Revolution

The purpose of this document is to outline why and how universities must both transform and mobilise to avert the worst impacts of the global crises faced by humanity. The first section addresses the justification for transformation and how academia can and must transform. In the second section, the document highlights the need for a peaceful mobilisation of student and staff bodies to make effective the transformation advocated for. The document then outlines a blueprint as to action that must be (...) taken in order to initiate the required transformation and mobilisation. (2020). (shrink)

Immanuel Kant’s theory of justifiable resistance to authority is complex and, at times, appears to conflict with his own practice, if not with itself. He distinguishes between the role of authority in “public” and “private” contexts. In private—e.g., when a person is under contract to do a specific job or accepts a social contract with one’s government—resistance is forbidden; external behavior must be governed by policy or law. In contexts involving the public use of reason, on the other hand—e.g., when (...) a person is faced with a moral decision or is engaged in a philosophical dispute—the freedom of conscience sometimes requires resistance, especially in cases where other persons inappropriately attempt to usurp authority over matters that are rightfully up to the individual to decide. In texts such as Perpetual Peace, Kant looks forward to a political situation wherein no political resistance (e.g., in the form of war) would be necessary. Yet in Metaphysics of Morals, he argues that a citizen never has the right to revolt against one’s government, suggesting we must cooperate even with war. On a personal level, Kant openly praised both the American and the French revolutions; yet when his own writings on religion were deemed by the censor to have come into conflict with the king’s edict, Kant failed to resist the (arguably unjust) authority; instead, he gave up his (apparently public) right to free philosophical expression, promising never to write or speak on religion again during the king’s reign. I shall argue that a key to resolving these tensions lies in the principle that universities must promote a healthy, public “conflict” between philosophers and all “private” employments of reason. The only ground for disallowing private resistance, therefore, is the underlying presence of genuine philosophical resistance. (shrink)

This project was provoked by the almost nonexistent pushback from the Democratic liberal establishment to the (2020) exoneration of Kyle Rittenhouse, despite his acknowledged killing of two Black Lives Matters protesters against the police murder of George Floyd. It builds on three prior articles arguing for the revival of ancient Dionysian practice, Haitian Vodou, and Indigenous South American shamanism to empower leftist revolution. In essence, I propose an assemblage of spiritual practices that are accessible today for the neo-colonized 99% of (...) the global population, by synthesizing and reconstructing three democratic, lower-SES, Indigenous religions, all of which share a militant defiance of their respective tyrannical plutocracies. To avoid cultural appropriation, I center these reconstructed spiritual practices on the figure of the “mage,” a psychosocial healer loosely analogous to a shaman. And the mage’s signature activity, “magic,” I redefine naturalistically as free interpersonal performative action, practiced using two theoretical disciplines (philosophy and psychology) and two practical disciplines chosen by each mage. More precisely, Spirit/Dance channels the “spirits” of dead ancestors, historical figures, legendary heroes, mythical beings, and fictional characters, into the three ultimate objectives of “mindfulness” for psyches/souls, “liberation” for mindful bodies, and “social justice” for liberated communities, indirectly empowering long-term revolution. (shrink)

This article explores the history of Vodou from outlawed African dance to revolutionary magic to depoliticized national Haitian religion and popular dance, its present reduction to Diaspora interpersonal healing, and a possible future. My first section, on Kate Ramsey’s The Spirits and the Law: Vodou and Power in Haiti, reveals Vodou as a sociopolitical construction of racist legal oppression of Africana dances rituals, and artistic-political resistance thereto. My second section, on Karen McCarthy Brown’s Mama Lola: A Vodou Priestess in Brooklyn, (...) a “postmodern ethnography” of intersectional oppressions and Black female Haitian resistance in the Diaspora, foregrounds the figure of Gedelia, a feminist variant on Papa Gede, central Vodou spirit (lwa) of resurrection and healing. Finally, my last section, on the “observing participant” analyses of Black dance anthropologist Yvonne Daniel’s Dancing Wisdom: Embodied Knowledge in Haitian Vodou, Cuban Yoruba, and Bahian Candomblé, finds a dancing Gedelia in her centering of Oyá, a warrior spirit of storms and death. On this basis, I propose the figure of tornadic black angels as a possible magical tool (in Vodou, a pwen, or “point”) intended to re-spiritualize and thereby re-politicize the secularized and whitewashed social Latin dance called “salsa” for social justice. (shrink)

