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  1. Open Borders Without Open Access (Conference Version July 2019).Dan Demetriou - manuscript
    What are libertarian open borders advocates even advocating for? Is it, as the title to Michael Huemer’s influential essay suggests, a prima facie “right to immigrate”? Or is it, as the branding connotes, literal open borders, or a strong prima facie moral right to free movement across borders that entails a right to immigrate? In this paper, I peel apart the view that people have a strong moral right to freely cross international borders, or "open access," from the view that (...)
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  2. The "Foreign" Virus? COVID and Borders: The Case of Norway.Magnus Egan & Attila Tanyi - manuscript
    On 27 January this year, the Norwegian government introduced the strictest entry rules since March 2020 - which are the strictest since World War II. Persons who do not have Norwegian citizenship or are resident in Norway no longer have access to the country, with a few exceptions. Are such restrictions justified? -/- We find that there is little critical discussion of this problem both in Norway and, more generally, in the normative literature (philosophical or otherwise). This critical silence is (...)
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  3. Immigration and Equality.Adam Hosein & Adam Cox - manuscript
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  4. Neighborhoods and States: Why Collective Self-Determination is Not Always Valuable.Torsten Menge - manuscript
    Collective self-determination is considered to be an important political value. Many liberal political philosophers appeal to it to defend the right of states to exclude would-be newcomers. In this paper, I challenge the value of collective self-determination in the case of countries like the US, former colonial powers with a history of white supremacist immigration and citizenship policies. I argue for my claim by way of an analogy: There is no value to white neighborhoods in the US, which are the (...)
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  5. Asylum, Credible Fear Tests, and Colonial Violence.Elena Ruíz & Ezgi Sertler - manuscript
    A credible fear test is an in-depth interview process given to undocumented people of any age arriving at a U.S. port of entry to determine qualification for asylum-seeking. Credible fear tests as a typical immigration procedure demonstrate not only what structural epistemic violence looks like but also how this violence lives in and through the design of asylum policy. Key terms of credible fear tests such as “significant possibility,” “evidence,” “consistency,” and “credibility” can never be neutral in the context of (...)
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  6. An Institutional Right of Refugee Return.Andy Lamey - forthcoming - European Journal of Philosophy 29 (X):1-17.
    Calls to recognize a right of return are a recurring feature of refugee crises. Particularly when such crises become long-term, advocates of displaced people insist that they be allowed to return to their country of origin. I argue that this right is best understood as the right of refugees to return, not to a prior territory, but to a prior political status. This status is one that sees not just any state, but a refugee's state of origin, take responsibility for (...)
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  7. Righting Domestic Wrongs with Refugee Policy.Matthew Lindauer - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-18.
    Discriminatory attitudes towards Muslim refugees are common in liberal democracies, and Muslim citizens of these countries experience high rates of discrimination and social exclusion. Uniting these two facts is the well-known phenomenon of Islamophobia. But the implications of overlapping discrimination against citizens and non-citizens have not been given sustained attention in the ethics of immigration literature. In this paper, I argue that liberal societies have not only duties to discontinue refugee policies that discriminate against social groups like Muslims, but remedial (...)
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  8. Why Are Muslim Bans Wrong? Diagnosing Discriminatory Immigration Policies with Brock’s Human Rights Framework.Matthew Lindauer - forthcoming - Res Publica:1-12.
    In the course of presenting a compelling and comprehensive framework for immigration justice, Brock (2020) addresses discriminatory immigration policies, focusing on recent attempts by the Trump administration to exclude Muslims from the U.S. (the ‘Muslim ban’). This essay critically assesses Brock’s treatment of the issue, and in particular the question of what made the Muslim ban and similar policies unjust. Through examining these issues, further questions regarding the immigration justice framework on offer arise.
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  9. What Immigrants Owe.Adam Lovett & Daniel Sharp - forthcoming - Ergo: An Open Access Journal of Philosophy.
    Unlike natural-born citizens, many immigrants have agreed to undertake political obligations. Many have sworn oaths of allegiance. Many, when they entered their adopted country, promised to obey the law. This paper is about these agreements. First, it’s about their validity. Do they actually confer political obligations? Second, it’s about their justifiability. Is it permissible to get immigrants to undertake such political obligations? Our answers are ‘usually yes’ and ‘probably not’ respectively. We first argue that these agreements give immigrants political obligations. (...)
