Results for 'political freedom'

966 found
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  1. Hannah Arendt: Existential phenomenology and political freedom.Wayne F. Allen - 1982 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 9 (2):170-190.
    This paper has three purposes: first, to explicate the ex istential basis of Arendt's theory of action. This will be done by first tracing the intellectual derivation of Arendt's existentialism and the modifications she made to fit it in to her public realm. Second, I will demonstrate the con nection between Arendt's existentialism and her formula tion of political freedom. Third, I will illustrate throughout that Arendt's political ideas, if they are to be properly understood, must be (...)
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  2. Without a Voice of One's Own: Aphonia as an Obstacle to Political Freedom.Joonas S. Martikainen - 2021 - Acta Philosophica Fennica 97:105–128.
    In this article I use Maurice Merleau-Ponty’s existential phenomenology as a method for presenting a disclosing critique of aphonia as the loss of a political voice of one’s own. I claim that aphonia is a phenomenon that is qualitatively different from a lack of opportunities for democratic participation and a lack of the communicative capabilities required for effective political participation. I give examples from sociological literature on social exclusion and political apathy, and then diagnose them using Merleau-Ponty’s (...)
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  3. Political Poverty as the Loss of Experiential Freedom.Joonas S. Martikainen - 2021 - Dissertation, University of Helsinki
    The purpose of this dissertation is to design a conception of political poverty that can address the loss of the experience of political freedom. This form of political poverty is described as separate from poverty of resources and opportunities, and poverty of capabilities required for participation. The study aims to make intelligible how a person or a group can suffer from a diminishing and fracturing of social experience, which can lead to the inability to experience oneself (...)
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  4. Political rights, republican freedom, and temporary workers.Alex Sager - 2014 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy 17 (2):189-211.
    I defend a neo-republican account of the right to have political rights. Neo-republican freedom from domination is a sufficient condition for the extension of political rights not only for permanent residents, but also for temporary residents, unauthorized migrants, and some expatriates. I argue for the advantages of the neo-republican account over the social membership account, the affected-interest account, the stakeholder account, and accounts based on the justification of state coercion.
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  5. Negative Freedom or Objective Good: A Recurring Dilemma in the Foundations of Politics.Marek Piechowiak - 2007 - In Halina Taborska & Jan S. Wojciechowski (eds.), Dokąd zmierza Europa – przywództwo – idee – wartości. Where Europe Is Going – Leadership – Ideas – Values. Akademia Humanistyczna im. Aleksandra Gieysztora. pp. 537-544.
    Two competing models of metaaxiological justification of politics are analyzed. Politics is understood broadly, as actions which aim at organizing social life. I will be, first of all, interested in law making activities. When I talk about metaaxiological justification I think not so much about determinations of what is good, but about determinations refering to the way the good is founded, in short: determinations which answer the question why something is good. In the first model, which is described here as (...)
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  6. Freedom as Overcoming the Fear of Death: Epicureanism in the Subtitle of Spinoza’s Theological Political Treatise.Dimitris Vardoulakis - 2020 - Parrhesia 32:33-60.
    It is often put forward that the entire political project of epicureanism consists in the overcoming of fear, whereby its scope is deemed to be very narrow. I argue that the overcoming of the fear of death should actually be linked to a conception of freedom in epicureanism. This idea is further developed by Spinoza, who defines the free man as one who thinks of death least of all in the Ethics, and who develops this idea more in (...)
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  7.  53
    Freedom, Earth, World: An Arendtian Eco-Politics of Dissent.Jonathan Wren - 2021 - Hannaharendtnet 1 (11):50-72.
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  8. Hannah Arendt, Liberalism, and Freedom from Politics.Kei Hiruta - 2019 - In Arendt on Freedom, Liberation, and Revolution. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 17-45.
    Arendt presents her defense of political freedom as a challenge to the liberal convention, which allegedly conceptualizes freedom as “freedom from politics.” But her comments on liberal theories of freedom are scattered and unsystematic, and they raise a series of questions. Is her understanding of liberal freedom accurate? If it is not, why does she misconstrue liberal freedom as she does? And does her limited understanding of liberalism undermine her defense of political (...)
