY and ICC morally incapable trying Radovan Karazdic and others. -/- I witnessed with my own eyes and ears when attending the 2001 Preparatory Meetings to establish an newly emergent International Criminal Court, the exact caliber of criminal corruption running so very deeply at the Hague, that it was a perfectly viable topic of legitimate conversation in those meetings I attended to debate trading verdicts AND judicial appointments, for monetary funding. -/- Jilly wrote:*The rep from Spain became distraught and when her country’s proposal was not taken to well by the chair of the meeting , then Spain argued in a particularly loud and noticably strongly vocal manner, “Spain (my country) strongly believes if we contribute most financial support to the Hague’s highest court, that ought to give us and other countries feeding it financially MORE direct power over its decisions.” -/- ((((((((((((((((((((((((( ((((((((((((((((((((((((( Instead of censoring the country representative from Spain for even bringing up this unjust, illegal and unfair judicial idea of bribery for international judicial verdicts and judicial appointments, all country representatives present in the meeting that day all treated the Spain proposition as a ”totally legitimate topic” discussed and debated it between each other for some time. I was quite shocked! The idea was “let’s discuss it.” "It’s a great topic to discuss." -/- Some countries agreed with Spain’s propositions while others did not. The point here is, bribery for judicial verdicts and judicial appointments was treated as a totally legitimate topic instead of an illegitimate topic which it is in the meeting that I attended in 2001 that day to establish the ground work for a newly emergent international criminal court.)))))))))))))))))))))))))))) -/- In particular., since “Spain” was so overtly unafraid in bringing up this topic of trading financial funding the ICC for influence over its future judicial appointments and verdicts in front of every other UN member state present that day at the UN, “Spain” must have already known by previous experience the topic of bribery was “socially acceptable” for conversation that day. They must have previously spoke about bribing the ICTY and ICC before in meetings; this is my take an international sociological honor student. -/- SPAIN’s diplomatic gesture of international justice insofar as, Serbia, in all of this is, disgusting morally!SPAIN HAS TAUGHT THE WORLD THE TRUE DEFINITION OF AN “INTERNATIONAL CRIMINAL COURT.” -/- I represented the state interests’ of the Former Yugoslavia, in Diplomat Darko Trifunovic’s absence in those meetings and I am proud to undertake this effort on Serbia’s behalf. http://picasaweb.google.com/lpcyusa (My Political Satire Blog) Diplomatic / International Relations Consultant & War Crimes Investigator - War - Peace - Preventive Diplomatic Strategies - International Law - Charitable Causes - International Business - International Political Economy - Human Rights - Politics - War Crimes Investigations - Anti-Terrorism - Law Projects Center Funded Projects (YCICC) Internationally http://sites.google.com/site/jillstarrsite -/- -/- . 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Distinguishes two senses of 'judgment' on the one hand as meaning a state of 'conviction' or 'belief', and on the other hand as meaning an act of 'affirmation' or 'assertion'. Certainly conviction and assertion stand in close relation to each other, but they delineate two heterogeneous logical spheres, and thereby divide the total field of the theory of judgment into two neighbouring but separate sub-fields. Once this is done it is shown to have implications for our understanding especially of the (...) phenomenon of negation, and of the distinction between negation as affirmation of a negative state of affairs, and negation as act of contradicting the judgment someone else has made. (shrink)

The last decade has witnessed the beginnings of a remarkable convergence of Husserlian phenonenology and analytic philosophy of language, and the present volumes provide original and important texts of the phenomenological philosophy of language. Powerfully influenced by the writings of the early Husserl, Reinach fashioned Husserl’s ideas into a rigorous analytical methodology of his own, which he applied in particular to problems in logic and the theory of knowledge, and to the philosophies of law and psychology. The central role of (...) the concept of state of affairs in Reinach’s philosophy will bring to mind immediately the formal ontology of Wittgenstein’s Tractatus. Reinach’s most significant contribution, however, is contained in his The a priori foundations of civil law (1913), above all in the detailed analysis of the a priori structure of the act of promising. This amounts to an elaborate phenomenological theory of speech acts which anticipates, and in some respects goes beyond, the later theories of Austin and Searle. The present edition is in two volumes. Volume 1, which includes a biographical and thematic introduction by the editors, contains critical editions of those pieces published by Reinach himself. Volume II is a collection of all those items in Reinach’s surviving Nachlass which are in publishable form, including a number of important pieces not hitherto obtainable on such themes as ethical predicates, speech acts (“soziale Akte”), perception and the theory of number, together with a comprehensive sketch of the problems in the theory of knowledge, logic and ethics. Appended to this is a text-critical apparatus which also contains extensive discussions of the origins and sources of the materials in question. (shrink)

