In this chapter, I systematically distinguish a variety of ways to rela- tionalize economics and focus on a certain approach to relationalizing normative economics in the light of communal values salient in the African philosophical tradi- tion. I start by distinguishing four major ways to relationalize empirical economics, viz., in terms of its ontologies, methods, explanations, and predictions and also three major ways to relationalize normative economics, with regard to means taken towards ends, decision-procedures used to specify ends, and ends (...) themselves. Then, in the remainder of the chapter, I address what would be involved in relationalizing the ends of economic choices, given ideals of communal relationship characteristically prized by sub-Saharan philosophers, particularly southern African adherents to ubuntu. I advance communal answers to the two large questions of what an economy should distribute and how to engage with stakeholders, and I suggest that the implications will be found plausible by many open-minded enquirers around the world. Although this chapter is a work of ethical philosophy, it is meant to be of broad interest to scholars in economics. (shrink)

In this chapter, I systematically distinguish a variety of ways to rela- tionalize economics and focus on a certain approach to relationalizing normative economics in the light of communal values salient in the African philosophical tradi- tion. I start by distinguishing four major ways to relationalize empirical economics, viz., in terms of its ontologies, methods, explanations, and predictions and also three major ways to relationalize normative economics, with regard to means taken towards ends, decision-procedures used to specify ends, and ends (...) themselves. Then, in the remainder of the chapter, I address what would be involved in relationalizing the ends of economic choices, given ideals of communal relationship characteristically prized by sub-Saharan philosophers, particularly southern African adherents to ubuntu. I advance communal answers to the two large questions of what an economy should distribute and how to engage with stakeholders, and I suggest that the implications will be found plausible by many open-minded enquirers around the world. Although this chapter is a work of ethical philosophy, it is meant to be of broad interest to scholars in economics. (shrink)

In this chapter, I systematically distinguish a variety of ways to rela- tionalize economics and focus on a certain approach to relationalizing normative economics in the light of communal values salient in the African philosophical tradi- tion. I start by distinguishing four major ways to relationalize empirical economics, viz., in terms of its ontologies, methods, explanations, and predictions and also three major ways to relationalize normative economics, with regard to means taken towards ends, decision-procedures used to specify ends, and ends (...) themselves. Then, in the remainder of the chapter, I address what would be involved in relationalizing the ends of economic choices, given ideals of communal relationship characteristically prized by sub-Saharan philosophers, particularly southern African adherents to ubuntu. I advance communal answers to the two large questions of what an economy should distribute and how to engage with stakeholders, and I suggest that the implications will be found plausible by many open-minded enquirers around the world. Although this chapter is a work of ethical philosophy, it is meant to be of broad interest to scholars in economics. (shrink)

Recently, several philosophers have recast feminist arguments against pornography in terms of Speech Act Theory. In particular, they have considered the ways in which the illocutionary force of pornographic speech serves to set the conventions of sexual discourse while simultaneously silencing the speech of women, especially during unwanted sexual encounters. Yet, this raises serious questions as to how pornographers could (i) be authorities in the language game of sex, and (ii) set the conventions for sexual discourse - questions which these (...) speech act-theoretic arguments against pornography have thus far failed to adequately answer. I fill in this gap of the argumentation by demonstrating that there are fairly weak standards for who counts as an authority or convention-setter in sexual discourse. With this analysis of the underpinnings of a speech act analysis of pornography in mind, I discuss a range of possible objections. I conclude that (i) the endorsement of censorship by a speech act analysis of pornography competes with its commitment to the conventionality of speech acts, and, more damningly, that (ii), recasting anti-pornography arguments in terms of linguistic conventions risks an unwitting defence of a rapist's lack of mens rea - an intolerable result; and yet resisting this conclusion requires that one back away from the original claim to women's voices being 'silenced'. (shrink)

Abstract: An indirect report typically takes the form of a speaker using the locution “said that” to report an earlier utterance. In what follows, I introduce the principal philosophical and pragmatic points of interest in the study of indirect reports, including the extent to which context sensitivity affects the content of an indirect report, the constraints on the substitution of co-referential terms in reports, the extent of felicitous paraphrase and translation, the way in which indirect reports are opaque, and the (...) use of indirect reports as pragmatic vehicles for other speech acts such as humor, insult, or irony. Throughout I develop several positions: (i) that a semantic analysis of indirect reports is insufficient, (ii) that the distinction between direct and indirect reports is not clear and that indirect reports are the predominate way of reporting while direct reports may be a para-linguistic variation on them, (iii) that most questions about the semantics and pragmatics of indirect reports will rely on a full understanding of the nature of what is reported and how it gets reported, (iv) that an analysis of reporting requires the pragmatic tools of metarepresentation and a social, inter-personal understanding of relevance and shared knowledge. (shrink)

Abstract: A self-abnegating person lacks contact with their agency. This can be against their will, in absence of their will, or voluntarily. This does not mean that they cannot provide reasons for or a narrative about their actions. It’s just that the reasons or narrative are someone else’s. People abnegate parts of their agency regularly; for example, within hierarchical institutions. In other cases, the self-abnegation is all-encompassing; for example, a victim of brainwashing. An agent in such a position can completely (...) fail to understand themselves or be understood by others as having a self. I focus on two problems related to self-abnegation. The first is whether there is a conception of a self that can reliably discriminate between strong selves and abnegated selves. The second is whether a person with an abnegated self should be treated as a person with a strong self. I conclude that the good of respecting derived or instrumental agency comes in putting that person in a position to agentially flourish and in maintaining the structural conditions and expectations of agency. (shrink)

Throughout the history of mankind, energy security has been always seen as a means of protection from disruptions of essential energy systems. The idea of protection from disorders emerged from the process of securing political and military control over energy resources to set up policies and measures on managing risks that affect all elements of energy systems. The various systems placed in a place to achieve energy security are the driving force towards the energy innovations or emerging trends in the (...) energy sector. Our paper discusses energy security status and innovations in the energy sector in European Union (EU). We analyze the recent up-to-date developments of the energy policy and exploitation of energy sources, as well as scrutinize the channels of energy streaming to the EU countries and the risks associated with this energy import. Moreover, we argue that the shift to the low-carbon production of energy and the massive deployment of renewable energy sources (RES) might become the key issue in ensuring the energy security and independency of the EU from its external energy supplies. Both RES, distributed energy resources (DER) and “green energy” that will be based on the energy efficiency and the shift to the alternative energy supply might change the energy security status quo for the EU. (shrink)

Semantic Minimalists make a proprietary claim to explaining the possibility of utterances sharing content across contexts. Further, they claim that an inability to explain shared content dooms varieties of Contextualism. In what follows, I argue that there are a series of barriers to explaining shared content for the Minimalist, only some of which the Contextualist also faces, including: (i) how the type-identity of utterances is established, (ii) what counts as repetition of type-identical utterances, (iii) how it can be determined whether (...) semantically minimal content has been repeated, and (iv) what the nature of such content is. (shrink)

Ingarden distinguishes four strata making up the structure of the literary work of art: the stratum of word sounds and sound-complexes; the stratum of meaning units; the stratum of represented objectivities (characters, actions, settings, and so forth); and the stratum of schematized aspects (perspectives under which the represented objectivities are given to the reader). It is not only works of literature which manifest this four-fold structure but also certain borderline cases such as newspaper articles, scientific works, biographies, and so forth. (...) Ingarden specifies what is characteristic of a work of literature by asserting that all declarative sentences appearing in the stratum of meaning units of such work possess what he calls a quasi-judgmental character. We discuss here Ingarden’s theory of quasi-judgments and draw out its implication that all works of literature are works of fiction through and through. (shrink)

The contention of this article is that parents do have obligations to care for their children, but for reasons that are not typically offered. I argue that this obligation to care for one’s children is unfair to parents but not unjust. I do not provide a detailed account of what our obligations are to our children. Rather, I focus on providing a justification for any obligation to care for them at all.