Existing social disparities in the United States are inconsistent with the promise of democracy; therefore, there was a need for critical conceptualization of the first principles that undergird American democracy and the genesis of democratic social change in America. This constructivist grounded theory study aimed to construct a grounded theory that provides an understanding of the process of American democratic social change as it emerged from the nation’s founding documents. A post hoc polytheoretical framework including Foucault’s, Bourdieu’s, and Marx and (...) Engels’s theories of power was used to understand power dynamics. The research question focused on understanding the process of democratic social change in America. The sample comprised the Articles of Confederation, the U.S. Declaration of Independence, The Federalist Papers, and the U.S. Constitution. The documents were retrieved from the National Archives and Library of Congress. The data analysis plan incorporated successive comparison, situational and dramaturgical analysis, deconstruction, and perspective taking as strategies. The result was the construction of a democratic social change process theory preceded by five grounded theories: (a) first principles of democracy, (b) first principles of democracy conceptual framework, (c) socio-ethical principles of democracy, (d) demoralizing process, and (e) either-or approach to democracy. Positive social change implications include applying a democratic social change process to future social change endeavors across domains and levels of analysis, a normative framework for a republican form of government, and a tool to analyze and minimize the latent consequences of social justice policies. (shrink)

We should conceive of illegal covert animal rescue as acts of “subrevolution” rather than as civil disobedience. Subrevolutions are revolutions that aim to overthrow some part of the government rather than the entire government. This framework better captures the relevant values than the opposing suggestion that we treat illegal covert animal rescue as civil disobedience. If animals have rights like the right not to be unjustly imprisoned and mistreated, then it does not make sense that an instance of animal rescue (...) will be justifiable only if it meets criteria for justified civil disobedience, e.g., the requirement that the civil disobedient not rescue more animals than would be necessary to communicate their message. Thus, the framework of subrevolution is a more apt way to analyze animal rescue. (shrink)

A presente dissertação tem como horizonte de pesquisa o conjunto de postulados e reflexões do filósofo espanhol Paul B. Preciado, a partir do qual este afirma que a noção de Multidão, tal como pensada por Michael Hardt e Antonio Negri, pode ser compreendida em termos de um “devir-revolucionário, multitudinário, constituído por singularidades diferenciadas”. Enquanto movimentos contraculturais, os deslocamentos subversivos onto-epístemo-políticos deflagrados pela Multidão comportam a possibilidade de promover a emancipação das singularidades que os compõem, bem como das políticas identitárias estabelecidas. (...) Neste sentido, a pesquisa propõe investigar como ocorre este processo de emancipação das subjetividades e singularidades, de modo a compreender como de fato é mobilizado o conceito de Multidão na teoria preciadiana, primeiro como “sujeito queer” e, posteriormente, como força des-identitária, isto é, como novo “sujeito político contemporâneo”. Para tal, será necessário estabelecer e analisar como o assujeitamento e a exploração capitalística são compreendidos na atualidade. Será utilizada como ferramenta hermenêutica para tal objetivo certos aspectos do pensamento de Judith Butler que permitem elucidar a produção concreta dos sujeitos, a exigência sistemática de assujeitamento ao cis-heteropatriarcado e a vulnerabilização dos sujeitos-individuados. Além disso, serão utilizados certos aspectos da teoria hardt-negriana que permitem esclarecer quais são as origens do conceito de Multidão e como os autores propõem a completa metamorfose da democracia enquanto plataforma para políticas emancipatórias, enfatizando o poder constituinte da biopolítica afirmativa da Multidão. Esta abertura conceitual possibilita contextualizar o recorte têmporo-espacial salientado por Preciado, a partir do qual fundamenta o conceito de farmacopornografia para identificar as mutações do capitalismo e seus mecanismos de exploração, como a sujeição social e a servidão maquínica. Desse modo, ao se reconhecer os mecanismos de dominação e exploração, torna-se viável a proposição de estratégias de subversão e práticas micropolíticas enquanto linhas de fuga que convergem com o conceito de Multidão, relida como insurgência contrafarmacopornográfica de desestabilização capitalística. (shrink)