Regional aspects of science communication represent a potential asset and as such are quite suitable topic for further examination with respect to future social and economic development in Prague based on the city's main development strategies. Closer analysis of SCIP aspects at re- gional level can present a suitable complement for development of suitable measures and projects of the regional innovation and education policies. This study focuses on research questions related to regional dimension of science communication, its impacts and suitable (...) tools. Document analysis and questionnaire distributed among selected experts were chosen as tools for elaboration of the study. Results suggest that regional dimension of science communication policy and initiatives is a relevant one in case of Prague. However, the attention given to this topic by national and regional authorities is unsatisfactory resulting in lack of co-ordination of activities of the respective stakeholders. Impacts of SCIP, as far as causality can be identified, lie in encouraging young people in their interest in science, increasing awareness of general public in science-related issues and explaining role of science in society and problems that science is facing. To maximise effects of science communication there is a space for national and regional authorities to play an integrating role. Given the concentration of SCIP actors, the City of Prague could aspire to develop its science communication policy in order to promote itself as a Central European centre of science. (shrink)

The precarious rights of senior citizens, especially those who are highly educated and who are expected to counsel and guide the younger generations, has stimulated the creation internationally of advocacy associations and opinion leader groups. The strength of these groups, however, varies from country to country. In some countries, they are supported and are the focus of intense interest; in others, they are practically ignored. For this is reason we believe that the creation of a network of all these associations (...) is essential. The proposed network would act as a support for the already-existing policies of the United Nations’ High Commission for Human Rights, of independent experts, and of the Global Alliance for the Rights of Older People. All three have long ago recommended the creation of a recognized instrument for uniting presently scattered efforts. The proposed network, therefore, will seek to promote the international exchange of relevant expertise, and it will reinforce the commitments and actions that single countries are currently taking to meet these objectives. For example, informative public events can be organised to promote particular support initiatives and to provide an opportunity for new members of the network to be presented. The network will promote health for senior citizens, disease prevention, senior mobility, safe free time for seniors, alimentary education, protection against new risks and dangers, as well as equity in the services necessary for seniors to adopt new information and communication technologies. In the case of retired academic members, the network will promote equality with respect to continuing use of digital technologies (particularly email), continuing access to research libraries, and the guaranteed ability for seniors to fund their own research programs and to deliver free seminars. (shrink)

The theory of speech acts put forward by Adolf Reinach in his "The A Priori Foundations of the Civil Law" of 1913 rests on a systematic account of the ontological structures associated with various different sorts of language use. One of the most original features of Reinach's account lies in hIs demonstration of how the ontological structure of, say, an action of promising or of commanding, may be modified in different ways, yielding different sorts of non-standard instances of the (...) corresponding speech act varieties. The present paper is an attempt to apply this idea of standard and modified instances of ontological structures to the realm of judgement and cognition, and thereby to develop a Reinachian theory of how intentionality is mediated through language in acts of thinking and speaking. (shrink)

The theory of speech acts put forward by Adolf Reinach in his "The A Priori Foundations of the Civil Law" of 1913 rests on a systematic account of the ontological structures associated with various different sorts of language use. One of the most original features of Reinach's account lies in hIs demonstration of how the ontological structure of, say, an action of promising or of commanding, may be modified in different ways, yielding different sorts of non-standard instances of the (...) corresponding speech act varieties. The present paper is an attempt to apply this idea of standard and modified instances of ontological structures to the realm of judgement and cognition, and thereby to develop a Reinachian theory of how intentionality is mediated through language in acts of thinking and speaking. (shrink)