Abstract: This chapter discusses speakers’ conceptions of reported entities as evident in reporting practices. Pragmatic analyses will be offered to explain the diversity of permissible reporting practices. Several candidate theses on speakers’ conceptions of reported entities will be introduced. The possibility that there can be a unified analysis of direct and indirect reporting practices will be considered. Barriers to this unification will be discussed with an emphasis on the cognitive abilities speakers use in discerning the entities referred to in reporting (...) contexts. (shrink)

If a person has lost all or most of her capacities for agency, how can she be harmed? This paper begins by describing several ways in which a person loses, or never develops, significant capacities of agency. In contrast with other work in this area, the central analyses are not of fetuses, small children, or the cognitively disabled. The central analyses are of victims of mistreatment or oppressive social circumstances. These victims are denuded of their agential capacities, becoming, in an (...) important sense, objects or pseudo-agents. In light of this, the concern of this paper is how further harm to ersatz agents should be understood. (shrink)

We provide a cognitive analysis of how children represent belief using mental files. We explain why children who pass the false belief test are not aware of the intensionality of belief. Fifty-one 3½- to 7-year old children were familiarized with a dual object, e.g., a ball that rattles and is described as a rattle. They observed how a puppet agent witnessed the ball being put into box 1. In the agent’s absence the ball was taken from box 1, the child (...) was reminded of it being a rattle, and emphasising its being a rattle it was put back into box 1. Then the agent returned, the object was hidden in the experimenter’s hands and removed from box 1, described as a ‘‘rattle,” and transferred to box 2. Children who passed false belief had no problem saying where the puppet would look for the ball. However, in a different condition in which the agent was also shown that the ball was a rattle they erroneously said that the agent would look for the ball in box 1, ignoring the agent’s knowledge of the identity of rattle and ball. Their problems cease with their mastery of second-order beliefs. Problems also vanish when the ball is described not as a rattle but as a thing that rattles. We describe how our theory can account for these data as well as all other relevant data in the literature. (shrink)

The present article critiques standard attempts to make philosophy appear relevant to the scientific study of well-being, drawing examples in particular from works that argue for fundamental differences between different forms of wellbeing, and claims concerning the supposedly inherent normativity of wellbeing research. Specifically, it is argued that philosophers in at least some relevant cases fail to apply what is often claimed to be among their core competences: conceptual rigor—not only in dealing with the psychological construct of flow, but also (...) in relation to apparently philosophical concepts such as normativity, objectivity, or eudaimonia. Furthermore, the uncritical use of so-called thought experiments in philosophy is shown to be inappropriate for the scientific study of wellbeing. As an alternative to such philosophy-as-usual, proper attention to other philosophical traditions is argued to be promising. In particular, the philosophy of ZhuangZi appears to concord well with today’s psychological knowledge, and to contain valuable ideas for the future development of positive psychology. (shrink)

Motivated by recent controversies concerning the relationship between modern mindfulness-based interventions and Buddhism, this article discusses the relationship between mindfulness and dogmatism in general, and dogmatism in ethics in particular. The point of view taken is primarily that of the psychology of judgment and deci-sion making: Various cognitive illusions affect the feelings of righteousness and certainty that tend to accompany ethical and moral judgments. I argue that even though there is some evidence that mindfulness practice im-proves judgment and decision making, (...) thisimprovement is rarely as strong as is implied in various contributions to the above-mentioned controversies. In addition, I reflect on claims that “the original teachings of the Buddha” jus-tify the moral stances taken. I argue that these stances likely arise, at least in part, due to the cultural transmission of cognitive dissonance of early Christianity rather than being inherent in the Buddha’s teachings. (shrink)

The approach of structuralism came to philosophy from social science. It was also in social science where, in 1950–1970s, in the form of the French structuralism, the approach gained its widest recognition. Since then, however, the approach fell out of favour in social science. Recently, structuralism is gaining currency in the philosophy of mathematics. After ascertaining that the two structuralisms indeed share a common core, the question stands whether general structuralism could not find its way back into social science. The (...) nature of the major objections raised against French structuralism – concerning its alleged ahistoricism, methodological holism and universalism – are reconsidered. While admittedly grounded as far as French structuralism is concerned, these objections do not affect general structuralism as such. The fate of French structuralism thus does not seem to preclude the return of general structuralism into social science, rather, it provides some hints where the difficulties may lie. (shrink)

In this paper, I argue that Contextualist theories of semantics are not undermined by their purported failure to explain the practice of indirect reporting. I adopt Cappelen & Lepore’s test for context sensitivity to show that the scope of context sensitivity is much broader than Semantic Minimalists are willing to accept. The failure of their arguments turns on their insistence that the content of indirect reports is semantically minimal.

Risk assessment is one of the prerequisites for understanding its causes and possible consequences. We base our risk assessment on the principles described in the European standard EN 31000 - Risk Management Process. This standard comprehensively describes the continuous activities that are necessary in managing risks and minimizing their possible adverse effects on the operation of the system under investigation. In this activity, it is necessary to first identify the existing risks, then analyze and evaluate the identified risks. In the (...) analysis of existing risks, it is possible to use both qualitative and quantitative analytical methods, or combine them. We use qualitative methods in cases where we do not have a sufficient amount of input information, these are more subjective. Quantitative methods are more accurate, but also more demanding on input information and time. The choice of a suitable analytical method is a basic prerequisite for knowledge of risks and their evaluation. The values of individual risks obtained in this way are the basis for determining the measures that are ecessary to minimize them, i.e., to adjust them to an acceptable level. The draft measures are always based on the value of the individual components used to calculate the risk number, as well as on the value of the asset , which needs to be protected. Appropriately chosen analytical methods are one of the basic prerequisites for the consistent application of the principles of risk management, as a continuous process aimed at increasing the overall security of the system under study. In the article, the author describes the procedures used in risk assessment, as well as specific analytical methods that can be used in working with risks. The aim of identifying risk factors is to create a list of events that could cause undesirable disruption to ongoing processes. At this stage, we define all the risks that will be subsequently analyzed and evaluated. When identifying, we can use methods such as, e.g. SWOT, PHA (Preliminary Hazard Analysis) or CA (Checklist Analysis). Methods suitable for determining the causes and creating scenarios for the course of a risk event are ETA (Event Tree Analysis) or FTA (Fault Tree Analysis). The basic analysis of the system can be performed using the FMEA method (Failure Mode and Effect Analysis), which provides a numerical risk assessment. By comparison with the numerical value of the risk that we are willing to accept, we obtain 2 groups of risks. Acceptable, which will be given regular attention and unacceptable, which we will focus on in risk management and we will try to minimize its negative affect on the functioning of the system under study. (shrink)

Parallels between the ancient Hellenistic philosophies of the Stoics and Epicureans, on the one hand, and modern cognitive psychotherapy, on the other, are well known and a topic of current discussion. The present article argues that there are also important parallels between Pyrrhonism, the third of the major Hellenistic philosophies, and the currently state-of-the-art “3rd wave” cognitive-behavioral therapies in general, and Acceptance and Commitment Therapy (act) in particular. This provides a crucial insight into Pyrrhonism: understanding Sextus’ term adoxastos using the (...) technical act term ‘defusion’ illuminates the psychological condition of the Pyrrhonist and explains why the apraxia objection against Pyrrhonism is misguided. (shrink)

This chapter identifies and explains several primary functions of the fictional use of metalinguistic devices and considers some difficult cases. In particular, this chapter argues that when real persons are quoted in a storyworld they are ‘storified’ as near-real fictions. In cases of the misquotation of real persons, near-real fictions and near-real quotations must adequately exploit resemblances between the real and the fictional. This concludes with a discussion of the similarities between fictional and nonfictional uses of metalinguistic acts, and how (...) they bear on our understanding of imagination and make-believe. (shrink)

There is traditionally a division of labor between economics and economic history, the task of economic history being that of studying the evolving constraints of economic mechanisms. Recent theorizing on endogenous structural change challenges this view: if structural change is endogenous to economic mechanisms, any strict division of labor between causal analysis and structural analysis breaks down. Rather such views call for an integration of causal and structural analysis. This paper looks for such a methodology, noting especially the contributions made (...) by two Swedish economists, Johan Åkerman (1896-1982) and Erik Dahmén (1916-2005). With evolutionary, Marxian, Hayekian and critical realist contributions, the paper examines notions of endogenous structural change with the aim of expounding how the notion can be thought in terms of underlying mechanisms to aid such structural analysis. The findings of endogenous mechanisms underlying structural change are crystallized into a mathematical model and a simple methodological framework. (shrink)

In this paper we explicate the notion of a miracle and highlight a suitable ontological framework for it. Our proposal draws on insights from Aquinas’s discussion of miracles and from the modern ontology of powers. We argue that each substance possesses a characteristic set of natural powers and dispositions which are operative or become manifest in the right circumstances. In a miracle divine intervention activates the fundamental disposition inherent in each creature to be responsive to God’s call. Thus, a miracle (...) brings something about which a substance’s set of natural powers and dispositions could not bring about by itself. (shrink)

Recenze: Kateřina SVATOŇOVÁ, Odpoutané obrazy: archeologie českého virtuálního prostoru. Praha: Academia 2013, 344 s.