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  10. Lastenteilung in der europäischen Asylpolitik.Thomas Pölzler - forthcoming - In Lukas Meyer & Barbara Reiter (eds.), Wem gehört das Klima? Graz: Grazer Universitätsverlag.
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  11. Unsere Verantwortung gegenüber Flüchtlingen.Thomas Pölzler - forthcoming - In Lukas Meyer & Barbara Reiter (eds.), Wem gehört das Klima? Graz: Grazer Universitätsverlag.
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  12. Entry by Birth Alone?Matthew Lindauer - 2021 - Social Theory and Practice 47 (2):331-349.
    This article argues that citizens have a basic right to invite family members and spouses into their society on the basis of Rawlsian egalitarian premises. This right is argued to be just as basic as other recognized basic rights, such as freedom of speech. The argument suggests further that we must treat immigration and family reunification, in particular, as central issues of domestic justice. The article also examines the implications of these points for the importance of immigration in liberal domestic (...)
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  13. Migration and Mobility: Editor Introduction.Alex Sager - 2021 - Essays in Philosophy 22 (1-2):1-9.
    Editor's introduction to special issue of Essays in Philosophy: Migration and Mobility.
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  14. The Uses and Abuses of "Migrant Crisis".Alex Sager - 2021 - In Immigrants and Refugees in Times of Crisis. Athens, Greece: European Public Law Organization. pp. 15-34.
    MEDIA and humanitarian organizations inundate us with headlines and press releases decrying the “Global Refugee Crisis”, the “Syrian Refugee Crisis”, the “Mediterranean Migration Crisis”, the “2014 American Immigrant Crisis” and much more. Careers in academic and policy circles are built on analyzing and proposing solutions to migration crises. The representation of migration as a crisis is a default response to the challenges of human mobility. This default response is often misguided and harmful. This claim may seem odd or even perverse. (...)
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  15. Political Philosophy Beyond Methodological Nationalism.Alex Sager - 2021 - Philosophy Compass 16 (2):e12726.
    Interdisciplinary work on the nature of borders and society has enriched and complicated our understanding of democracy, community, distributive justice, and migration. It reveals the cognitive bias of methodological nationalism, which has distorted normative political thought on these topics, uncritically and often unconsciously adapting and reifying state‐centered conceptions of territory, space, and community. Under methodological nationalism, state territories demarcate the boundaries of the political; society is conceived as composed of immobile, culturally homogenous citizens, each belonging to one and only one (...)
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  16. The Challenge of Migration. Is Liberalism the Problem?Karsten Schubert - 2021 - Archiv Für Rechts- Und Sozialphilosophie Beihefte (ARSP-B) 167:173-192.
    The challenge of developing humane migration and refugee politics in Western states is far from resolved. This ongoing failure is typically attributed to the increased influence of right-wing populism and neo-fascism in Western migration politics. In this article I discuss a more radical explanation: Christoph Menke argues that political liberalism and its framing of migration as an issue of subjective human rights is the deeper root of the problem. While the merit of Menke’s approach is its criticism of subjectification through (...)
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  17. Citizenship in Europe: The Main Stages of Development of the Idea and Institution.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2021 - Studia Europejskie - Studies in European Affairs 25 (1).
    This paper identifies and synthetically demonstrates the most important steps and changes in the evolution of the idea and institution of citizenship in Europe over more than two thousand years. Citizenship is one of the essential categories defining human status. From a historical perspective, the idea of citizenship in Europe is in a state of constant evolution. Therefore, the essence of the institution of citizenship and its acquisition criteria are continually being transformed. Today’s comprehension of citizenship is different from understanding (...)
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  18. Territorial Exclusion: An Argument Against Closed Borders.Daniel Weltman - 2021 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 19 (3):257-90.
    Supporters of open borders sometimes argue that the state has no pro tanto right to restrict immigration, because such a right would also entail a right to exclude existing citizens for whatever reasons justify excluding immigrants. These arguments can be defeated by suggesting that people have a right to stay put. I present a new form of the exclusion argument against closed borders which escapes this “right to stay put” reply. I do this by describing a kind of exclusion that (...)
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  19. Donatella Di Cesare, “Marranos. El otro del otro.” Madrid, Gedisa, 2019. [REVIEW]Facundo Bey - 2020 - Argumenta Philosophica 1:87-90.