Reinach’s essay of 1911 establishes an ontological theory of logic, based on the notion of Sachverhalt or state of affairs. He draws on the theory of meaning and reference advanced in Husserl’s Logical Investigations and at the same time anticipates both Wittgenstein’s Tractatus and later speech act theorists’ ideas on performative utterances. The theory is used by Reinach to draw a distinction between two kinds of negative judgment: the simple negative judgment, which is made true by a negative state of (...) affairs; and the polemical negative judgment, which is a performative utterance in which the truth of some earlier judgment – typically a judgment made by some other person – is denied. (shrink)

In “Modern Abstract Sacrifice in Robespierre’s Terror and Hitler’s Holocaust,” I use Hegel’s analysis of Robespierre’s Terror in the Phenomenology and Adorno and Horkheimer’s analysis of the Nazi Holocaust in the Dialectic of Enlightenment to identify what I term “modern abstract sacrifice” as the dominant kind of instrumental destruction that took place during these nation-building mass-sacrifices. As I show, these events relied upon a justificatory instrumental logic—a sacrificial story—even if that sacrificial story broke down or was abandoned in practice, (...) in which case the destruction became indiscriminate rather than targeted. First, I analyze Hegel’s critique of the Reign of Terror, which he sees as a product of the immediate identity of the general will and the individual will: the revolutionaries collapsed the will of all and the will of each, rendering individuality as such logically impossible. As a result, all individuals became objects of suspicion worthy of sacrifice by guillotine, for the sake of guaranteeing the triumph of the state based on reason. Next, I analyze Adorno and Horkheimer’s critique of the fascist sacrifice of the Jewish people using their political-economic and pathological theories of antisemitism. Adorno and Horkheimer see fascist antisemitism as a manifestation of the logic of substitution, operative in both liberal capitalist ideology—in which the Jewish people represent the forces of capital, obsolete pre-modern tradition, and statelessness—as well as fascist ideology—in which the Jewish people represent the metaphysical forces of evil and “negativity as such.” Finally, I assert that the principal commonality between modern abstract sacrifice in the Terror and the Holocaust is the fact that the victims were all reduced to exchangeable representatives of an abstract category, in spite of the fact that their unique identities were indispensable for the ideological justification of these mass-sacrifices. (shrink)

Kalam cosmological arguments have recently been the subject of criticisms, at least inter alia, by physicists---Paul Davies, Stephen Hawking---and philosophers of science---Adolf Grunbaum. In a series of recent articles, William Craig has attempted to show that these criticisms are “superficial, iII-conceived, and based on misunderstanding.” I argue that, while some of the discussion of Davies and Hawking is not philosophically sophisticated, the points raised by Davies, Hawking and Grunbaum do suffice to undermine the dialectical efficacy of kalam cosmological arguments.

This dissertation engages in a critical analysis of the work of Adolf Reinach in the theory of knowledge and legal philosophy. Reinach had trained as a lawyer and brought that perspective and experience to bear in his phenomenological work on problems in evidence and legal philosophy. His contributions to phenomenology in the early 20th century provide a window into the earliest phases of the development of the phenomenological movement, prior to World War I. This dissertation locates this work in (...) the European intellectual context of the era and finds analogies with key philosophical dilemmas and developments in England during the same period, arguably ones with shared intellectual roots. Valued for his talent as an inspiring university lecturer, Reinach was a central figure in the circle of young scholars who practiced phenomenology in the spirit of the "early" "pre-Ideen" phase of phenomenology. The dissertation Appendices include translations of selected excerpts from the Nachlass. My translation of the obituary Edmund Husserl wrote and published following Adolf Reinach's death in WWI is published separately. Professor Raymond Klibansky was my supervisor and mentor throughout. (shrink)

The idea that all human beings have equal moral worth has been challenged by insisting that this is utterly counter-intuitive in the case of individuals like, for instance, Hitler on the one hand and Schweitzer on the other. This seems to be confirmed by a hypothetical in which one can only save one of the two: intuitively, one clearly should save Schweitzer, not Hitler, even if Hitler does not pose a threat anymore. The most natural interpretation of (...) this intuition appeals to unequal moral worth. Jeremy Waldron has recently tried to meet this challenge by giving a different interpretation, thereby trying to explain away the counter-intuitive implications of the basic equality doctrine in this case, and by suggesting that the rejection of basic equality comes with counter-intuitive implications of its own. I shall argue that Waldron’s response to the challenge fails on both counts. (shrink)