Interpreting J.L. Austin: Critical Essays Edited by TsohatzidisSavas L.Oxford University Press, 2018. xii + 238 pp.

Children approach counterfactual questions about stories with a reasoning strategy that falls short of adults’ Counterfactual Reasoning (CFR). It was dubbed “Basic Conditional Reasoning” (BCR) in Rafetseder et al. (Child Dev 81(1):376–389, 2010). In this paper we provide a characterisation of the differences between BCR and CFR using a distinction between permanent and nonpermanent features of stories and Lewis/Stalnaker counterfactual logic. The critical difference pertains to how consistency between a story and a conditional antecedent incompatible with a nonpermanent feature of (...) the story is achieved. Basic conditional reasoners simply drop all nonpermanent features of the story. Counterfactual reasoners preserve as much of the story as possible while accommodating the antecedent. (shrink)

Emotional creativity (EC) is a pattern of cognitive abilities and personality traits related to originality and appropriateness in emotional experience. EC has been found to be related to various constructs across different fields of psychology during the past 30 years, but a comprehensive examination of previous research is still lacking. The goal of this review is to explore the reliability of use of the Emotional Creativity Inventory (ECI) across studies, to test gender differences and to compare levels of EC in (...) different countries. Thirty-five empirical studies focused on EC were retrieved and the coefficients required for the meta-analysis extracted. The meta-analysis revealed that women showed significantly higher EC than men (total N = 3,555). The same gender differences were also found when testing scores from three ECI subscales, i.e. emotional novelty, emotional preparedness and emotional effectiveness/authenticity. When comparing EC in 10 different countries (total N = 4,375), several cross-cultural differences were revealed. The Chinese sample showed a significantly lower average ECI total score than all the other countries. Based on the integration of results, the avenues for future research on EC and the breadth of influence of the concept of EC across different fields of psychology are discussed. Keywords: Emotional Creativity, Review, Meta-Analyses, Meta-Analysis, Definition, Emotional Creativity Inventory, ECI, Reliability, Gender Differences, Cross-cultural, Cross-culture, Personality Traits, NEO Personality Inventory, Big Five, Extraversion, Agreeableness, Openness to Experience, Introversion, Neuroticism, Emotions, Creativity, Cognition, Cognitive Abilities, Affect, Fantasy, Coping, Alexithymia, Anhedonia, Self-understanding, Motivation, Creativeness, Innovative Performance, Creative Ability, Artistic Creativity, Creative Thinking. MeSH Headings: Emotions, Creativity, Affect, Affective Symptoms, Gender, Sex, Gender Identity, Cross-Cultural Comparison, Transcultural Studies, Temperament, Extraversion, Neuroticism, Anhedonia, Creativeness, Cognition, Cognitive Function, Artistic Creativity, Creative Ability, Creative Thinking. (shrink)

It is generally thought that suspension of judgment about a proposition p is the doxastic attitude one is rationally compelled to adopt whenever the epistemic reasons for and against p are equipollent or equally credible, that is, whenever the total body of available evidence bearing on p epistemically justifies neither belief nor disbelief in p. However, in a recent contribution to this journal, Jan Wieland proposes “to broaden the conditions for suspension, and argue that it is rational to suspend (...) belief on a certain issue even if one’s current evidence is not neutral (or even close to neutral)”. My aim in this paper is to point to a number of problems in Wieland’s position, some of which in connection with the account of Pyrrhonian skepticism found in the extant works of Sextus Empiricus. (shrink)

With the aim of teaching and practicing art for the good or moreover the better, Josef Albers proves to be an idealist. At the same time, he confirms with this conviction that art can also arouse the opposite. This conviction is already evident in the grammatical form of the term, which proves that art is functional or a technique for socio-cultural applications, whether good or bad. In the presentation of the political and philosophical background of this idea as well (...) as in the analysis of Josef Albers´s ´artistic research´ on the artistic means as cultural techniques, this assumption is to be proved by the essay. (shrink)

The paper follows the thesis, that the perception of real or virtual media shares the anthropological state of "Ausdruckswahrnehmung" or perception of expression (Ernst Cassirer). This kind of perception does not represent a distant, neutral point of view, but one that is guided by feelings or "vitality affects" (Daniel N. Stern). The prerequisites, however, for triggering these feelings/"vitality affects" are not recognizable objects or motifs, but rather their sensually evaluable “abstract representations” or their formal logical structures. In contrast to aesthetic (...) feelings, however, they affect not only our feelings of lust or unlust or our knowledge (formal aesthetics) but also our actions (semiotics). So, when I extend aesthetic experiences to semiotic effects, I will talk about vitality semiotics. This new concept is of consequence, because the thesis of the responsibility of the producer is based on these effects. This is to be carried out by analyzing and presenting the approach of the Bauhaus master Josef Albers. (shrink)

The non-dualizing philosophy of Josef Mitterer as a contemporary version of Heglism -/- The aim of this paper is to present an analogy between philosophy of contemporary Austrian thinker Josef Mitterer and philosophy of Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel. In his works (Das Jenseits der Philosophie and Die Flucht aus Beliebigkeit) Mitterer presents the project of non-dualizing way of speaking. He rejects fundamental philosophical assumption of ontological distinction between language and reality. He claims that when we realize that this (...) assumption is arbitrary we understand that one of the most important contemporary question about relationship between language and reality is not relevant. Analogical considerations we can find in Hegelian Introduction to the Phenomenology of Spirit, where Hegel proposes to reject the assumption of ontological distinction between subject and object. He notices that “fear of error” characteristic for modern critic of cognition is a result of this assumption and it can be rejected when we reject this assumption. I claim that the starting point of this two philosophical projects is the same thought although it is expressed in two different philosophical languages. In the second part of my paper I try to consider quality of this characteristic for Mitterer and Hegel way of thinking. (shrink)

It is commonly assumed that blameworthiness is epistemically constrained. If one lacks sufficient epistemic access to the fact that some action harms another, then one cannot be blamed for harming. Acceptance of an epistemic condition for blameworthiness can give rise to a worry, however: could agents ever successfully evade blameworthiness by deliberately stunting their epistemic position? I discuss a particularly worrisome version of such epistemic shirking, in which agents pre-emptively seek to avoid access to potentially morally relevant facts. As Roy (...) Sorensen and Jan Willem Wieland have argued, we seem to be faced with a potentially troubling regress when trying to explain what goes wrong in such situations. I argue that the solution to this so-called Shirker Problem is not to be found in complicated and demanding anti-shirking-principles with universal scope and potentially self-reflexive content. Instead, careful consideration of the necessary motivational make-up of genuine shirkers reveals their ignorance to lack the necessary depth to be exculpatory. Since shirkers by definition react to the possibility of the revelation of morally relevant facts with acts of epistemic self-limitation, they necessarily prove guilty of a form of culpable moral recklessness. Epistemic shirking thus does not pose a worrisome problem for ethical theory. (shrink)

This paper presents a uniform general account of regress problems in the form of a pentalemma—i.e., a set of five mutually inconsistent claims. Specific regress problems can be analyzed as instances of such a general schema, and this Regress Pentalemma Schema can be employed to generate deductively valid arguments from the truth of a subset of four claims to the falsity of the fifth. Thus, a uniform account of the nature of regress problems allows for an improved understanding of specific (...) regress objections or arguments, and, correspondingly, of the general logical geography of the debate about infinite regresses. This uniform approach is illustrated by a treatment of the classical epistemological problem of justification, but it encompasses a whole variety of cases including explanation and ontological grounding. Furthermore, this general account is compared and contrasted with the existing literature discussing argument schemata for regress objections, particularly with the work of Jan Willem Wieland. It is shown how such other schemata can be incorporated and superseded by the general Regress Pentalemma Schema. (shrink)

Ernst Waldfried Josef Wenzel Mach was born 18 February 1838 in the Moravian village of Chrlice (near Brno), at that time part of the Austrian Monarchy, now the Czech Republic, and died 19 February 1916 in Vaterstetten (near Munich). He enjoyed a very successful career as an experimental physicist (the unit for the velocity of sound has been named after him). His importance for the philosophy of science derives mainly from his “historico‐critical” writings (Mach 1872, 1883, 1896b, 1921). Mach (...) studied mathematics and physics at the University of Vienna (1855–60, doctorate in physics 1860, his “Habilitation” (i.e., qualification to become a university professor) 1861) and his subsequent work was in the physiology of the senses. In 1864 he became professor first of mathematics and then (1866) of physics at Graz University; from 1867 to 1895 he was professor of experimental physics at Prague University; and in 1895 he took a chair in “Philosophy, especially the History and Theory of the Inductive Sciences” at Vienna University. In 1898 a stroke ended Mach's university teaching, but he was able to continue scientific work to a certain degree. (shrink)