Violence seems to be such that, once it has set in, it is hard to extract. Getting rid of violence appears to require violence. It reproduces only itself. Peace appears but a sheep exposed to predators. If the world were to abruptly become peaceful, it would only await the next Thrasymachus to reimpose tyranny. This sticky nature of violence and how to cope with it are the most potent themes of this much-needed work. It provides a fair though critical overview (...) of the subject of politics and violence through history. Violence and Political Theory examines a judicious selection of political thinkers, from Hobbes and Locke to Gandhi and Ruddick, on their notions of the role of violence in political life. (shrink)

The aim of this book is to explain economic dualism in the history of modern Europe. The emergence of the manorial-serf economy in the Bohemia, Poland, and Hungary in the 16th and the 17th centuries was the result of a cumulative impact of various circumstantial factors. The weakness of cities in Central Europe disturbed the social balance – so characteristic for Western-European societies – between burghers and the nobility. The political dominance of the nobility hampered the development of cities and (...) limited the influence of burghers, paving the way to the rise of serfdom and manorial farms. These processes were accompanied by increased demand for agricultural products in Western Europe. (shrink)

The utterance of morals or morality within a communist space is one that may, in the best of cases, raise a few eyebrows or, in the worst of cases, summon calls for condemnation or accusations of being unscientific. The subject of communist morality is one that is often ignored within the broader revolutionary left, while at the same time—especially within our current insurrectionary moment—beckons to be engaged with. As the hydra of neoliberalism begins its inevitable collapse, throwing capitalism once more (...) into a global crisis—and thusly its imperialist head begins to twist fascistically from the periphery back inward toward the United States and Europe—these categories that before seemed abstract and idealistic suddenly become vivid and tangible. Evil is how these injustices are described—in a non-hyperbolic fashion—by those engaged in the frontlines of revolutionary activity. So why is morality eschewed and denounced in left academic discourse? Are morals solely the provenance of the reactionary right or the dreamy idealist? (shrink)

Social work is a contested tradition, torn between the demands of social governance and autonomy. Today, this struggle is reflected in the division between the dominant, neoliberal agenda of service provision and the resistance offered by various critical perspectives employed by disparate groups of practitioners serving diverse communities. Critical social work challenges oppressive conditions and discourses, in addition to addressing their consequences in individuals’ lives. However, very few recent critical theorists informing critical social work have advocated revolution. A challenging exception (...) can be found in the work of Cornelius Castoriadis (1922–97), whose explication of ontological underdetermination and creation evades the pitfalls of both structural determinism and post-structural relativism, enabling an understanding of society as the contested creation of collective imaginaries in action and a politics of radical transformation. On this basis, we argue that Castoriadis’s radical-democratic revisioning of revolutionary praxis can help in reimagining critical social work’s emancipatory potential. (shrink)

Biswas's book is a panoramic treatment of contemporary world theatre. The book under review will help both the neophyte, as also a scholar to negotiate ancient dramaturgy and more recent theatre. Biswas's eye for details is also remarked in this review. The review shows how Biswas, as it were, has written a manifesto of protest in this book.

This article examines Alain Badiou’s and Slavoj Žižek’s advocacy for fidelity to revolutionary truths in light of complex system theory’s understanding of resiliency. It begins with a discussion of how Badiou and Žižek describe truth. Next, it looks at the features that make a complex system resilient. The article argues that if we understand neoliberalism as a resilient system, then the fidelity to revolutionary truths that Badiou and Žižek advocate is not enough, for it doesn’t realize how truths come from (...) the system as a whole. The article concludes by describing how this viewpoint alters discussions of political change. (shrink)

This is the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s carta de 24 de octubre, 1851, a letter encapsulating many of his views on revolution and decision. This remarkable letter, sent as a diplomatic missive while he was serving the Spanish crown in Paris, describes how Napoleon III––stuck between the 1848 constitution’s prohibition against his election and his impending coup that will crown him emperor––must gain the support of the liberal bourgeoise middle class if he is to maintain his (...) rule over France. The letter is also of great importance to Donoso and Schmitt scholars because it contains the first and only time Donoso uses the complete term “las clases discutidoras,” which, through Schmitt’s injudicious and repeated misspellings as “una clasa discutidora” has become famous for its characterization of the liberal bourgeoisie as the “discussing” or “disputing” class that is incapable of action at the precise historical moment when a decision is most direly needed to save the constitution from inner or outer existential threats. (shrink)