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  9. The Impact of Political Change on the State of Academia Including Academic Freedom in the Arab World: Libya as a Case Study.Mabruk Derbesh - 2019 - Global Society 34 (2):245-259,.
    Furthering Western style academic freedom has been challenging, as Arab countries, especially Libya, have known only autocratic regimes throughout their modern existence. Amidst its current political and social upheaval, Libyan society is drifting towards the unknown. The problem addressed in this study is the impact of political change on the state of academia but, more specifically, academic freedom. Since the intervention in Libya by NATO states, many academics have lost their jobs. Some have become refugees outside (...)
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  10. Autonomy, Equality, and Freedom: Commentary and Expansion on Three Central Political Concepts.Lantz Fleming Miller - manuscript
    Autonomy, equality and freedom often appear to be significantly interrelated with one another. However, it has been a challenge to unite these concepts. This article attempts to take up the challenge and demonstrate how these interrelate: .
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  11. Human Rights, Freedom, and Political Authority.Laura Valentini - 2012 - Political Theory 40 (5):573-601.
    In this article, I sketch a Kant-inspired liberal account of human rights: the freedom-centred view. This account conceptualizes human rights as entitlements that any political authority—any state in the first instance—must secure to qualify as a guarantor of its subjects' innate right to freedom. On this picture, when a state (or state-like institution) protects human rights, it reasonably qualifies as a moral agent to be treated with respect. By contrast, when a state (or state-like institution) fails to (...)
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  12. Freedom and its unavoidable trade‐off.Lars J. K. Moen - 2024 - Analytic Philosophy 65 (1):22–36.
    In the debate on how we ought to define political freedom, some definitions are criticized for implying that no one can ever be free to perform any action. In this paper, I show how the possibility of freedom depends on a definition that finds an appropriate balance between absence of interference and protection against interference. To assess the possibility of different conceptions of freedom, I consider the trade-offs they make between these two dimensions. I find that (...)
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  13. Freedom‐amelioration, transformative change, and emancipatory orders.Lukas Schmid - 2022 - European Journal of Philosophy 30 (4):1378-1392.
    Abstract“Freedom” is a fundamental political concept: contestations or endorsements of freedom-conceptions concern the fundamental normative orientation of sociopolitical orders. Focusing on “freedom,” this article argues that the project of bringing about emancipatory sociopolitical orders is both aided by efforts at engineering fundamental political concepts as well as required by such ameliorative ambitions. I first argue that since the absence of ideology is a constituent feature of emancipatory orders, any attempt at bringing about emancipation should leverage (...)
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  14. Republican Freedom and Liberal Neutrality.Lars Moen - 2023 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 26 (2):325–348.
    Institutions promoting republican freedom as non-domination are commonly believed to differ significantly from institutions promoting negative freedom as non-interference. Philip Pettit, the most prominent contemporary defender of this view, also maintains that these republican institutions are neutral between the different conceptions of the good that characterise a modern society. This paper shows why these two views are incompatible. By analysing the institutional requirements Pettit takes as constitutive of republican freedom, I show how they also promote negative (...) by reducing overall interference. To avoid this result, republican institutions must be more restrictive and require that citizens conform to a life of political engagement. But then republican freedom will not be a neutral ideal. Rejecting negative freedom therefore means sacrificing neutrality. (shrink)
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  15. On Plantation Politics: Citizenship and Antislavery Resistance in Douglass’s My Bondage and My Freedom.Philip Yaure - 2022 - Philosophical Studies 180 (3):871-891.
    In republican political philosophy, citizenship is a status that is constituted by one’s participation in the public life of the polity. In its traditional formulation, republican citizenship is an exclusionary and hierarchical way of defining a polity’s membership, because the domain of activity that qualifies as participating in the polity’s public life is highly restricted. I argue that Black American abolitionist Frederick Douglass advances a radically inclusive conception of republican citizenship by articulating a deeply capacious account of what it (...)
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  16. Wedding Cakes and Muslims: Religious Freedom and Politics in contemporary American legal practice.Jon Mahoney - 2019 - Politologija 1:25-36.