Adolf Loos is one of the few figures that Wittgenstein explicitly named as an influence on his thought. Loos’s influence has been debated in the context of determining Wittgenstein’s relation to modernism, as well as in attempts to come to terms with his work as an architect. This paper looks in a different direction, examining a remark in which Wittgenstein responded to Heidegger’s notorious pronouncement that ‘the Nothing noths’ by reference to Loos’s critique of ornamentation. Wittgenstein draws a parallel (...) between the requirement to start philosophy with an inarticulate sound and the need, in certain cultural periods, to highlight the borders of tablecloths using lace. Paying heed to Wittgenstein’s remark sheds further light on a Loosian influence at work in his thinking about modern civilization, both in his well-known ‘Lectures on Aesthetics’ and in the earlier notes from his 1930 lectures at Cambridge. (shrink)

Historical research has recently made it clear that, prior to Austin and Searle, the phenomenologist Adolf Reinach (1884-1917) developed a full-fledged theory of speech acts under the heading of what he called "social acts". He we consider a second instance of a speech act theory avant la lettre, which is to be found in the common sense philosophy of Thomas Reid (1710-1796). Reid’s s work, in contrast to that of Reinach, lacks both a unified approach and the detailed analyses (...) of pertinent examples. But his writings leave no doubt that he is acutely aware of the very problems concerning language structure and use out of which contemporary speech act theory has evolved and that he goes a good way towards solving these problems in the spirit of the modern theory. (shrink)

Where Humeans rule out the possibility of material or non-logical necessity, and thus of any associated knowledge a priori, the German legal philosopher Adolf Reinach defends the existence of a wide class of material necessities falling within the domain of what can be known a priori, for example in fields such as color and shape, rational psychology, law and economics. Categories such as promise or claim or obligation are, in Reinach’s view, exist as nodes in a system of necessary (...) relations, so that anyone who has experience of relevant instances of these categories is implicitly aware also of a corresponding family of relations to certain other categories – as for example that every promise implies a mutually correlated claim and obligation. Midway between the two extremes of Hume and Reinach stands Searle, who accepts necessary relations of the mentioned sorts, but sees them as human creations, following from ‘constitutive rules’ analogous to the rules of chess. We seek to demonstrate that Searle does not occupy a stable and acceptable half-way house between Hume and Reinach; that he, too, if he is to do justice to the very constitutive rules which form the center of his approach, must on pain of circularity embrace something like the Reinachian position. (shrink)

Provides a survey of the development of speech act theory from Aristotle through Reid and Peirce to Edmund Husserl, Anton Marty, Johannes Daubert, Adolf Reinach, and finally to Austin and Searle. A special role is played by Husserl's theory of objectifying acts (meaning, roughly, acts of naming or stating) and of the efforts by his followers to extend this theory to cover phenomena such as questioning and commanding. These efforts culminated in the work of Adolf Reinach, who developed (...) the first systematic theory of speech acts in connection with his monograph of 1913 on “The A Priori Foundations of the Civil Law”. (shrink)

This paper analyzes the objections of Adolf Reinach to Kant’s transcendental apriorism, shedding light on (1) the speculative distance separating their conceptions of philosophy (namely Reinach’s phenomenology and Kant’s transcendental critique), and (2) the consequential misunderstanding which is at the core of Reinach’s confrontation with Kant. In particular, attention is paid to the issue of the transcendental constitution of objectness, i.e. the question of the givenness of an object with respect to certain functions proper to the subject. In order (...) to illustrate how such a concept is completely absent in Reinach, I will compare his position with those of Husserl, in their relations with Kant’s interpretation of Hume’s philosophy. (shrink)

The dominant theory of judgment in 1870 was one or other variety of combination theory: the act of judgment is an act of combining concepts or ideas in the mind of the judging subject. In the decades to follow a succession of alternative theories arose to address defects in the combination theory, starting with Bolzano’s theory of propositions in themselves, Brentano’s theory of judgment as affirmation or denial of existence, theories distinguishing judgment act from judgment content advanced by Brentano’s students (...) Twardowski, Husserl and Meinong, and finally, Adolf Reinach’s addition of a linguistic dimension to the Brentano-Husserlian theory of judgment – an account of judgments as ways of doing things with words in what Reinach called ‘social acts’. (shrink)