Revolutionary Gnosticism is a religious–philo- sophical category introduced in the academic debate by the philosopher Eric Voegelin (1901–1985). Starting from his important work, several philosophers and sociologists have adopted Gnosticism as a useful explanatory notion to frame and define numerous modern and contemporary political and cultural movements. The immanentization of the eschaton, which is a renowned Voegelian expression, intimately defines the politico–cultural project of revolutionary Gnosticism. The destruction of the past for the creation of a new world, the last aeon, (...) demarcates the vision of history of revolutionary Gnosticism. Hence, according to a similar Weltanschauung, man replaces God, giving birth to «the idea of a transfiguration of mankind through a process of auto–redemption (grace replaced by revolution)» (Augusto Del Noce). The paper aims to investigate in broad terms the vast time span in which the concept of rev- olutionary Gnosticism has taken shape, from ancient Gnosis to Late Middle Ages, through seventeenth century Puritanism and Jacobinism, until twentieth–century totalitarianisms, eventually suggesting further lines of research. The present study intends to suggest a new interpretation for politico–revolutionary phenomena that have emerged in the whole West and in all epochs, with the purpose of finding a recurrent pattern that reflects one of the most disruptive intellectual engine for radical politics. (shrink)

The 1917 February Revolution led to the reshaping of the war-era image of the German enemy. Focusing on the former imperial borderland province of the Southwestern Krai, this article unveils the national, political, and cultural considerations of the local Ukrainian and Russian-language media that affected their attitude towards the Germans. It argues that the developments of the 1917–1918 Ukrainian Revolution presented a unique case of constructing the image of the Germans due to the ongoing rivalry between the respective Ukrainian and (...) Russian national projects. The study is based on the materials of prominent Kyivan daily newspapers, thus rendering the spectrum of the region’s political thought. Built upon the concept of imagology, the article apprehends the images of “otherness” in conjunction with the actor’s own identity. (shrink)

يضمُّ هذا الكتاب النصوص التي كتبتها، في ميدان الفكر العربي عمومًا، بين عامي 2011-2016. وكما هو واضحٌ في العنوان، تتمحور مواضيع الكتاب حول ثلاث نقاطٍ أساسيةٍ: بعض إشكاليات الفكر السياسي (العربي) المعاصر، مثل مسائل القومية والديمقراطية؛ بعض الإشكاليات المرتبطة بالثورة السورية مثل خلفية هذه الثورة وأسبابها وسيرورتها وآفاقها؛ وبعض الإشكاليات المتعلقة بمسألة اللجوء.

The Fifty-Year Rebellion invites us to consider Detroit’s recent history as both epitomizing and shaping national trends. But it’s not the kind of invitation we’ve all grown used to...

Yefremov’s personal characteristics exemplify the characteristic features of the Ukrainian revolution. He was an argumentative, pugnacious man, and the revolution was characterized by infighting. He was an institution builder, and that’s a key element of the Ukrainian revolution. He was ideologically an advocate of Ukrainian identity (sooner than social rights or state building) and that too was a feature of the Ukrainian revolution. His diaries and ego writing offer a variety of evidence of these aspects of his personality.

Prominent Ukrainian historian Ivan Lysiak-Rudnytsky (1919–1984) repeatedly addressed the topic of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917 – the 1920s, especially considering its intellectual origins and implications in the context of the history of Ukrainian social and political thought. Analysis of his works shows the manner in which the Ukrainian revolution as an event structures the history of Ukrainian social and political thought in both senses of the term “history”: as history itself and as its historiography. Based on this analysis, the (...) article considers changes in the meaning of the revolution for modern Ukrainians, as well as the credibility – in the context of these changes – of the classifications of the historiography of Ukrainian social and political thought, which rest on the key meaning of the revolution for modern Ukrainian history. The article also supports the conclusion that the rejection of the evolutionary model which I. Lysiak-Rudnytsky most directly addressed will help to outline a well-balanced and reliable history of Ukrainian social and political thought without excessive historicism. (shrink)