    This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpiece Cake Shop v Colorado Civil Rights Commission and Trump v Hawaii. In Masterpiece the Court ruled against the state of Colorado on grounds that religious bias on the part of state officials undermines government’s authority to enforce a policy that might otherwise be constitutional. In Trump the Court ruled in favor of an executive order severely restricting immigration from seven countries, five of which are Muslim majority. (...)
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  17. Alienation, Freedom, and Dignity.Pablo Gilabert - 2020 - Philosophical Topics 48 (2):51-80.
    The topic of alienation has fallen out of fashion in social and political philosophy. It used to be salient, especially in socialist thought and in debates about labor practices in capitalism. Although the lack of identification of people with their working lives—their alienation as workers—remains practically important, normative engagement with it has been set back by at least four objections. They concern the problems of essentialist views, a mishandling of the distinction between the good and the right, the danger (...)
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  18. Universities and other Institutions – not Hate Speech Laws – are a threat to Freedom of Political Speech.Sigri Gaïni - 2022 - Etikk I Praksis - Nordic Journal of Applied Ethics 1:5-19.
    _One of the strongest arguments against hate speech legislation is the so-called Argument from Political Speech. This argument problematizes the restrictions that might be placed on political opinions or political critique when these opinions are expressed in a way which can be interpreted as ‘hateful’ towards minority groups. One of the strongest free speech scholars opposing hate speech legislation is Ronald Dworkin, who stresses that having restrictions on hate speech is, in fact, illegitimate in a liberal democracy. (...)
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  19. Republican freedom and the rule of law.Christian List - 2006 - Politics, Philosophy and Economics 5 (2):201-220.
    At the core of republican thought, on Philip Pettit’s account, lies the conception of freedom as non-domination, as opposed to freedom as noninterference in the liberal sense. I revisit the distinction between liberal and republican freedom and argue that republican freedom incorporates a particular rule-of-law requirement, whereas liberal freedom does not. Liberals may also endorse such a requirement, but not as part of their conception of freedom itself. I offer a formal analysis of this (...)
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  20.  42
    Political correctness und Gendersprache in Medien und Wissenschaft (Political correctness and gender language in media and science).Steffen M. Diebold - 2024 - Aufklärung Und Kritik 31 (3):215-217.
    Public discourse is increasingly characterized by a climate of intolerance, a culture of exclusion (cancel culture) and thinking in categories of political correctness. (German) language is systematically manipulated by public broadcasting in line with a gender political agenda. A more and more uncritical and ideologically coloured trend journalism is on the rise there. The Freedom and quality of science are also methodically undermined due to nonproven and populist claims. -/- Der Öffentliche Diskurs ist zunehmend geprägt von einem (...)
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  21. The freedom we mean: A causal independence account of creativity and academic freedom.Maria Kronfeldner - 2021 - European Journal for Philosophy of Science 11 (2):1-23.
    Academic freedom has often been defended in a progressivist manner: without academic freedom, creativity would be in peril, and with it the advancement of knowledge, i.e. the epistemic progress in science. In this paper, I want to critically discuss the limits of such a progressivist defense of academic freedom, also known under the label ‘argument from truth.’ The critique is offered, however, with a constructive goal in mind, namely to offer an alternative account that connects creativity and (...)
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  22. Freedom as ethical practices: On the possibility of freedom through freeganism and freecycling in Hong Kong.L. Lou - 2019 - Asian Anthropology 18 (4).
    Although the idea of freedom has been well studied as an ideal in political philosophy, relatively little scholarship has focused on the human experience of freedom. Drawing on ethnographic research between 2012 and 2013, I examine how freedom was achieved by people who practice freeganism and freecycling in Hong Kong. I show that the freedom that these people pursue, either individually or collectively, is not a freedom without constraints but a freedom that must (...)