    Marranos. El otro del otro es el cuarto libro de la filósofa italiana Donatella Di Cesare, Catedrática de la Sapienza-Università di Roma, publicado en la colección «Clásicos del mañana» de la Editorial Gedisa, después de la aparición de Heidegger y los judíos. Los Cuadernos negros (2017), Terrorismo (2017) y Tortura (2018) de la misma autora. Este texto de Di Cesare es una exploración inquieta e inquietante. Su indagación no promete al lector dar, al final del recorrido, con una terra incognita (...)
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  20. Can There Be a Right of Return?Andy Lamey - 2020 - Journal of Refugee Studies 33:1-12.
    During long-term refugee displacements, it is common for the refugees’ country of origin to be called on to recognize a right of return. A long-standing tradition of philosophical theorizing is sceptical of such a right. Howard Adelman and Elazar Barkan are contemporary proponents of this view. They argue that, in many cases, it is not feasible for entire refugee populations to return home, and so the notion of a right of return is no right at all. We can call Adelman (...)
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  21. Illiberal Immigrants and Liberalism's Commitment to its Own Demise.Daniel Weltman - 2020 - Public Affairs Quarterly 34 (3):271-297.
    Can a liberal state exclude illiberal immigrants in order to preserve its liberal status? Hrishikesh Joshi has argued that liberalism cannot require a commitment to open borders because this would entail that liberalism is committed to its own demise in circumstances in which many illiberal immigrants aim to immigrate into a liberal society. I argue that liberalism is committed to its own demise in certain circumstances, but that this is not as bad as it may appear. Liberalism’s commitment to its (...)
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  22. The Ethics of Resisting Deportation.Rutger Birnie - 2019 - Proceedings of the 2018 ZiF Workshop “Studying Migration Policies at the Interface Between Empirical Research and Normative Analysis”.
    Can anti-deportation resistance be justified, and if so how and by whom may, or perhaps should, unjust deportations be resisted? In this paper, I seek to provide an answer to these questions. The paper starts by describing the main forms and agents of anti-deportation action in the contemporary context. Subsequently, I examine how different justifications for principled resistance and disobedience may each be invoked in the case of deportation resistance. I then explore how worries about the resister’s motivation for engaging (...)
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  23. Legitimate Exclusion of Would-Be Immigrants: A View From Global Ethics and the Ethics of International Relations.Enrique Camacho Beltran - 2019 - Social Sciences 8 (8):238.
    The debate about justice in immigration seems somehow stagnated given that it seems justice requires both further exclusion and more porous borders. In the face of this, I propose to take a step back and to realize that the general problem of borders—to determine what kind of borders liberal democracies ought to have—gives rise to two particular problems: first, to justify exclusive control over the administration of borders (the problem of legitimacy of borders) and, second, to specify how this control (...)
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  24. On the Relationship Between Normative Claims and Empirical Realities in Immigration.Joseph H. Carens - 2019 - Proceedings of the 2018 ZiF Workshop “Studying Migration Policies at the Interface Between Empirical Research and Normative Analysisandquot;.
    What is and what ought to be the relationship between empirical research and normative analysis with respect to migration policies? The paper addresses this question from the perspective of political theory, asking about the place of empirical research in philosophical discussions of migration, and, for the most part, leaving to others questions about what role, if any, normative considerations do and should play in empirical research on migration. At the outset the paper also takes note of one important way in (...)
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  25. Precarious Work and its Complicit Network.Chuanfei Chin - 2019 - Journal of Contemporary Asia 49.
    How does precarious work entail social vulnerabilities and moral complicities? Theorists of precarity pose two challenges for analysing labour conditions in Asia. Their first challenge is to distinguish the new kinds of social vulnerability which constitute precarious work. The second is to assign moral responsibility in the social network that produces vulnerability in depoliticised and morally detached ways. In this article, the social and normative dimensions of precarious work are connected through a conceptual investigation into how Singapore allocates responsibility for (...)
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  26. The Ethics of Resisting Immigration Law.Javier Hidalgo - 2019 - Philosophy Compass 14 (12).
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  27. Asylum for Sale: A Market Between States That is Feasible and Desirable.Johannes Himmelreich - 2019 - Journal of Applied Philosophy 36 (2):217-232.
    The asylum system faces problems on two fronts. States undermine it with populist politics, and migrants use it to satisfy their migration preferences. To address these problems, asylum services should be commodified. States should be able to pay other states to provide determination and protection-elsewhere. In this article, I aim to identify a way of implementing this idea that is both feasible and desirable. First, I sketch a policy proposal for a commodification of asylum services. Then, I argue that this (...)