Latin American religious political thought includes colonial Spanish and Portuguese ideologies that preceded independence but have survived into the post-independence era, authoritarian ideologies supportive of military governments in the twentieth century, and progressive liberation theologies. In this article, I present a distinct tradition: a version of classical liberal thought. This tradition is skeptical of big government, opposed to caste systems, supportive of a high degree of federalism, uneasy with militarism, and supportive of democratic institutions while affirming religious social norms. This (...) ideology was developed in northeastern Brazil in the early nineteenth century by a Carmelite activist named Frei Caneca (Brother Mug), who published a newspaper titled the Typhis Pernambucano (Tiphys of the State of Pernambuco). (shrink)

Мировой порядок как система определенных идей и правил, господ-ствующих в международной политике, стал формироваться в Европе начиная с XVI в., окончательно утвердившись в XIX столетии. Однако этот порядок держится обычно в пределах трех-четырех десятилетий, а затем под влиянием изменившихся обстоятельств и нового баланса сил меняется. В настоящее время мы как раз переживаем период смены ми-рового порядка и начала формирования новой его системы. В статье анализируется начало ослабления мирового порядка, основанного на американской гегемонии, рассматриваются характерные черты и методы, которые используют США (...) для поддержания своих позиций в мире. Автор показывает, почему не могла надолго установиться абсолютная американская гегемония, каким образом глобализация стала более выгодной не для развитых, а для развивающихся стран, как постепенно формировалось убеждение в неизбежности ослабления ли-дерских позиций США. В статье дается характеристика современного положения в международных отношениях как ситуации, когда началась реконфигурация Мир-Системы, что должно означать наступление эпохи турбулентности и формирования новых коалиций. Это будет своего рода переходная эпоха к более устойчивому новому мировому порядку, становление которого будет непростым. Автор высказывает идеи от-носительно того, в каком направлении и как этот новый порядок будет формироваться, о возможных принципах этого порядка и механизмах его установления. (shrink)

Революционные события 1917–1920 гг. в России не только потрясли мир в момент их совершения, но и существенно, даже круто изменили его, причем это влияние в течение десятилетий возрастало. Социали-стическая революция в России вызвала мощный резонанс в мире, стала новым направлением развития. Речь идет не только о силе примера, о повторении события в других обществах. Ее воздействие и шире, и глубже. Она существенно изменила систему мирового порядка в ХХ в. В статье рассмотрен аспект данного влияния на трансформацию миро-вого порядка в разные (...) периоды ХХ в., а также сделана попытка связать это влияние с общими тенденциями исторического процесса. (shrink)

The article analyzes the technological shifts which took place in the second half of the 20th and early 21st centuries and forecasts the main shifts in the next half a century. On the basis of the analysis of the latest achievements in inno-vative technological directions and also on the basis of the opportunities pro-vided by the theory of production revolutions the authors present a detailed analysis of the latest production revolution which is denoted as ‘Сybernetic’. The authors give some forecasts (...) about its development in the nearest five decades and up to the end of the 21st century. It is shown that the development of various self-regulating systems will be the main trend of this revolution. The authors argue that at first the transition to the beginning of the final phase of the Cybernetic Revolution will start in the field of medicine (in its some innovative directions). In future we will deal with the start of convergence of innovative technologies which will form the system of MBNRIC-technologies (i.e. the technological paradigm based on medicine, bio- and nanotechnologies, robotics, IT and cognitive technologies). The article gives a detailed analysis of the future breakthroughs in medicine, bio- and nanotechnologies as well as some other technologies in terms of the development of self-regulating systems with their growing ability to select optimum modes of functioning as well as of other characteristics of the Cybernetic Revolution (resources and energy saving, miniaturization, individualization, etc.). (shrink)

In the present paper, on the basis of the theory of production principles and production revolutions, we reveal the interrelation between K-waves and major technological breakthroughs in history and make some predictions about features of the sixth Kondratieff wave in the light of the Cybernetic Revolution which, we think, started in the 1950s. We assume that the sixth K-wave in the 2030s and 2040s will merge with the final phase of the Cybernetic Revolution (which we call the phase of self-regulating (...) systems). This period will be characterized by breakthroughs in medical technologies which will manage to combine many other technologies into a single complex of MBNRIC-technologies (med-bio-nano-robo-info-cognitive technologies). The article offers some predictions concerning the development of these technologies. (shrink)