Die folgende Untersuchung nimmt eine informationsethische und anthropologische Perspektive ein und legt einen Schwerpunkt auf die Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologien (IKT) im Gesundheitsbereich. Zunächst beschreiben und problematisieren wir das Feld der Informationsethik, das im Wesentlichen heute als Ethik von umfassenden, digitalen Computersystemen als informationsprozessierenden Maschinen verstanden wird (Kap. 2). Im zweiten, anthropologischen Schritt untersuchen wir, wie informationelle Gesundheitstechnologien das menschliche Selbstverständnis beeinflussen (Kap. 3). Dies leitet über zur ethischen Fragestellung, die Überwachung, Kontrolle und Autonomie als Brennpunkte des Gesundheitsbereichs fokussiert (Kap. 4). (...) Zuletzt geben wir als Ausblick einige Hinweise, wie eine dezidiert theologische Perspektive auf die Herausforderungen aussehen kann (Kap. 5). -- Puzio, Anna/Filipovic, Alexander: Personen als Informationsbündel? Informationsethische Perspektiven auf den Gesundheitsbereich. In: Fritz, Alexis/Mandry, Christof/Proft, Ingo/Schuster, Josef (Hg.): Mensch-Maschine-Interaktion. Anthropologische und ethische Herausforderungen neuer Entwicklungen im Gesundheitsbereich (Jahrbuch für Moraltheologie, 5). Freiburg: Herder 2021, S. 89–114. (shrink)

I. Introduction Sex has been thought to reveal the most profound truths about individuals, laying bare their deepest desires and fears to their partners and themselves. In ‘Carnal Knowledge,’ Wendy Doniger states that this view is to be found in the texts of ancient India, in the Hebrew Bible, in Renaissance England and Europe, as well as in contemporary culture, including Hollywood films.1 Indeed, according to Josef Pieper, the original, Hebrew, meaning of `carnal knowledge’ was `immediate togetherness, intimate presence.’ (...) 10 But equally prevalent in both ancient and contemporary culture is the view that sex generates the deepest illusions, hiding people’s true selves behind layers of deception, blindness, deception, or self-deception.2 Tthere is, however, no contradiction in holding both that sexual deception and illusion blindness are widespread, and that sex reveals some profound truths about us. Indeed, if deception or illusion blindness about our sexual desires and fantasies is widespread, one likely explanation is surely that many of us implicitly or explicitly believe that our desires and fantasies say something important about us – or at least that we believe that others believe that they do. There is little reason to hide from ourselves or others that which we regard as unimportant. But while such blindness to or pretence about one’s own or partner’s sexual needs and desires saves one from embarrassment or from the effort to understand and satisfy one’s partner or oneself, it also subverts a central value of any fulfilling personal.. (shrink)

Der vorliegende Aufsatz beleuchtet den Umgang des Transhumanismus mit den menschlichen Grenzen und zieht daraus Konsequenzen für eine Anthropologie und Ethik im 21. Jahrhundert. Nach einer kurzen Einführung in die transhumanistische Bewegung im ersten Kapitel werden im zweiten Kapitel die Themen und Technologien des Transhumanismus skizziert, die immer auch Versuche der Grenzüberschreitung sind. Dabei wird ebenfalls auf die mit dem Transhumanismus verwandte Bewegung des technologischen Posthumanismus eingegangen. Anschließend werden im dritten Kapitel die anthropologischen Annahmen, die mit den transhumanistischen Visionen verbunden (...) sind, untersucht – exemplarisch geschieht dies anhand der Interpretation des Menschen als Maschine, der Verhältnisbestimmung von Körper und Geist, dem Ziel der Kontrolle sowie der Perfektionierung des Menschen. Die angestrebten Grenzerweiterungen entpuppen sich in dieser Untersuchung statt als Entgrenzungen des Menschen im Gegenteil als dessen Begrenzungen, indem sie auf einem reduktionistischen Verständnis vom Menschen basieren. Zuletzt zeigt das fünfte Kapitel die Konsequenzen dieser Untersuchung für eine Anthropologie und Ethik im Kontext der modernen Technologien auf. Außerdem werden Ansätze vorgestellt, wie die Debatten um den Transhumanismus und moderne Technologien eine Chance für die Anthropologie und Ethik sein können, die gegenwärtigen Körper- und Menschenbilder zu hinterfragen. Beispielsweise werden die Ansätze des kritischen Posthumanismus vorgestellt und ein erweitertes, inklusives Körperverständnis postuliert. -/- Puzio, Anna: Zwischen Ent-und Begrenzung – Anthropologische und ethische Perspektiven auf die Grenzen des Menschen im Transhumanismus. In: Becker, Josef/Kistler, Sebastian, Niehoff, Max (Hg.): Grenzgänge der Ethik. (Forum Sozialethik 22). Münster: Aschendorff 2020, S. 149–180. DOI: 10.17438/978-3-402-10655-6. (shrink)

Kolloquiumsbeiträge des XV. Deutschen Kongresses für Philosophie 1990 in Hamburg. Mit Beiträgen von Herbert Schnädelbach, Hilary Putnam, Karl-Otto Apel, Walter Ch. Zimmerli, Rudolf A. Makkreel, Wolfgang Bartuschat, Elke Hahn und Klaus Vieweg, Roland Simon-Schaefer, Ruedi Imbach, Georg Wieland, Jan Peter Beckmann, Pierre Aubenque, Annemarie Gethmann-Siefert, Gernot Böhme, Dietrich Böhler, Jürgen Habermas, Friedrich Kambartel, Oswald Schwemmer, Dieter Birnbacher, Karl-Friedrich Wessel, Friedrich Rapp, Otfried Höffe, Henning Ottmann und Terry Pinkard.

In this essay I take the opportunity to recast some insights from my extensive study over the last decade of Wittgenstein’s remarks on music into a coherent and concise portrayal of Wittgenstein’s philosophical underpinning and upshots pertaining to his perception of the modern music scene in interwar Austria. The gist of the present essay is to show that, for better or for worse, Wittgenstein’s personal taste in music was powered by philosophical reasoning, which was organic to his philosophical development, and (...) that ultimately his philosophical attitude to the music scene of interwar Austria manifests a deeply probing gradation. I are argue that we can distinguish between four varieties of the absurd in the music of interwar Austria, according to Wittgenstein. First is the nonsensical absurd of the incapability of seeing that the nonsensicality of the form of progress is incomprehensible. This category pertains to music which straightforwardly tries to emulate the various maxims and formulations derived from the form of progress. Such nonsensically absurd music typifies progressive Romantic composers such as Richard Strauss, Max Reger, and the early Arnold Schoenberg. Second is the vacuous absurd of the incapability of seeing what the form of progress renders incomprehensible. This category pertains to music which denounces the predominantly nonsensical maxims and formulations of modernity, thus destining itself to keeping on groping for something which it cannot express. Such vacuously absurd music is best exemplified, in Wittgenstein’s mind, by Josef Labor. Third is the philosophical absurd of rendering what is incomprehensible (from the perspective of a cultured person) comprehensible within the same purview. For Wittgenstein, Mahler’s music betokens such incommensurability, evoking a relativist philosophical puzzle: whether cultural progress is real, and it is us who have been left behind, or whether culture has really been vanquished, and we are the only ones left to notice it. The very thought of an artwork of “a totally different sort” remains invariably hypothetical. Fourth is the praxeological absurd of giving rise to an auxiliary, praxeologically dislodged musical language, replacing the transparency of human gesture with exact rules of comprehensibility. From Wittgenstein’s perspective, the shunning of the expanse of lived experience in a musical language fit for the meaning-blind would be the inglorious spot assigned to Arnold Schoenberg’s vision of the music of the future. (shrink)