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  28. The Role of Entscheider in the Asylum Procedure: A Legal and Ethical Analysis.Nicolas Kleinschmidt & Jessica Krüger - 2019 - Proceedings of the 2018 ZiF Workshop “Studying Migration Policies at the Interface Between Empirical Research and Normative Analysis”.
    In this article we examine the role of Entscheider (decision-makers) in the German asylum procedure, both legally and ethical. As the responsibility for deciding on asylum applications lies exclusively with them, their significance for the German asylum procedure can hardly be underestimated. However, over the last few decades the situation of Entscheider changed significantly: While the number and complexity of the cases they have to decide on has increased due to the growing immigration, the requirements for their education have been (...)
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  29. Which Borders?Luke Maring - 2019 - Moral Philosophy and Politics 6 (1):133-146.
    The best arguments for a nation-state’s right to exclude unwanted outsiders actually condemn nation-level regimes of restriction. Two argumentative steps lead to this conclusion. The first points out that the best arguments for exclusion generalize: if they show that nation-states have the right to exclude, they perform the same service for a great many towns, cities, subnational states, and provinces. The second step constructs a dilemma. The right to exclude is important enough to justify the suffering of would-be immigrants, or (...)
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  30. How Far Does the European Union Reach? Foreign Land Acquisitions and the Boundaries of Political Communities.Torsten Menge - 2019 - Land 8 (3).
    The recent global surge in large-scale foreign land acquisitions marks a radical transformation of the global economic and political landscape. Since land that attracts capital often becomes the site of expulsions and displacement, it also leads to new forms of migration. In this paper, I explore this connection from the perspective of a political philosopher. I argue that changes in global land governance unsettle the congruence of political community and bounded territory that we often take for granted. As a case (...)
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  31. The Microphysics of Deportation A Critical Reading of Return Flight Monitoring Reports.William Walters - 2019 - Proceedings of the 2018 ZiF Workshop “Studying Migration Policies at the Interface Between Empirical Research and Normative Analysis”.
    In the paper, I argue there is a whole political logistics to deportation. This is made visible by bringing the concept of microphysics to bear on the topic. Taking the case of enforced and escorted removals from the UK, I show that this logistics is vividly and graphically documented in the inspection reports. Hitherto largely ignored, inspection reports offer researchers a trove of information regarding the mechanisms and procedures of deportation. As I finally draw out, this focus can speak to (...)
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  32. The Right to Exclude Immigrants Does Not Imply the Right to Exclude Newcomers by Birth.Thomas Carnes - 2018 - Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 14 (1).
    A recent challenge to statist arguments defending the right of states to exclude prospective immigrants maintains that such statist arguments prove too much. Specifically, the challenge argues that statist arguments, insofar as they are correct, entail that states may permissibily exclude current members' newcomers by birth, which seems to violate a widely held intuition that members' newcomers by birth ought automatically to be granted membership rights. The basic claim is that statist arguments cannot account for the differntial treatment between prospective (...)
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  33. International Migration and Human Rights.Luara Ferracioli - 2018 - In Oxford Handbook of International Political Theory. Oxford University Press.
    In this chapter, I bring non-ideal theory to bear on the ethics of immigration. In particular, I explore what the obligations of liberal states would be if they were to attempt to implement migration arrangements that conform to liberal-cosmopolitan principles. I argue that some of the obligations states have are feasibility-insensitive, while some are feasibility-sensitive. I show that such obligations can have as their content both the inclusion and exclusion of prospective immigrants, and that they can be grounded in the (...)
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  34. On the Rights of Temporary Migrants.Luara Ferracioli & Christian Barry - 2018 - The Journal of Legal Studies 47 (S1): S149-S168.
    Temporary workers stand to gain from temporary migration programs, which can also benefit sender and recipient states. Some critics of temporary migration programs, however, argue that failing to extend citizenship rights or a secure pathway to permanent residency to such migrants places them in an unacceptable position of domination with respect to other members of society. We shall argue that access to permanent residency and citizenship rights should not be regarded as a condition for the moral permissibility of such programs. (...)
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  35. In Defense of a Category-Based System for Unification Admissions.Matthew Lindauer - 2018 - Journal of Moral Philosophy 15 (5):1-27.