В настоящей статье на базе теории принципов производства и производственных революций мы показываем взаимосвязь между К-волнами и крупнейшими технологическими переворотами в истории, а также делаем прогнозы об особенностях шестой К-волны в свете идущей с 1950-х годов кибернетической революции. Мы предполагаем, что шестая кондратьевская волна в 2030–2040-х годах сольется с завершающей фазой кибернетической революции (которую мы назвали фазой самоуправляемых систем). Этот период будет характеризоваться прорывом в медицинских технологиях, которые смогут объединить вокруг себя много других технологий и в целом составят комплекс МБНРИК-технологий (...) (медико-био-нано-робото-инфо-когнитивных технологий). В статье даются некоторые прогнозы о разви-тии данных технологий. (shrink)

Процесс старения населения захватил не только развитые страны, но и многие развивающиеся, превратившись в глобальный. Представляется, что он будет одним из самых важных процессов в ближайшие десятилетия, определяющим облик общества буду-щего и направление развития технологий. В статье дается анализ некоторых параметров процесса старения населения, показыва-ются его важные следствия для общества и мира в целом. На ос-новании этого анализа делается вывод о том, что грядущий тех-нологический переворот (обозначаемый авторами как завершаю-щая фаза кибернетической революции) и предполагаемый шестой технологический уклад, связанный с наступающей (...) шестой конд-ратьевской волной, будут связаны в первую очередь с прорывами в медицине и смежных с ней технологиях. Также авторы представ-ляют свой взгляд на финансовые инструменты решения проблемы пенсионного обеспечения увеличивающегося пожилого населения в развитых странах. Они считают, что при более целенаправленном использовании денег пенсионных фондов, направлении их (при нуж-ных гарантиях) на образование и рост квалификации молодежи развивающихся стран возможно частично облегчить указанную проблему в развитых государствах. (shrink)

El objetivo de este artículo es interrogar la obra ensayística, literaria y periodística del escritor inglés Gilbert Keith Chesterton desde una perspectiva teórico-política y poner en tensión aquellos elementos conceptuales que se encuentran enfrentados con algunos de los principales supuestos de la modernidad. La propuesta de este trabajo es organizar estos elementos dispersos y postular la posibilidad de estructurar una filosofía política a partir de una lectura que los integre. Se hará hincapié en su crítica a la idea moderna de (...) progreso, para luego explorar la posibilidad de derivar de las reflexiones del autor un cuerpo conceptual coherente que pueda ser considerado relevante para la teoría política. Para esta tarea, se toman como punto de partida conceptos centrales para la ciencia política presentes en sus obras que se encuentran alumbrados por doctrinas teológicas clave dentro del pensamiento cristiano, vector fundamental de sus escritos. Particularmente, se insiste en profundizar en las reflexiones del autor en torno a la democracia, estableciendo una relación específica con sus consideraciones teológicas y políticas. (shrink)