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  23. Taking Freedom Seriously: A Pre-Legal Model of Freedom, Interferences, Rights and Duties.Mike Huben - manuscript
    Freedom, liberty and rights are terms that long have suffered from vagueness that allows a host of differing interpretations, most of them ideological and overly simplistic. Good, serious modeling descriptions of those terms would not overlook the necessary complexity involved in these social interactions. MacCallum’s idea of (political and social) triadic freedom is here extended to include resources, ability, externalities, benefits to the exerciser, and reasons for non-interference. Interference is described as a subset of freedoms with significant (...)
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  24. Freedom and the Imaginary Dimension of Society.Shahin Nasiri - 2020 - Iranian Yearbook of Phenomenology 1 (1):217-238.
    The notion of 'freedom' has gained an emblematic character in contemporary political discourse. It is, commonly, viewed as the central value and political goal of modern societies. Similarly, human rights documents conceive of freedom as their founding principle with universal validity. In contradistinction to this prevalent approach to freedom, this paper aims to demonstrate that freedom is, primarily, a political signifier with social-historical variability. One cannot, therefore, simply and uncritically assume that freedom (...)
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  25. Freedom as Critique. Foucault Beyond Anarchism.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Philosophy and Social Criticism 46.
    Foucault's theory of power and subjectification challenges common concepts of freedom in social philosophy and expands them through the concept of 'freedom as critique': Freedom can be defined as the capability to critically reflect one's own subjectification, and the conditions of possibility for this critical capacity lie in political and social institutions. The article develops this concept through a critical discussion of the standard response by Foucault interpreters to the standard objection that Foucault's thinking obscures (...). The standard response interprets Fou-cault's later works, especially The Subject and Power, as a solution to the problem of freedom. It is mistaken, because it conflates different concepts of freedom that are present in Foucault's work. By differentiating these concepts, this paper proposes a new institutionalist approach to solve the problem of freedom that breaks with the partly anarchist underpinnings of Foucault scholarship: As freedom as critique is not given, but itself a result of subjectification, it entails a demand for 'modal robustness' and must therefore be institutionalized. This approach helps to draw out the consequences of Foucault's thinking on freedom for postfoundationalist democratic theory and the general social-philosophical discussion on freedom. (shrink)
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  26. The Gender Wars, Academic Freedom and Education.Judith Suissa & Alice Sullivan - 2021 - Journal of Philosophy of Education 55 (1):55-82.
    Philosophical arguments regarding academic freedom can sometimes appear removed from the real conflicts playing out in contemporary universities. This paper focusses on a set of issues at the front line of these conflicts, namely, questions regarding sex, gender and gender identity. We document the ways in which the work of academics has been affected by political activism around these questions and, drawing on our respective disciplinary expertise as a sociologist and a philosopher, elucidate the costs of curtailing discussion (...)
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  27. (1 other version)Academic Freedom and University: The Case of Azerbaijan.Ilkin Huseynli - 2021 - In V. Frangville, A. Merlin, J. Sfeir & P.-E. Vandamme (eds.), La liberté académique : Enjeux et menaces. pp. 133-143.
    I argue that Azerbaijani universities are a façade masking an ulterior motive. I examine the difficult relationship between authoritarian power and the university in Azerbaijan through the study of coercive policies put in place by university administrators preventing free thought and hampering the freedom of academics. My central thesis is that the university is a place where researchers should be able to teach and conduct their research freely, without any hindrance from their administrators. However, in authoritarian countries, such as (...)
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  28. Daoist Freedom, Psychological Hygiene, and Social Criticism.Yun Tang - 2023 - Comparative Philosophy 14 (2):134-150.
    The article explores the inner logic and defining features of Daoist freedom. It argues that Daoist freedom can be meaningfully understood as psychological hygiene, and it suggests that Daoist xuan-jie (懸解) can be rendered possible only if one can rid oneself of intensional suffering—an idea ultimately inspired by Friedrich Nietzsche. This comparative approach enables the article to contribute to the received way of understanding Daoist freedom by stressing its dialectics: by being at ease with one’s social and (...)
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  29. Freedom, Equality, and Justifiability to All: Reinterpreting Liberal Legitimacy.Emil Andersson - 2022 - The Journal of Ethics 26 (4):591-612.