In this paper I aim to re-think the question of the world of persons with schizophrenia from the perspective of the German phenomenologist Max Scheler and that of the Japanese psychiatrist Bin Kimura. So far, no comparison between these two authors has been made, even though there are several convergences and evidence of Scheler’s indirect influence on Bin Kimura through Viktor von Weizsäcker. In recent years, Dan Zahavi, Louis Sass, and Josef Parnas have interpreted the modus vivendi of schizophrenic (...) patients in relation to a disturbance on the level of the “minimal self”. Subsequently, the discussion has highlighted the importance of disorders on the level of intercorporeality and intersubjectivity (Thomas Fuchs) and on the level of “existential feelings” (Matthew Ratcliffe). This paper argues that Max Scheler and Bin Kimura allow us to focus on an aspect which has been neglected so far: that of a “relational self” that relates to the very foundation of intersubjectivity and intercorporeality and that can thus be reborn in the encounter with the other and may position itself differently in the world. In Scheler’s perspective, the world of persons with schizophrenia is the result of an axiological disorder (valueception) that impairs contact with the primordial life impulse (Lebensdrang). As a consequence, they are incapable of attuning emotionally and socially with others: this prevents the singularity from being reborn in the encounter with the other and forces them to position themselves in their own solipsistic universe. Moving in a similar direction, Bin Kimura interprets the world of persons with schizophrenia as the result of a disorder of aida (one of the central concepts of Japanese culture that indicates the space of being in between). The disorder of aida compromises the basic relationship (Grundverhältnis in the sense of Viktor von Weizsäcker) and hinders what Bin Kimura calls festum, i.e. the birth of subjectivity, so that it is experienced by persons with schizophrenia only as ante festum. Starting from these two perspectives, I argue the existence of an axiological and anthropogenetic dimension of psychopathology. I begin with a discussion of Zahavi’s concept of minimal self and the thesis that reveals the disorders on this level of subjectivity as the origin of the world of persons with schizophrenia. I, then, analyze Max Scheler’s position and its historic importance for the emergence of phenomenological psychopathology. Thereafter, I introduce the concepts of “disorder of aida” (Bin Kimura) and “disorder of ordo amoris” (Max Scheler). Finally, I develop the concept of a “psychopathology of ordo amoris” by also comparing it with Ratcliffe’s thesis of “existential feelings”. (shrink)

Jill de Villiers has argued that children's mastery of sentential complements plays a crucial role in enabling them to succeed at false-belief tasks. Josef Perner has disputed that and has argued that mastery of false-belief tasks requires an understanding of the multiplicity of perspectives. This paper attempts to resolve the debate by explicating attributions of desires and beliefs as extensions of the linguistic practices of making commands and assertions, respectively. In terms of these linguistic practices one can explain why (...) desire-talk will precede belief-talk and why even older children will have difficulty attributing incompatible desires. (shrink)

The outline and introduction to my dissertation addresses the problem of the crisis between the human and natural sciences and the way in which Plato, by introducing the soul, as mediator between the two, provides us with solutions. The dissertation is divided into three chapters: the cosmos, the state or polis and the individual knower, which are each divided into three topics, the body, the soul and the mind, which represent the material cause, the efficient cause and the formal cause, (...) leaving out the final cause and which in modern terminology translate into: the philosophy of science, political theory or ethics and epistemology or the philosophy of mind. (shrink)