The paper investigates the role played by ethical deliberation and ethical judgment in Wittgenstein's early thought in the light of twentieth?century German legal philosophy. In particular the theories of the phenomenologists Adolf Reinach, Wilhelm Schapp, and Gerhart Husserl are singled out, as resting on ontologies which are structurally similar to that of the Tractatus: in each case it is actual and possible Sachverhalte which constitute the prime ontological category. The study of the relationship between the states of affairs depicted, (...) e.g., in the sentences of a legal trial and prior fact?complexes to which these may correspond suggests one possible connecting link between the logical and ontological sections of the Tractatus and the ethical reflections appearing at the end. It is argued that the latter can best be understood in terms of the idea of a ?last judgment? (with its associated ethical rewards and punishments) which would relate to the world as a whole as a penal trial relates to individual complexes of facts. (shrink)

The dominant theory of judgment in 1870 was one or other variety of combination theory: the act of judgment is an act of combining concepts or ideas in the mind of the judging subject. In the decades to follow a succession of alternative theories arose to address defects in the combination theory, starting with Bolzano’s theory of propositions in themselves, Brentano’s theory of judgment as affirmation or denial of existence, theories distinguishing judgment act from judgment content advanced by Brentano’s students (...) Twardowski, Husserl and Meinong, and finally, Adolf Reinach’s addition of a linguistic dimension to the Brentano-Husserlian theory of judgment – an account of judgments as ways of doing things with words in what Reinach called ‘social acts’. (shrink)

Both ‘Sachverhalt’ and ‘state of affairs’ seem to have been derived from the juridical ‘status’ in the sense of 'status rerum' meaning: state or constitution of things. ‘Status’ signifies also in an extended sense ‘the way things stand, the condition or peculiarity of a thing in regard to its circumstances, position, order’. We describe the history of usage of ‘Sachverhalt’ from these beginnings, addressing the role of Goclenius, Lotze, Stumpf, Husserl and Adolf Reinach, whose theory of the relations between (...) judgment and Sachverhalt served as one starting point for the development of Reinach’s theory of speech acts in 1913. (shrink)

"Crooked people deceive themselves in order to deceive others; in this way the world comes to ruin." This quote from a medieval Confucianist expresses the ethical danger of self-deception. My paper examines the psychological proclivity for self-deception and argues that it lies behind much social and interpersonal injustice. I review Hitler's Mein Kampf, as a premiere example of such cognitive duplicity, and Socratic dialectic, as an example of the cognitive hygiene necessary to combat it. I conclude that a robust (...) educational program of Socratic-style critical thinking is crucial to the furtherance of a just society. (shrink)

Autobiographical survey of interactions between the author and Barry Smith, especially as concerns the background and influence of the Seminar for Austro-German Philosophy and work on the relevance of Adolf Reinach, Roman Ingarden and other Central-European thinkers to contemporary analytic philosophy.

Provides a survey of the development of speech act theory from Aristotle through Reid and Peirce to Edmund Husserl, Anton Marty, Johannes Daubert, Adolf Reinach, and finally to Austin and Searle. A special role is played by Husserl's theory of objectifying acts (meaning, roughly, acts of naming or stating) and of the efforts by his followers to extend this theory to cover phenomena such as questioning and commanding. These efforts culminated in the work of Adolf Reinach, who developed (...) the first systematic theory of speech acts in connection with his monograph of 1913 on “The A Priori Foundations of the Civil Law”. (shrink)

Adolf Reinach belongs to the Brentanian lineage of Austrian Aristotelianism. His theory of social acts is well known, but his account of ownership has been mostly overlooked. This paper introduces and defends Reinach’s account of ownership. Ownership, for Reinach, is not a bundle of property rights. On the contrary, he argues that ownership is a primitive and indivisible relation between a person and a thing that grounds property rights. Most importantly, Reinach asserts that the nature ownership is not determined (...) by positive law but presupposed by it. Some have objected that such realism raises insuperable difficulties as to the origin of ownership, difficulties that could only be dealt with under a more conventionalist approach. I argue that the independence of the nature ownership from positive law is, in fact, compatible with the claim that its existence is dependent on human conventions. (shrink)