    According to John Rawls’s famous Liberal Principle of Legitimacy, the exercise of political power is legitimate only if it is justifiable to all citizens. The currently dominant interpretation of what is justifiable to persons in this sense is an internalist one. On this view, what is justifiable to persons depends on their beliefs and commitments. In this paper I challenge this reading of Rawls’s principle, and instead suggest that it is most plausibly interpreted in externalist terms. On this alternative (...)
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  30. Freedom.Susanne Bobzien - 2011 - In Hubert Cancik, Christine F. Salazar & et al (eds.), Brill's New Pauly. Brill.
    ABSTRACT: One-page entry on freedom in the philosophical (as opposed to political) sense in antiquity, noting (among other things) that a notion of freedom of choice that requires that the person not be causally predetermined in his/her actions is developed only in the 1st-3rd cents. CE in Alexander of Aphrodisias, building on elements of Aristotelian ethics and logic, Stoic psychology and perhaps Christian and Middle Platonic influences. Both German version (1998) and English translation (2011).
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  31. Academic freedom and knowledge tradition of the Arab heritage.Mabruk Derbesh - 2023 - On the Horizon (ahead-of-print):1.
    Although academic freedom lies at the philosophical core of early Arab-Islamic advancement of knowledge and its tradition of free inquiry, academic freedom is currently under scrutiny. This is evidenced by the many ways the concept is widely misunderstood, resisted, contested, and subject to different interpretations by the Arab political elite. While the impediment of freedom of thought tends to be the fundamental signature of totalitarian political regimes, the idea or practice has spread beyond these limitations. (...)
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  32. Kantian Freedom as “Purposiveness”.Ava Thomas Wright - 2022 - Kant Studien 113 (4):640-658.
    Arthur Ripstein’s conception of Kantian freedom has exerted an enormous recent influence on scholars of Kant’s political philosophy; however, the conception seems to me flawed. In this paper, I argue that Ripstein’s conception of Kantian freedom as “your capacity to choose the ends you will use your means to pursue” – your “purposiveness” – is both too narrow and too broad: (1) Wrongful acts such as coercive threats cannot choose my ends for me; instead, such acts wrongfully (...)
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  33.  44
    Religious Freedom v. Sex Equality.Sarah Song - 2006 - Theory and Research in Education 4 (1):23-40.
    This essay examines Susan Moller Okin’s writing on conflicts between religious freedom and sex equality, and her criticism of ‘political liberal’ approaches to these conflicts, which I take to be a part of her lifelong critique of the public–private distinction. I argue that, while Okin ultimately accepted a version of the distinction, she was much less hopeful than most liberal theorists that private actions could be made just without a great deal of public coercion. This comes through especially (...)
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  34. The politics of becoming: Disidentification as radical democratic practice.Hans Asenbaum - 2021 - European Journal of Social Theory 24 (1):86-104.
    Current radical democratic politics is characterized by new participatory spaces for citizens’ engagement, which aim at facilitating the democratic ideals of freedom and equality. These spaces are, however, situated in the context of deep societal inequalities. Modes of discrimination are carried over into participatory interaction. The democratic subject is judged by its physically embodied appearance, which replicates external hierarchies and impedes the freedom of self-expression. To tackle this problem, this article seeks to identify ways to increase the (...) of the subject to explore its multiple self. Understanding the self as inherently fugitive, the article investigates participatory, deliberative and agonistic concepts of self-transformation. As all of them appear limited, it introduces a transformative perspective in democratic thought. Enriching the transformative perspective with queer and gender theory, the article generates the concept of a politics of becoming, which, through radical democratic practices of disidentification, advances the freedom of the subject to change. (shrink)
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  35. Market Freedom as Antipower.Robert S. Taylor - 2013 - American Political Science Review 107 (3):593-602.
    Historically, republicans were of different minds about markets: some, such as Rousseau, reviled them, while others, like Adam Smith, praised them. The recent republican resurgence has revived this issue. Classical liberals such as Gerald Gaus contend that neo-republicanism is inherently hostile to markets, while neo-republicans like Richard Dagger and Philip Pettit reject this characterization—though with less enthusiasm than one might expect. I argue here that the right republican attitude toward competitive markets is celebratory rather than acquiescent and that republicanism demands (...)