SOCIOLOGIA: TRANSFORMAÇÕES SOCIAIS E POLÍTICAS -/- SOCIOLOGY: SOCIAL AND POLITICAL TRANSFORMATIONS -/- Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva – IFPE-BJ, CAP-UFPE e UFRPE - [email protected] e [email protected] e WhatsApp:(82)98143-8399 -/- -/- 1. PREMISSA -/- Muitas foram as transformações sociais e políticas vividas em nossa sociedade. Algumas foram violentas e transformaram radicalmente as sociedades. Outras levaram à independência do jugo colonial ou neocolonial. Há também aquelas que brotaram de acordos entre classes dominantes ou que se constituíram movimentos liderados pela burguesia ascendente. -/- (...) Merecem destaque aquelas que eclodiram no século XX, consideradas populares por terem registrado significativa participação do povo nos países onde ocorreram. -/- 2. TRANSFORMAÇÕES LENTAS E GRADUAIS -/- As transformações em algumas sociedades foram lentas e graduais, permeadas por acordos, conciliações, reformas. Em alguns momentos houve até atos violentos, coordenados por quem estava no poder e sempre em acordo com as novas classes dominantes e os grupos mais poderosos dos momentos históricos precedentes. -/- São exemplos desse tipo de mudança social o que aconteceu na Inglaterra, no Japão e na Alemanha. -/- A Revolução Inglesa foi um movimento em que uma parcela dos senhores de terras e comerciantes se insurgiu contra o poder absoluto do rei e de seus associados (principalmente a nobreza e o clero, que nada produziam). Iniciada em 1642, tinha como objetivo limitar e condicionar esse poder a determinadas funções, impedindo o controle do comércio e da indústria e a criação de impostos pelo rei sem autorização do Parlamento. Após prolongado conflito civil, as forças políticas que lutavam contra o absolutismo derrubaram a monarquia, em 1649, e proclamaram a república. Esse movimento tornou possível a eliminação dos últimos laços que prendiam os ingleses a uma sociedade feudal. -/- A monarquia foi restaurada em 1660, mas o rei e os nobres perderam os poderes anteriores. O Parlamento havia adquirido força política e dividia o poder com a monarquia. Era o grande passo para que o mercantilismo se expandisse e, como consequência, o processo de industrialização se desenvolvesse a partir do século seguinte. O fundamental nesse processo foi a implantação de uma série de direitos que hoje são considerados universais. Mas foi um movimento em um único país e alterou substancialmente a situação apenas em uma sociedade. Só posteriormente teve repercussão maior. -/- A Inglaterra pode ser considerada o paradigma das transformações lentas e graduais mesmo tendo passado por algumas revoltas e irrupções políticas, uma vez que conseguiu manter a monarquia e também um sistema político e jurídico estável por muito tempo. -/- Pode-se dizer que a Revolução Inglesa é resultado de um acordo entre as várias classes dominantes existentes. Constituiu-se, assim, uma integração cultural em torno da ideia de nacionalidade. -/- Na Alemanha e no Japão também aconteceram mudanças políticas decorrentes de um pacto social entre as classes dominantes: os grandes proprietários de terras e a burguesia industrial e comercial emergente. Mesmo com as características próprias de cada país, o que houve foram alterações políticas e econômicas necessárias para o desenvolvimento de sociedades industriais modernas. Apesar de mudanças significativas nos processos e nas relações de produção, houve poucas alterações na estrutura do Estado e os detentores do poder político continuaram os mesmos. Assim, os proprietários da terra não perderam sua fonte de poder e continuaram conduzindo de forma compartilhada com a nova burguesia os destinos do Estado nacional. -/- No Japão, o período entre o início do século XVII até a segunda metade do século XIX (1600-1868) foi marcado por um governo autoritário assentado sobre a grande propriedade rural feudal. Esse período ficou conhecido como Era Xogunato Tokugawa, família que tinha apoio dos famosos guerreiros samurais. A chamada Revolução ou Restauração Meiji refere-se ao período de renovações políticas, religiosas e sociais profundas que ocorreram no Japão entre 1868 e 1900. É também chamado de “Renovação”, já que transformou o Império japonês num estado-nação moderno, o que levou o país a entrar na corrida imperialista do século XIX, principalmente na Ásia, tendo como fundamento o domínio econômico e o expansionismo militar. Essa reforma propriamente dita, apesar de ter assistido a revoltas e batalhas, não resultou na abolição das relações de produção no campo nem na derrubada da monarquia absoluta. Nesse contexto é que os antigos samurais e a pequena nobreza, composta de classes instruídas e já comandantes da burocracia estatal e de parte do exército, passam a ser uma força significativa no Estado japonês. Pode-se dizer, portanto, que houve uma “revolução conservadora” ou apenas uma conciliação de interesses e objetivos que visava manter os mesmos grupos e classes no comando das ações do Estado. Somente depois do fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial (1939-1945) é que se iniciou no Japão a reforma agrária, o que alterou profundamente a estrutura de propriedade da terra. -/- Na Alemanha, as mudanças passaram pelo processo de unificação de muitas unidades políticas, territoriais e culturais. A Alemanha de hoje é fruto de vários movimentos militares, políticos e culturais. Entre 1860 e 1871, foram incorporados novos territórios, demonstrando a força dos exércitos da Prússia – antigo Estado que fazia parte da então Alemanha pré-unificação –, concomitante à ideia de um inimigo externo e comum a todos que desejavam a unificação. Como consequência dessas necessidades, perpetrou-se guerra contra a Dinamarca, depois contra a Áustria e, finalmente, contra a França, em 1870, o que concorreu para o aumento do território. -/- Com a vitória na Guerra Franco-Prussiana, em 1870, a Prússia conseguiu unificar a Alemanha. O rei Guilherme I foi coroado kaiser (imperador) da Alemanha e considerado o líder máximo do país. Mas, mesmo quando o Império alemão se constituiu como tal, ainda existiam 22 estruturas políticas e territoriais diferenciadas, como principados, ducados, grão -ducados, grandes reinos (como os da Baviera e da Prússia) e até cidades livres (como Bremen e Hamburgo). -/- Apenas depois de 1870 foram possíveis a unificação nacional e a transformação da Alemanha em um país industrializado e desenvolvido, uma vez que, além das questões militares, houve outras ações urgentes para que a união se efetivasse. Otto von Bismarck – chefe de governo que estava à frente do processo de unificação alemã e uma das figuras mais proeminentes da política europeia do século XIX – desenvolveu um intenso projeto educacional que incluía um programa curricular unificado, no qual a língua alemã era obrigatória. Além disso, passaram a ser produzidas histórias da nação germânica atreladas a uma formação religiosa protestante única, cujo objetivo era unir a língua, a história e a religião e identificá-las com o povo alemão, rejeitando a diversidade e postulando a falsa ideia de uma unidade alemã indissolúvel e harmônica. -/- Assim, o pacto político orquestrado no interior dos Estados nacionais alemão e japonês aprofundou os laços políticos entre os grandes proprietários de terras e a burguesia, excluindo os operários e os camponeses do direito pleno à democracia e à cidadania, bem como ao acesso à terra. A burguesia não tinha poder para fazer a transformação, e os grandes proprietários não tinham como manter as coisas como estavam. Esse processo de modernização conservadora conduziu esses países à formação de uma sociedade industrial modernizada, mas cuja estrutura política se manteve conservadora. -/- 3. REVOLUÇÕES E MOVIMENTOS ANTICOLONIAIS -/- O rompimento com os laços coloniais também configura um conjunto de movimentos em prol de mudanças sociais. Mais do que isso: como resultado de profundas conscientizações políticas por parte de populações historicamente exploradas e segregadas, esses movimentos anticoloniais estabelecem de modo bastante peculiar um novo patamar para o conceito de revolução. -/- 3.1 Revoluções no continente americano pela independência -/- A Revolução Americana, ocorrida em 1776, caracterizou-se como uma luta contra o colonialismo inglês. O movimento teve grande repercussão, principalmente nos países da América Latina, pois provocou o rompimento dos laços coloniais. Teve influência significativa também por pregar a liberdade individual como um dos pilares da sociedade que se formara na América do Norte. -/- O Boston Tea Party foi um protesto de colonos ingleses considerado fundamental para a deflagração da Revolução Americana, o movimento de independência dos Estados Unidos. -/- Na América do Sul, Simón Bolívar foi sumamente decisivo para a conquista da independência da Venezuela, proclamada em 1811, mas só consumada com a tomada de Caracas e outras regiões de importância estratégica que permaneciam até 1821 sob domínio da coroa espanhola. -/- A maioria dos países da América Latina e do Caribe, seguindo o exemplo do que havia acontecido nos Estados Unidos e sob influência da Revolução Francesa, iniciou as lutas pela independência no início do século XIX, cujos desdobramentos se estenderam até 1820, aproximadamente. Foram necessárias muitas batalhas para que a Espanha aceitasse os termos de independência desses países. Após a emancipação, os países se organizaram politicamente na forma de repúblicas, abolindo a escravidão e o trabalho servil. -/- O Brasil, antiga colônia portuguesa, foi o único país que manteve a monarquia e a escravidão. Com o fim dos laços coloniais, os países que obtiveram a liberdade política assumiram uma nova forma de dependência econômica, agora em relação à Inglaterra, posto que o interesse do capitalismo britânico era conseguir manter o fornecimento de matérias-primas e ampliar o consumo de seus produtos manufaturados em território latino-americano. -/- 3.2 Independência das colônias no século XX -/- A segunda fase do processo de descolonização desenvolveu-se no contexto do neocolonialismo, após a Segunda Guerra Mundial e até a última parte do século XX. Os palcos principais foram a África e a Ásia. -/- O continente africano, no final do século XIX, tinha sido loteado pelos países europeus (com exceção de Portugal, que possuía colônias desde o século XVI), que buscavam matérias-primas para o desenvolvimento de suas indústrias e ampliação do mercado consumidor para os seus produtos manufaturados. Assim, a maior parte das estruturas políticas tribais foi sendo gradativamente destruída, bem como as formas de vida e de produção existentes. -/- Após o fim da Segunda Guerra Mundial, em 1945, muitos povos africanos se organizaram e passaram a lutar por sua independência, criando, assim, uma série de novos países. -/- A independência, no entanto, não significou autonomia, uma vez que os novos países surgidos após a descolonização enfrentaram problemas para promover o desenvolvimento econômico e social. As heranças deixadas pelos colonizadores, representadas tanto por uma economia sempre dependente do exterior, exportadora de matéria-prima e importadora de gêneros de primeira necessidade quanto pelo baixo nível educacional e técnico da população, impediram os projetos de desenvolvimento e provocaram a continuidade da dependência através do endividamento, mantendo esses países subordinados aos interesses das antigas metrópoles. -/- Na Ásia, alguns países obtiveram sua independência mediante lutas ou acordos com as potências colonizadoras. Aqueles que foram invadidos durante a Segunda Guerra Mundial pelo Japão aproveitaram, depois da derrota nipônica em 1945, para iniciar ou retomar os vários movimentos pela independência. Do mesmo modo, o Vietnã, o Laos e o Camboja se tornaram independentes da França, e a Indonésia, da Holanda. Em alguns casos, houve acordo, como a Malásia e Cingapura, que conseguiram a independência da Inglaterra nos anos de 1957 e 1965, respectivamente. -/- O caso da Índia – emblemático – reúne movimentos por independência e acordos com o país colonizador. A presença dos ingleses na Índia data do século XVII e foi se ampliando com o tempo. A dominação foi facilitada pela inexistência de um governo centralizado e também pela diversidade religiosa e de castas, o que não contribuía para uma visão de unidade nacional. -/- Em 1920, logo após o término da Primeira Guerra Mundial (1914-1918), surgiram movimentos pela independência, os quais, ao final da Segunda Guerra, quando o declínio do poder econômico e militar da Inglaterra ficou evidente, foram muito bem -sucedidos em suas lutas. Assim, a dominação na Índia não pôde ser mantida e em 1947 os ingleses reconheceram a independência indiana, que, em função das rivalidades religiosas, deu origem à União Indiana, com maioria hinduísta, e à Liga Muçulmana, com maioria islâmica, que veio a constituir o Paquistão (Ocidental e Oriental). O Ceilão, de maioria budista, tornava-se também independente, passando a ilha a se denominar Sri-Lanka. Posteriormente, o Paquistão Oriental se tornou o atual Bangladesh. -/- 4. REVOLUÇÕES RADICAIS E POPULARES -/- Muitas foram as revoluções radicais e populares. Aqui será abordada apenas a Revolução Francesa. -/- 4.1 Revolução Francesa -/- A Revolução Francesa eclodiu em 1789 como um movimento contrário ao poder monárquico e aos resquícios do feudalismo na França. Foi exemplo para a luta em várias nações do mundo ocidental contra os regimes absolutistas e pela eliminação da monarquia, uma vez que essas formas e sistemas de governo significavam opressão à maioria da população. -/- Além disso, com a revolução foi alterada profundamente a estrutura da propriedade rural, eliminando entraves para o desenvolvimento de uma nova sociedade. Entretanto, o fato mais importante foi que os revolucionários lutaram em nome das pessoas (apesar de não incluir as mulheres), e não só dos franceses, o que transformou o movimento em paradigma das revoluções posteriores. -/- 5. REVOLUÇÕES POLÍTICAS NO SÉCULO XX -/- No século XX ocorreram várias experiências revolucionárias. Entretanto, foram poucas as que envolveram os mais explorados e, portanto, a maioria da sociedade. Duas delas serão aqui tratadas. -/- 5.1 Revolução Mexicana -/- A Revolução Mexicana começou em 1910 e foi uma resposta dos explorados no campo e nas cidades a uma situação insustentável de desigualdade e de exploração. Havia no México uma grande desigualdade social: 1% da população possuía 97% das terras, o que gerava uma situação de exploração e miséria muito grande. -/- Três grandes grupos, representando classes sociais diferentes, participaram do movimento: o dos camponeses, que eram a maioria (seus líderes mais conhecidos foram Pancho Villa no norte e Emiliano Zapata no sul); o dos trabalhadores urbanos organizados em torno da Casa del Obrero Mundial (COM), de orientação inicialmente anarquista; e o da burguesia urbana e rural, liderada por Francisco Madero. Os camponeses exigiam o fim da concentração e a redistribuição das terras. A burguesia dissidente exigia que fossem definidas regras claras sobre as eleições para que se implantasse uma democracia de tipo liberal. Os trabalhadores urbanos, por sua vez, que não tinham nenhum direito nem liberdade de expressão e reunião, exigiam direitos garantidos pela Constituição. -/- O movimento estendeu-se até 1917, quando foi promulgada uma nova Constituição para o México. Várias reivindicações dos camponeses foram atendidas, mas todas sob o controle do Estado. Grandes propriedades, principalmente as da Igreja, foram expropriadas e repartidas. Possibilitou-se a manutenção das terras comunais na forma de cooperativas, mas a reforma agrária (divisão dos latifúndios) propriamente dita não foi realizada e a restituição das terras usurpadas não se efetivou. Assim, os camponeses pouco tiveram a comemorar. -/- Aos trabalhadores urbanos garantiu-se uma série de novos direitos, como jornada máxima de oito horas e a regulamentação do trabalho das mulheres e de menores, do trabalho noturno, do repouso semanal, das férias e das horas extras. Além disso, foram regulamentados a liberdade de organização sindical e o direito à greve, entre outros direitos. -/- A burguesia industrial, os banqueiros, os grandes comerciantes e proprietários de terras, em nome da “revolução mexicana”, constituíram o Partido Revolucionário Institucional (PRI), que se manteve no poder de 1929 até 2000. -/- 5.2 Revolução Russa -/- Enquanto os mexicanos conquistavam sua Constituição, na Rússia a sociedade fervilhava. A maior parte dos russos, tanto no campo como na cidade, vivia em condições precárias e, desde 1905, lutava pela construção de uma nova ordem social. -/- A Revolução Russa de 1917 começou com a derrubada do czar, em fevereiro, e culminou com a tomada do poder pelos bolcheviques, liderados por Vladimir Ilitch Ulianov, o Lênin, e por Leon Trotsky, em outubro. O movimento teve como base os trabalhadores urbanos e os soldados. -/- Os revolucionários organizavam-se em conselhos populares que expressavam a proposta de uma sociedade que se orientasse pela vontade da maioria. Esses conselhos populares eram chamados de sovietes e constituíram o fato mais inovador da revolução. -/- Após a tomada do poder, com a constituição de uma nova estrutura estatal, os sovietes perderam pouco a pouco sua força. O termo, no entanto, ficou gravado no nome da unidade política e nacional formada em consequência da revolução: República Soviética. -/- A situação na Rússia, que era terrível por causa da Primeira Guerra Mundial, tornou-se ainda pior no período de afirmação da revolução. Mesmo assim, a propriedade privada foi extinta e procurou-se alterar a estrutura estatal e de serviços, como a educação, a saúde, o transporte ferroviário e o sistema bancário. A grande dificuldade foi mudar a estrutura da propriedade rural, que ainda era medieval, e a condição dos camponeses, precária em todos os sentidos. Assim, foi necessário primeiro privatizar a terra para depois torná-la coletiva. Isso foi possível com a concentração do poder pelo Partido Comunista e pelo Estado. -/- Em 1922 foi criada a União das Repúblicas Socialistas Soviéticas (URSS), formada por 12 repúblicas, todas sob o comando político e militar da República Soviética Russa. Depois da Segunda Guerra Mundial, mais três repúblicas foram incorporadas à URSS. -/- Em 1924, com a morte de Lênin, Josef Stálin assumiu o comando da URSS e aprofundou a concentração do poder no Partido Comunista e no Estado, eliminando a oposição. A partir de então, uma revolução que nascera com o propósito de transformar o sistema anterior e garantir a liberdade para todos gerou uma sociedade que teve parte dos problemas econômicos resolvidos, mas à custa da submissão a um Estado autoritário que oprimiu a maioria da população. -/- A União Soviética desmoronou na década de 1980, tendo seu fim assinalado pela queda do Muro de Berlim, em 1989. Deixou oficialmente de existir em dezembro de 1991. -/- Além da experiência russa, outras revoluções populares de orientação socialista ocorreram no século XX. Podemos citar alguns exemplos: na China, em 1949, a revolução liderada por Mao Tsé-Tung; em Cuba, em 1959, o movimento revolucionário encabeçado por Fidel Castro e Che Guevara; no Vietnã, de 1945 a 1954, o movimento liderado por Ho Chi Minh. -/- 5.3 Um breve balanço -/- Como se pode perceber, uma coisa é o início de uma revolução, com seus propósitos transformadores; outra é a situação pós-revolucionária ou a institucionalização da revolução, em que o momento inicial de tomada do poder e alteração das estruturas políticas, econômicas e sociais precisa ser deixado para trás. É necessário, então, criar novas instituições ou reformular as antigas para que a revolução possa se desenvolver. -/- Com o passar dos anos, a liderança muda, e as situações interna e externa se modificam; aparecem interesses novos e são necessárias novas ações, que podem gerar maior emancipação ou não. -/- Algumas revoluções, como a do México, são populares, mas depois do momento inicial as demandas da maioria do povo são deixadas de lado e, em nome delas, há uma reorganização das classes dominantes para continuar no poder. -/- Os exemplos analisados aqui são de sociedades que alteraram sua estrutura e seu modo de vida, mas avançaram pouco no processo de liberdade e emancipação. Pode-se afirmar, então, que não são parâmetros para futuras mudanças, embora devam ser vistos como repletos de lições da história, da vida e dos rumos sempre otimistas e de esperança num mundo melhor. -/- 6. E O QUE VEM PELA FRENTE? -/- A transformação radical de uma sociedade – revolução – está sempre ligada à superação de um sistema por outro, havendo um movimento popular ou uma classe social oprimida organizada para ir à frente e derrubar o antigo regime. -/- Na sociedade capitalista, segundo Marx, a classe social oprimida é o proletariado. Depois das muitas revoluções que ocorreram no mundo, há a possibilidade de a classe proletária, ou trabalhadora, organizar-se para derrubar o sistema capitalista? Há condições objetivas (crise do sistema, organização, poder, armas) e subjetivas (consciência social, aliança entre os diversos segmentos dos explorados) para que isso ocorra? Não se pode negar a existência de algumas dessas condições, principalmente nos países periféricos do sistema capitalista, mas, com as sociedades submetidas a forte esquema de massificação, torna-se cada dia mais difícil acontecer um movimento revolucionário nos moldes da Revolução Russa. -/- Hoje, em todos os meios de comunicação, ouvimos declarações de que estamos vivendo em uma “nova” sociedade, em uma “era pós-moderna”, em uma “sociedade pós-burguesa”, em uma “sociedade pós-industrial” etc. Com isso, afirma-se que está se estruturando uma nova organização social, completamente diferente da anterior. -/- Ora, na sociedade atual estão sendo levadas ao limite as potencialidades da modernidade estabelecida pela Revolução Industrial dos séculos XVIII e XIX, sem mudanças nas estruturas de poder e na economia; mas há indícios de que uma transformação esteja ocorrendo. Em que direção? As respostas a essa questão são divergentes. -/- É possível perceber que a ideia de uma revolução violenta, com a tomada do poder do Estado para desenvolver uma nova sociedade, está cada dia mais distante da realidade. Parece remota, também, a ideia de uma mudança significativa mediante ações lentas e graduais por parte das instituições políticas, pois estas estão muito amarradas às estruturas de poder existentes. Diante de uma possibilidade de mudança, a força da reação normalmente é muito grande e pode aniquilar qualquer tentativa de resistência. Além disso, devido à crise na democracia representativa, as pessoas já não acreditam que seus representantes possam tomar medidas que alterem profundamente a sociedade. -/- Então não há alternativa? Parece difícil, porque a capacidade de cooptação por parte dos poderes vigentes é muito grande. Mas a consciência da desigualdade e do sofrimento que isso acarreta não é apagada ou silenciada e se expressa em manifestações populares e revoltas pontuais em várias partes do mundo. -/- 6.1 Mobilizações e mudanças no século XXI -/- Para pensar um pouco mais sobre as possibilidades de mudança social, é urgente atentar para o que está acontecendo no mundo. Se é verdade que a simples ideia de mudanças lentas e constantes, em termos políticos, não avança para uma grande transformação da vida em sociedade, é também verdadeiro que os sintomas da inquietude que se alastram pelo mundo contemporâneo permitem observar a gestação de novas realidades no curso do processo histórico. -/- O filósofo italiano Antônio Negri (1933-) e o filósofo estadunidense Michael Hardt (1960-) destacaram ao menos três características que podem multiplicar os sintomas da inquietude social: -/- • o nascimento de um grupo composto de novos e jovens sujeitos políticos, conectados com o mundo e inconformados com os limites e a mediocridade de sua vida cotidiana nas periferias das metrópoles, que já não aceitam a condição de subordinação e, para abandoná-la, estão dispostos a sacudir o status quo; -/- • o cultivo de um projeto emancipador por esses jovens sujeitos políticos: eles querem organizar a produção e a distribuição de riquezas horizontalmente e em rede – sem os limites das hierarquias e da mercantilização atuais; -/- • a prática de uma nova democracia, ainda em construção, numa época em que a representação tradicional está se tornando cada vez mais obsoleta e desprestigiada. -/- Exemplos de inquietude social foram as Jornadas de Junho de 2013, quando as ruas do Brasil foram tomadas por insubmissas e plurais personagens. O mesmo aconteceu durante a ocupação, pelos estudantes, das escolas públicas paulistas, em 2015 e 2016, contrários às políticas do governo estadual. -/- Conforme o sociólogo espanhol Manuel Castells (1942-), em termos tecnológicos, econômicos e culturais já há um longo caminho percorrido e muitas transformações efetivadas. De acordo com ele, o período atual é um tempo de eclosão de uma nova era em termos políticos e institucionais. -/- É crucial que se estabeleça um alerta para as possíveis reações contrárias às mudanças sociais e políticas, posto que as forças conservadoras são robustas e poderosas e não desejam mudanças que possam ameaçar seus privilégios. É do confronto entre as correntes progressistas e conservadoras, no entanto, que poderá emergir uma nova era que seja constituída de saltos qualitativos na vida coletiva ou, então, que faça prevalecer o ritmo obscuro e perigoso do retrocesso histórico, rumo a um tempo que não garanta a existência de direitos, em que gritos não são ouvidos e em que as utopias não se alimentam. -/- REFERENCIAL TEÓRICO -/- ALMOND, M.; BATISTA, G. O livro de ouro das revoluções. 2ª ed. Nova Iorque: Harper Collins, 2018. -/- ARRUDA, J. J. de A. A Revolução Inglesa. Vol. 82. 1ª ed. São Paulo: brasiliense, 1984. Col. Tudo é História. -/- COTRIM, G. História global. Vol. Único. 11ª ed. São Paulo: Saraiva, 2016. -/- FUKASAWA, M.; ISI, M.; IRIMAJIRI, Y. Cultura japonesa 7: a era Meiji. Vol. 7. 1ª ed. São Paulo: Nikkey Shimbun, 2018. -/- SILVA, A. et al. Sociologia em movimento. Vol. Único. 2ª ed. São Paulo: Moderna, 2016. -/- VÁRIOS AUTORES. O livro da Sociologia. Trad. Rafael Longo. 1ª ed. São Paulo: Globo, 2015. -/- -/- Todos os direitos reservados para Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva © 2019 -/- Estimule a criatividade, respeite o direito autoral. -/- EICdaS, Belo Jardim, Pernambuco, 2019. (shrink)