Hitlers Ernennung zum Reichskanzler am 30. Januar 1933 brachte eine radikale Veränderung der politischen und staatlichen Strukturen mit sich. Erklärtes Ziel der Nationalsozialisten war, die Übertragung der Kanzlerschaft als Instrument zur umfassenden Machtausübung zu benützen. Die Strategie richtete sich von Beginn an auf die Ausschaltung des Reichstages und das Verbot der anderen politischen Parteien. Die Einschränkung der in der Weimarer Verfassung garantierten Grundrechte und Grundfreiheiten sollte die völlige Kontrolle politischer Gegner ermöglichen und absichern.

Abstract: This paper is a response to Park Seungbae’s article, “Defence of Cultural Relativism”. Some of the typical criticisms of moral relativism are the following: moral relativism is erroneously committed to the principle of tolerance, which is a universal principle; there are a number of objective moral rules; a moral relativist must admit that Hitler was right, which is absurd; a moral relativist must deny, in the face of evidence, that moral progress is possible; and, since every individual belongs (...) to multiple cultures at once, the concept of moral relativism is vague. Park argues that such contentions do not affect moral relativism and that the moral relativist may respond that the value of tolerance, Hitler’s actions, and the concept of culture are themselves relative. In what follows, I show that Park’s adroit strategy is unsuc-cessful. Consequently, moral relativism is incoherent. (shrink)

A collection of discussions of possible influences on Wittgenstein when he was writing the Tractatus, includes treatments of Reinach and Meinong.

A collection of material on Husserl's Logical Investigations, and specifically on Husserl's formal theory of parts, wholes and dependence and its influence in ontology, logic and psychology. Includes translations of classic works by Adolf Reinach and Eugenie Ginsberg, as well as original contributions by Wolfgang Künne, Kevin Mulligan, Gilbert Null, Barry Smith, Peter M. Simons, Roger A. Simons and Dallas Willard. Documents work on Husserl's ontology arising out of early meetings of the Seminar for Austro-German Philosophy.

Hannah Arendt's rich and varied political thought is more influential today than ever before, due in part to the collapse of communism and the need for ideas that move beyond the old ideologies of the Cold War. As Dana Villa shows, however, Arendt's thought is often poorly understood, both because of its complexity and because her fame has made it easy for critics to write about what she is reputed to have said rather than what she actually wrote. Villa sets (...) out to change that here, explaining clearly, carefully, and forcefully Arendt's major contributions to our understanding of politics, modernity, and the nature of political evil in our century.Villa begins by focusing on some of the most controversial aspects of Arendt's political thought. He shows that Arendt's famous idea of the banality of evil--inspired by the trial of Adolf Eichmann--does not, as some have maintained, lessen the guilt of war criminals by suggesting that they are mere cogs in a bureaucratic machine. He examines what she meant when she wrote that terror was the essence of totalitarianism, explaining that she believed Nazi and Soviet terror served above all to reinforce the totalitarian idea that humans are expendable units, subordinate to the all-determining laws of Nature or History. Villa clarifies the personal and philosophical relationship between Arendt and Heidegger, showing how her work drew on his thought while providing a firm repudiation of Heidegger's political idiocy under the Nazis. Less controversially, but as importantly, Villa also engages with Arendt's ideas about the relationship between political thought and political action. He explores her views about the roles of theatricality, philosophical reflection, and public-spiritedness in political life. And he explores what relationship, if any, Arendt saw between totalitarianism and the "great tradition" of Western political thought. Throughout, Villa shows how Arendt's ideas illuminate contemporary debates about the nature of modernity and democracy and how they deepen our understanding of philosophers ranging from Socrates and Plato to Habermas and Leo Strauss.Direct, lucid, and powerfully argued, this is a much-needed analysis of the central ideas of one of the most influential political theorists of the twentieth century. (shrink)