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  36. Republican freedom, domination, and ignorability.Anar Jafarov & Ilkin Huseynli - 2022 - Journal of Political Power 16.
    Some argue that republican freedom is impossible because since it is always possible that a person or a group of persons possesses arbitrary power to interfere with individuals, no one is free to do anything. To avoid this challenge, in their recent article, Sean Ingham and Frank Lovett invoke the notion of ignorability in terms of which they offer a moderate interpretation of republican freedom. On their view, B is free from A to φ if A’s possible types (...)
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  37. Longtermist Political Philosophy: An Agenda for Future Research.Andreas T. Schmidt & Jacob Barrett - forthcoming - In Jacob Barrett, Hilary Greaves & David Thorstad (eds.), Essays on Longtermism. Oxford University Press.
    We set out longtermist political philosophy as a research field by exploring the case for, and the implications of, ‘institutional longtermism’: the view that, when evaluating institutions, we should give significant weight to their very long-term effects. We begin by arguing that the standard case for longtermism may be more robust when applied to institutions than to individual actions or policies, both because institutions have large, broad, and long-term effects, and because institutional longtermism can plausibly sidestep various objections to (...)
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  38. Denying Liberty in Order to Make Room for Freedom: Liberalism, Conservatism, and Kant's Political Philosophy.Vadim Chaly - 2015 - Voprosi Filosofii (The Problems of Philosophy) 9:66-78.
    The aim of this essay is to clarify the meaning and extent of Kant's liberalism by contrasting some of his key ideas to those of Burke, Hobbes, Machiavelli, Nozick, Rawls, and Schmitt. My claim is that Kant's political philosophy navigates the path between the extremes of liberalism and conservatism, just as his theoretical philosophy tries to navigate between dogmatism and skepticism, and that current liberal claim on Kant has important limitations in Kant's letter, as well as in spirit.
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  39.  78
    The Politics of Nationalism, Human Development and Global Peace.Saad Malook - 2023 - Research Journal for Societal Issues 5 (2):428-439.
    This article investigates whether the politics of nationalism fosters human development and global peace. Nationalism is a political ideology that primarily gives birth to nation-states based on particular shared identities, such as religion, race, culture, or language. Empirical evidence shows that nationalism causes conflicts, which leads to violence, terrorism or war. On the one hand, nationalism gives birth to nation-states; on the other hand, it creates hostility in the world. However, Lahouari Addi argues that giving birth to nations and (...)
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  40. Review of Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion. [REVIEW]Jason Springs - Spring 2017 - The Review of Politics 79 (2):316-319.
    Book Review of Elizabeth Shakman Hurd, Beyond Religious Freedom: The New Global Politics of Religion.
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  41. Agency and Inner Freedom.Michael Garnett - 2017 - Noûs 51 (1):3-23.
    This paper concerns the relationship between two questions. The first is a question about inner freedom: What is it to be rendered unfree, not by external obstacles, but by aspects of oneself? The second is a question about agency: What is it to fail at being a thing that genuinely acts, and instead to be a thing that is merely acted upon, passive in relation to its own behaviour? It is widely believed that answers to the first question must (...)
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  42. La Boétie and the Neo-Roman Conception of Freedom.Marta García-Alonso - 2013 - History of European Ideas 39 (3):317-334.
    Freedom as a natural right, the importance of consent, defending the idea that government should be in the hands of the most virtuous and reflective citizens, denouncing patronage, the need to link individual and political freedom ? These are some of the characteristics of La Boétie's doctrine that I believe place him within the tradition that Quentin Skinner calls the neo-Roman conception of civil liberty. Of course, La Boétie did not write a positive defence of the rule (...)
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  43. Freedoms and Rights in a Levinasian Society of Neighbors.Marlon Jesspher B. De Vera - 2016 - Symposion: Theoretical and Applied Inquiries in Philosophy and Social Sciences 3 (2):163-173.