Metaphysics and psychology are two of Brentano’s main areas of interest in philosophy. His first writings, the dissertation On the Several Senses of Being in Aristotle (1862) and the habilitation thesis, The Psychology of Aristotle (1867), bear witness to the duality of his concerns. As such, these works were not only significant contributions to the German Aristotelianism of the second half of the XIXth century, but they also played an important role in the development of Brentano’s later philosophy and in (...) defining his school of thought. At the same time, the dissertation, now celebrating the sesquicentennial of its first publication, was received beyond the immediate sphere of the Brentanian school, for its reading played a significant role in young Heidegger’s thought on being, and thus in his development of a new type of phenomenology, distinct from the Husserlian one. The studies comprising this volume examine the relevance of Brentano’s dissertation, of his metaphysics and psychology for contemporary philosophical research. Generally, the papers emphasize a tendency in Brentanian research, which has become more conspicuous in the last two decades, and can be described as a gradual shift in focus from the specific problems of Brentano’s late philosophy, towards his earlier philosophy, especially his first writings and manuscripts. Taking into account both Brentano’s published works, and the manuscripts of the dissertation and the Psychology, the contributions of this volume manage to emphasise unexplored aspects of Brentano’s philosophy and stand witness to the complexity and the historical dimension of a legacy whose richness still awaits full discovery. -/- Table of Contents -/- Ion Tănăsescu, Foreword Edoardo Fugali, Trendelenburg, Brentano und die Aristoteles-Renaissance in der deutschen Philosophie des 19. Jahrhunderts. Die Frage nach dem Ursprung der Kategorien Dale Jacquette, Brentano on Aristotle’s Categories: First Philosophy and the Manifold Senses of Being Klaus Hedwig, „... eine gewisse kongeniale Denkweise“. Brentanos Rückgriffe auf Thomas von Aquin in seiner Dissertation Susan Krantz Gabriel, Heidegger’s Question and the Fundamental Sense of Being in Brentano Ion Tănăsescu, Franz Brentano’s Dissertation and the Problem of Intentionality Josef Seifert, Über das notwendige Dasein Gottes. Eine kritische Antwort auf Franz Brentanos Kritik des ontologischen Gottesbeweises Paul Janssen, Die Gottesrede bei Brentano Robin Rollinger, Brentano's Psychology from an Empirical Standpoint: Its Background and Conception Guillaume Fréchette, Deux aspects de l’intentionnalité dans la Psychologie de Brentano Denis Seron, The Fechner-Brentano Controversy on the Measurement of Sensation Carlo Ierna, Brentano and Mathematics Roberto Poli, Modes and Boundaries Federico Boccaccini, La vérité efficace. L’épistémologie de Brentano entre Evidenzphilosophie et pragmatisme Thomas Binder, Der Nachlass Franz Brentanos. Eine historische Annäherung an einen schwierigen Fall. (shrink)