    Liberal societies typically prefer relatives and spouses of their members over other prospective immigrants seeking admission. Giving this preferential treatment to only certain categories of relationships requires justification. In this paper, I provide a defense of a category-based system for "unification admissions," non-members seeking admission for the purpose of living in the same society with members on a stable basis, that is compatible with liberalism and, in particular, does not violate the requirement of liberal neutrality. This defense does not commit (...)
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  36. “Dreamers” and Others: Immigration Protests, Enforcement, and Civil Disobedience.Matthew J. Lister - 2018 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 17 (2):15-17.
    In this short paper I hope to use some ideas drawn from the theory and practice of civil disobedience to address one of the most difficult questions in immigration theory, one rarely addressed by philosophers or other theorists working on the topic: How should we respond to people who violate immigration law? I will start with what I take to be the easiest case for my approach—that of so-called “Dreamers”—unauthorized immigrants in the US who were brought to this country while (...)
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  37. Uncovering a Tension.Luke Maring - 2018 - Journal of Philosophical Research 43:159-169.
    It is common to assume that democracy is intrinsically valuable, and that nation-states have the authority to exclude would-be immigrants from their territory. Are and in tension? This paper argues that they are. Every account of democracy’s intrinsic value suggests that nation-states lack the authority to exclude would-be immigrants. In fact, reflection on democratic values suggests an even more heterodox conclusion: nation-states should not be the privileged sites of decision-making that we often take them to be.
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  38. The Contradiction of Crimmigation.José Jorge Mendoza - 2018 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 17 (2):6-9.
    This essay argues that we should find Crimmigration, which is the collapsing of immigration law with criminal law, morally problematic for three reasons. First, it denies those who are facing criminal penalties important constitutional protections. Second, it doubly punishes those who have already served their criminal sentence with an added punishment that should be considered cruel and unusual (i.e., indefinite imprisonment or exile). Third, when the tactics aimed at protecting and serving local communities get usurped by the federal government for (...)
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  39. Private Contractors, Foreign Troops, and Offshore Detention Centers: The Ethics of Externalizing Immigration Controls.Alex Sager - 2018 - APA Newsletter on Hispanic/Latino Issues in Philosophy 17 (2):12-15.
    Despite the prevalence of externalization, much work in the ethics of immigration continues to assume that the admission of immigrants is determined by state immigration officials who decide whether to admit travelers at official crossings. This assumption neglects how decisions about entrance have been increasingly relocated abroad – to international waters, consular offices, airports, or foreign territories – often with non-governmental or private actors, as well as foreign governments functioning as intermediaries. Externalization poses a fundamental challenge to achieving just migration (...)
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  40. The RAISE Act: Protecting First- World Privilege Via Strategic Racism.Grant Joseph Silva - 2018 - The RPA Mag.
    The new immigration legislation will not achieve its ostensible goal. The criteria it proposes for new immigrants thinly conceal its racist motivations.
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  41. Justifying Resistance to Immigration Law: The Case of Mere Noncompliance.Caleb Yong - 2018 - Canadian Journal of Law and Jurisprudence 2 (31):459-481.
    Constitutional democracies unilaterally enact the laws that regulate immigration to their territories. When are would-be migrants to a constitutional democracy morally justified in breaching such laws? Receiving states also typically enact laws that require their existing citizens to participate in the implementation of immigration restrictions. When are the individual citizens of a constitutional democracy morally justified in breaching such laws? In this article, I take up these questions concerning the justifiability of noncompliance with immigration law, focusing on the case of (...)
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  42. A Presumptive Right to Exclude: From Imposed Obligations To A Viable Threshold.Benedikt Buechel - 2017 - Global Politics Review 3 (1):98-108.
    In “Immigration, Jurisdiction and Exclusion”, Michael Blake develops a new line of argument to defend a state’s presumptive right to exclude would-be immigrants. His account grounds this right on the state as a legal community that must protect and fulfill human rights. Although Blake’s present argument is valid and attractive in being less arbitrary than national membership and in distinguishing different types of immigrants’ claims, I dismiss it for being unsound due to a lack of further elaboration. The reason for (...)
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  43. (نصوصٌ نقديةٌ في الفكر السياسي العربي والثورة السورية واللجوء (بشارة وباروت أنموذجًا)، (بيروت: الدار العربية للعلوم ناشرون، 2017.Housamedden Darwish - 2017 - Beirut بيروت: Arab Scientific Publishers Inc. الدار العربية للعلوم ناشرون.