    This paper attempts to argue that a radically different notion of freedoms and rights that originates from the other, that is founded on the infinite responsibility for the other, and that demands an encounter with the other as pure alterity, could be a plausible starting point towards the conception and possible realization of a Levinasian society of neighbors. First, an explication is made on why a radical change in the area of freedoms and rights could be the starting point towards (...)
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  44.  83
    Fugitive Freedom in Spinoza.Hasana Sharp - 2024 - Philosophy, Politics and Critique 1 (2):201-218.
    Abstract. Drawing on Black radical thought, some political theorists have elaborated a notion of ‘fugitive freedom’ that challenges us to understand freedom beyond the canonical concepts of ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ liberty. The idea of fugitive freedom concerns the vast liminal space between being enslaved and enjoying complete political (or ethical) liberty. Whereas for traditional political theory, there are two ‘conditions’ or ‘statuses’ assigned to subjects (‘free’ or ‘slave’), reflection on slave narratives and the history (...)
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  45. Austrian populism after the victory of FPÖ (Austrian Freedom Party) in 1999 elections: political success of the discursive strategy of exclusion.Roberta Pasquarè - 2013 - In Hedwig Giusto, David Kitching & Stefano Rizzo (eds.), The changing faces of populism. Systemic challengers in Europe and the U.S. Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 27-47.
    The subject of this paper is the increasing success of the FPÖ, the Austrian Freedom Party commonly classified as a right-wing populist party. Analyzing the possible causes of this incremental success, I especially focus on the party’s communication strategy. My thesis is that the discursive strategy of the FPÖ revolves around the unwarranted identification of persons and practices depicted as a benevolent and salvific “we” artificially set against a malevolent and dangerous “they”. This identification is unwarranted because it lacks (...)
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  46. Republican Freedom, Popular Control, and Collective Action.Sean Ingham & Frank Lovett - forthcoming - American Journal of Political Science.
    Republicans hold that people are dominated merely in virtue of others' having unconstrained abilities to frustrate their choices. They argue further that public officials may dominate citizens unless subject to popular control. Critics identify a dilemma. To maintain the possibility of popular control, republicans must attribute to the people an ability to control public officials merely in virtue of the possibility that they might coordinate their actions. But if the possibility of coordination suffices for attributing abilities to groups, then, even (...)
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  47. Human beings and freedom: an interdisciplinary perspective.Jaysankar Lal Shaw & Michael Hemmingsen (eds.) - 2011 - Kolkata: Punthi Pustak.
    Human Beings and Freedom: An Interdisciplinary Perspective focuses on some contemporary issues relating to freedom, equality, identity and resistance from various perspectives, such as psychological, social, political, and metaphysical. In doing so it addresses topics such as the nature of human beings, political freedom, the relationship between freedom and equality, sex, gender and race, humour, and the notion of critique.
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  48. Individual Freedom in the economic global market: a defense of a liberty to realize choices.Ana Luiza da Gama E. Souza - 2017 - In Proceedings of the XXIII World Congress of Philosophy. USA: Philisophy Documentation Center. pp. 57-62.
    Human life in contemporary society is extremely complex and there are various external factors that directly affect the realization in the individual ends. In this work I analyze the effects of the global market economy, manifested by a mode of production and distribution of goods and services in the form of a global network of economic relations, which involve people, transnational corporations and political and social institutions in moral sphere of people, affecting their choices and the realization of these (...)
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  49.  72
    John R. Searle: Freedom & Neurobiology. Reflections on Free Will, Language, and Political Power, Nueva York: Columbia University Press, 2007, 113 pp. [REVIEW]Carlos G. Patarroyo - 2007 - Areté. Revista de Filosofía 19 (1):165-172.
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  50. Freedom, security, and the COVID-19 pandemic.Josette Anna Maria Daemen - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy.
    Freedom and security are often portrayed as things that have to be traded off against one another, but this view does not capture the full complexity of the freedom-security relationship. Rather, there seem to be four different ways in which freedom and security connect to each other: freedom can come at the cost of security, security can come at the cost of freedom, freedom can work to the benefit of security, and security can work (...)
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