تهدف هذه المناقشة إلى تسليط الضوء على أبرز الإشكاليات التي يتضمنها هذا الكتاب( )، وإبراز بعض الأسئلة والأسس المنهجية والمعرفية التي ينطلق منها، وآلية معالجتها، والبناء عليها، ومدى منطقية أو معقولية هذه المعالجة وهذا البناء. وتنطلق هذه الدراسة من فرضية أو أطروحة ترى أن النص مبني على أساس ثنائيات متقابلة يتم السعي إلى إقامة جدلٍ على النمط الهيغلي بينها. وانطلاقاً من هذه الأطروحة، سيتم تقييم الكتاب، بالدرجة الأولى، على أساس مدى نجاحه في تأسيس هذا الجدل بين ثنائيات يطرحها الكتاب صراحة (...) أو يحتويها ضمناً، مثل: "المسألة العربية" و"الاستثنائية العربية"، القومية والديمقراطية، "البنية وفاعلية الذات، الأيديولوجيا (القومية) والمعرفة "العلمية"... إلخ. ونجرؤ على القول إنَّ الجدل الهيغلي، بوصفه رؤيةً فلسفيةً منهجيةً، يمثل "الروح" أو الأساس الفلسفي العميق أو الأعمق لهذا الكتاب. ويبدو أثر هذه الرؤية واضحاً، على الرغم من عدم الإشارة إلى هيغل، في الكتاب، سوى مرة واحدة فقط (ص 19). ويقوم هذا المنهج الجدلي على الجمع بين طرفين، يقصي، في المرحلة الأولى، كلٌّ منهما الآخر أو يتضاد أو يتناقض معه؛ ثم يتم، في المرحلة الثانية، رفع هذا التناقض إلى وحدةٍ تلغي التعارض وتحتفظ به، في الوقت نفسه. ويتم هذا الرفع أو التجاوز، من خلال إبراز إمكانية أو ضرورة أن يكون كل طرف متوسَّطاً بالآخر. ويبيِّن هذا التوسط أن كل طرف يقتضي الآخر وينفيه، في الآن ذاته. وهكذا، لا يتحقق كل طرفٍ إلا بسلب نقيضه وبسلب نفسه، بواسطة الطرف الآخر. ويتجلى المثال الأشهر على هذه الوحدة الجدلية عند هيغل في العلاقة بين الوجود والعدم. فكلٌّ منهما نقيضٌ أو مضادٌّ للآخر، لكن، يتم تجاوز هذا التناقض أو التضاد في "الصيرورة" التي تتضمن الطرفين وتنفيهما، في الآن ذاته.( ) وتعني الجدلية هنا، فيما تعنيه، رفض الأحادية واللاتاريخية. وقد اكتسبت الجدلية معنى جديداً نسبياً مع ماركس، بحيث أصبحت مغايرة للميتافيزيقي أو الغيبي. وسنبين مدى حضور الجدل بكل معانيه أو دلالاته السابقة في بناء هذا الكتاب وفي مقاربته للمواضيع المطروحة. (shrink)

In Russia, on the eve of the Revolution, the religious phenomenon was analyzed by scholars in specific works and in public discussions in its various aspects: historical, political, social, institutional. Of particular interest is the attempt to bring it back to an original expression of emotional consciousness, which marks a continuity with the Sentimentalism of the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This cultural current attempted to grasp a more certain truth in the immediacy of sentiment than in demonstrative reason, (...) and, levering on the ‘redi in te ipsum’, claimed a full moral responsibility for the individual, and at the same time attributed to the truth an immediate evidence, enlightening the the interiority of the individual. Individual consciousness, namely the seat of the truth that reveals itself in the immediacy of moral and religious sentiment, was moreover opposed to any external authority, and considered as giving rise to the ecclesial community itself. Accordingly, such an idea of an inner Church, fueling sectarianism, determined the hostility of the confessional Churches. However, Sentimentalism, while primarily concerning the psychology of interiority, did not go so far as to deal with the relationship of rational mediation with the immediacy of sentiment: namely to consider the emergence of distinctions (art and religion, moral truth and divine truth) that no longer belonged to the sentimental area but to conceptualization. This was in fact an issue discussed in the early twentieth century by a part of Russian intelligentsia, seeing in the individual emotional interiority not the light of a transcendent truth, but the creative freedom of establishing values. Since values are nothing but culture, namely products of reason, Russian intelligentsia got entangled in an ambiguity similar to the one characterizing Sentimentalism, in the attempt to identify in emotional consciousness the processes of formulation of logical-representative structures. (shrink)

The article addresses the treatment given to the notion of subject in Slavoj Žižek and Robert Kurz. Without aiming at a synthesis between the two radically opposed positions, they are played against one another in order to reveal the unidimensional stances and false steps in the field of the constitution of the struggle for a concrete negation of capitalist society.