There are a number of different senses of the term “evil.” We examine in this paper the term “evil” when it is used to say things such as: “what Hitler did was not merely wrong, it was evil”, and “Hitler was not merely a bad person, he was an evil person”. Failing to keep a promise or telling a white lie may be morally wrong, but unlike genocide or sadistic torture, it is not evil in this sense. In (...) this paper we analyze the specific moral difference between “evil” and “mere wrongdoing”. In so doing we shall defend a specific conception of what acts and which persons should count as evil. On the view defended in this paper it is a necessary feature of an evil act that the victim of that act suffer what would at least normally be a life-wrecking or life-ending harm. (shrink)

Walter Dubislav (1895–1937) was a leading member of the Berlin Group for scientific philosophy. This “sister group” of the more famous Vienna Circle emerged around Hans Reichenbach’s seminars at the University of Berlin in 1927 and 1928. Dubislav was to collaborate with Reichenbach, an association that eventuated in their conjointly conducting university colloquia. Dubislav produced original work in philosophy of mathematics, logic, and science, consequently following David Hilbert’s axiomatic method. This brought him to defend formalism in these disciplines as well (...) as to explore the problems of substantiating (Begründung) human knowledge. Dubislav also developed elements of general philosophy of science. Sadly, the political changes in Germany in 1933 proved ruinous to Dubislav. He published scarcely anything after Hitler came to power and in 1937 committed suicide under tragic circumstances. The intent here is to pass in review Dubislav’s philosophy of logic, mathematics, and science and so to shed light on some seminal yet hitherto largely neglected currents in the history of philosophy of science. (shrink)

Although Wilhelm Dilthey and Franz Brentano apparently were pursuing roughly the same objective—to offer a description of our mental functions and of their relations to objects—and both called their respective research programs ‘descriptive psychology’, they seem to have used the term to refer to two different methods of psychological research. In this article, I compare analyses of these differences. Against the reading of Orth but also against a possible application of recent relativist accounts of the epistemology of peer disagreement to (...) this case, I argue that their apparent shared objective is not enough to support an understanding of their views as two alternatives within a given historical or scientific context, or as a mutual peer disagreement. I show that the impression of a shared objective can be explained away as stemming from the influence of their teacher Adolf Trendelenburg, and I stress that the case of introspection strongly suggests that an account in terms of peer disagreement is not plausible. Finally, I conclude that the opposition between two traditions, Austrian philosophy and historicism, might be better suited to account for the dispute and its apparent common historical context. (shrink)

I attempt to rebut the following standard objections against cultural relativism: 1. It is self-defeating for a cultural relativist to take the principle of tolerance as absolute; 2. There are universal moral rules, contrary to what cultural relativism claims; 3. If cultural relativism were true, Hitler’s genocidal actions would be right, social reformers would be wrong to go against their own culture, moral progress would be impossible, and an atrocious crime could be made moral by forming a culture which (...) approves of it; 4. Cultural relativism is silent about how large a group must be in order to be a culture, and which culture we should follow when we belong to two cultures with conflicting moralities. (shrink)

Hope and Memory: Lessons from the Twentieth Century by Tzvetan Todorov; David Bellos The Dictators: Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russia by Richard Overy Stalinism and Nazism: History and Memory Compared by Henry Rousso; Lucy B. Golsan Stalinism and Nazism: Dictatorships in Comparison by Ian Kershaw; Moshe Lewin Did Somebody Say Totalitarianism? Five Interventions in the use of a Notion by Slavoj Zizek.

In this paper, I relate key features of Adolf Reinach’s abundant ontology of propositional states of affairs of his to Armstrong’s—or an Armstrongian—state of affairs ontology, with special regard to finding out how sparse or abundant the latter is with respect to negative states of affairs. After introducing the issue, I clarify the notion of a propositional state of affairs, paying special attention to the notion of abstract versus concrete. I show how Reinach’s states of affairs are propositional, and (...) how they compare with Chisholm’s well-known propositional states of affairs. In the next section, I outline Reinach’s five roles for states of affairs and show that only one of them is relevant to Armstrongian state of affairs ontology. In the following section, I utilise this role to create a ranking of state of affairs ontologies according to how abundant they are. It is, however, unclear which level Armstrongian state of affairs ontology is at, since it is unclear if, like Reinach’s ontology, it includes negative states of affairs. In the final section, I argue that the answer is a qualified ‘yes’, i.e. it does not occupy the sparsest level. (shrink)