    يضمُّ هذا الكتاب النصوص التي كتبتها، في ميدان الفكر العربي عمومًا، بين عامي 2011-2016. وكما هو واضحٌ في العنوان، تتمحور مواضيع الكتاب حول ثلاث نقاطٍ أساسيةٍ: بعض إشكاليات الفكر السياسي (العربي) المعاصر، مثل مسائل القومية والديمقراطية؛ بعض الإشكاليات المرتبطة بالثورة السورية مثل خلفية هذه الثورة وأسبابها وسيرورتها وآفاقها؛ وبعض الإشكاليات المتعلقة بمسألة اللجوء.
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  44. Politiques d'irrégularisation par le travail: le cas de la France.Speranta Dumitru & Caroline Caplan - 2017 - In Cohérence et incohérence dans la géstion des migrations et de l'intégration. Montreal: Éditions Thémis. pp. 267-289.
    Dans l’opinion publique, la migration « irrégulière » est associée à l’entrée et au séjour non autorisés. Un nombre croissant d’études indiquent toutefois qu’elle résulte de la production de catégories légales de séjour autorisé. Le présent chapitre enrichit cette littérature, en montrant comment la construction de la catégorie légale de travail autorisé est productrice d’immigration « irrégulière ». En effet, la multiplication des conditions d’accès à l’autorisation de travail a pour effet de priver de droit au séjour des personnes autrement (...)
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  45. Unification Admissions and Skilled Worker Migration.Matthew Lindauer - 2017 - In Kory P. Schaff (ed.), Fair Work: Ethics, Social Policy, and Globalization. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield. pp. 95-112.
    This article compares the moral significance of two types of immigration, that which is based on the unification of citizens and non-citizens and that which is based on the skilled labor needs of the receiving society. I assess the interests of both citizens and non-citizens affected by each of these types of inflows and argue that unification admissions should be given priority over skilled workers but states retain a qualified moral permission to incentivize skilled worker migration.
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  46. “Care Drain”. Explaining Bias in Theorizing Women’s Migration.Speranta Dumitru - 2016 - Romanian Journal of Society and Politics 11 (2):7-24.
    Migrant women are often stereotyped. Some scholars associate the feminization of migration with domestic work and criticize the “care drain” as a new form of imperialism that the First World imposes on the Third World. However, migrant women employed as domestic workers in Northern America and Europe represent only 2% of migrant women worldwide and cannot be seen as characterizing the “feminization of migration”. Why are migrant domestic workers overestimated? This paper explores two possible sources of bias. The first is (...)
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  47. Un monde sans passeports serait-il utopique?Speranta Dumitru - 2016 - In Hélène Thiollet (ed.), Migrants, migrations. Armand Collin. pp. 59-91.
    « Utopique » se dit d’un projet irréalisable, qui ne saurait exister. Or, un monde où les passeports n’étaient pas obligatoires pour traverser une frontière a bel et bien existé : c’est celui d’avant la Première Guerre Mondiale. Cet article résume l'histoire des efforts pour abolir le régime des passeports obligatoires après la Première Guerre Mondiale.
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  48. Flemish Pro-Independence Parties and Immigrants: Friends or Foes?Baycan Esma - 2016 - In Patricia Popelier, Johanna Mitterhofer & Roberta Medda Windischer (eds.), Pro-independence Movements and Immigration. Leiden: Brill. pp. 86-117.
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  49. Are Skill-Selective Immigration Policies Just?Douglas MacKay - 2016 - Social Theory and Practice 42 (1):123-154.
    Many high-income countries have skill-selective immigration policies, favoring prospective immigrants who are highly skilled. I investigate whether it is permissible for high-income countries to adopt such policies. Adopting what Joseph Carens calls a " realistic approach " to the ethics of immigration, I argue first that it is in principle permissible for high-income countries to take skill as a consideration in favor of selecting one prospective immigrant rather than another. I argue second that high-income countries must ensure that their skill-selective (...)
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  50. Immigration as a Human Right.Kieran Oberman - 2016 - In Sarah Fine & Lea Ypi (eds.), Migration in Political Theory: The Ethics of Movement and Membership. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 32-56.
    This chapter argues that people have a human right to immigrate to other states. People have essential interests in being able to make important personal decisions and engage in politics without state restrictions on the options available to them. It is these interests that other human rights, such as the human rights to internal freedom of movement, expression and association, protect. The human right to immigrate is not absolute. Like other human freedom rights , it can be restricted in certain (...)
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