While there is a vast philosophical literature exploring the conditions under which it is appropriate to hold individuals morally responsible for their actions, relatively little attention has been paid to the related question of which kinds of individuals merit these responsibility ascriptions. Under normal circumstances, typical adult human beings are held morally responsible for their behaviour but infants and nonhuman animals are not. In this thesis, I aim to account for this difference. That is, I aim to give an analysis (...) of the concept of moral agency. In Chapter One, I begin with a schema of moral agency, under which moral agents are characterised by the possession of certain abilities, enabling certain actions, for which certain responses are warranted. The literature on moral responsibility offers many ways of filling in these details, primarily by specifying the relevant agential abilities in terms of various responsibility conditions. My aim in this chapter is to offer a basic account, under which moral agents are characterised by the simplest possible abilities while still being appropriate targets of the relevant responses, such as praise and blame. I draw on the work of Nomy Arpaly, whose account of moral responsibility identifies the relevant ability as the ability to act out of good or ill will. I offer an analysis of this ability, under which basic moral agency is characterised by the ability to have desires about others’ mental states. In Chapter Two, I consider a range of alternative responsibility conditions offered by other philosophers, each of which appears to be necessary for moral agency. I argue that these conditions are not necessary for a basic account of moral agency. In Chapter Three, I move beyond basic moral agency to offer a more restrictive account that aims to capture other important aspects of our moral lives: the practice of justification and our ability to improve our moral character. I claim these aspects are underpinned by the use of moral reasons to guide our behaviour, and in contrast to moral motivation, this guidance is characterised by the ability to have beliefs about the desirability of actions. In Chapter Four, I aim to answer two questions: at what age do humans become moral agents, and are there any nonhuman animals who are moral agents. I draw on the work of Josef Perner, who offers a three-stage framework of the development of mental representation during childhood. I consider the conceptual coherence of this framework, its applicability to both accounts of moral agency developed in the thesis, and the empirical evidence that bears on the framework. As a result, I tentatively conclude that basic moral agency develops at around 18 months of age and may be present in a few species of nonhuman animal, whereas the more restrictive type of moral agency developed in Chapter Three develops no earlier than around 3.5 years of age and is restricted to human beings. (shrink)

The paper reviews a book by Massimo Modica dedicated to Denis Diderot's 'Salons' and in particular to Denis Diderot's statements about painter Claude-Josef Vernet and his "Promenade" (XVIII Century).