لقد ظهرت الكثير الكثير من المقالات التي تتناول الثورات والحركات الاحتجاجية في البلاد العربية عموماً، والثورة السورية من ضمنها، لكن يمكن، مع ذلك، اعتبار هذه الأبحاث عن الثورة السورية بأنها أول دراسةٍ تحليليةٍ وتأريخيةٍ واستشرافيةٍ مطوَّلةٍ ومفصَّلةٍ ومعمَّقةٍ لهذه الثورة المستمرة حتى الآن (14/11/2011). ولهذا السبب، ولكون هذه الأبحاث تتناول أمراً مصيرياً بالنسبة إلى كل السوريين، سأحاول القيام بمناقشة نقدية لبعض أهم الأفكار والوقائع التي عرضتها هذه الأبحاث. وأقصد بالنقد العمل على إظهار مدى مشروعية هذه الأفكار، من جهة أولى، وحدود (...) هذه المشروعية، من جهة ثان وبكلامٍ آخر تبسيطي، يقوم النقد بإظهار الإيجابيات والسلبيات، في الوقت نفسه. ويمكن تبسيط آلية عمل النقد في صيغة: "هذا حقٌّ ...، لكن ....". وتنبثق مشروعية أي فكرة من معقوليتها وواقعيتها، أو بلغة المنطق، من صحتها، أي اتساقها الذاتي واتساقها مع الأفكار الأخرى، وصدقها، أي اتساقها مع الواقع. ويمكن تبيُّن هذه المعقولية من خلال البحث في أسسها النظرية، وفي الوقائع أو القرائن المؤيدة لها، ومن خلال مناقشة مدى اتساق عملية استنباط النتائج انطلاقاً من هذه الأسس ومن هذه الوقائع والقرائن. لكنَّ الحديث عن مشروعية ما تطرحه الأبحاث من أفكار يجب أن يقترن بالحديث عن محدودية هذه المشروعية. فعلى الرغم من العمق والشمول اللذين تتسم بهما هذه الأبحاث عموماً، إلا أنها تبقى، مثل كلِّ الدراسات والأبحاث، جزئيةٌ ونسبيةٌ، بدرجة أو بأخرى، تتجاور وتتوازى فيها عمليات الظهور والغياب أو الإظهار والتغييب، انطلاقاً من الإطار النظري الذي تحاول الأبحاث التأسيس له، وعليه. ولا يعني القول بجزئية الأبحاث الانتقاص منها أو التقليل من شأنها، وإنما يقصد ذلك التشديد على أنَّها غير شاملة، بمعنى أنَّها تتناول جزءاً من الواقع والمدروس، ولا تستطيع تناول هذا الواقع بكليَّته. ونسبية الأبحاث تعني أنها مرتهنةٌ بجزئيتها، من جهة، وبعلاقتها بالمنهج الذي تتبناه، وبالإطار المعرفي الذي تطرح فيه أفكارها، بشكلٍ يؤسس له وعليه، من جهةٍ أخرى. ويختصر مصطلح "وجهة نظر (point of view or viewpoint)" أو مصطلح "منظورperspective) )" ما نقصده بجزئية الأبحاث والمعرفة الإنسانية عموماً. فهذان المصطلحان يوضحان ويفسران »لماذا نرى شيئاً على هذا النحو وليس على نحوِ آخر.«( ) وباختصار، تعبِّر جزئية الأبحاث ونسبيتها عن ضرورة منهجية وإبستيمولوجية وأنطولوجية، في الوقت نفسه، وهذه الضرورة محايثة لكل الأبحاث، ولكل أشكال المعرفة الإنسانية، بما في ذلك المعرفة "العلمية". وهكذا ستحاول المناقشة إظهار ما الذي يقوله البحث أو يريد قوله، وما الذي لا يقوله أو لا يريد قوله، مع إظهار معاني أو دلالات هذا الحضور والغياب وأهميتهما في استراتيجية الخطاب، عموماً، وبخصوص الواقع الذي يتناوله هذا الخطاب، خصوصاً. تنقسم هذه الدراسة إلى ثلاثة أقسام رئيسة. يعرض ويناقش القسم الأول تحليل خلفية الثورة السورية، من خلال دراسة العقد الأخير من تاريخ سورية. أما القسم الثاني فيتناول تأريخ وتحليل الأشهر الخمسة الأولى من الثورة السورية. وسيُكرَّس القسم الأخير لمناقشة الرؤية الاستشرافية، المعروضة في الأبحاث، لآفاق سورية، انطلاقاً من وضع الثورة-الأزمة الذي تعيشه. وقبل البدء في هذه الأقسام، أود الإشارة إلى أنَّ هدف هذه الدراسة لا يكمن في تقديم تلخيص يكون بمثابة البديل المكثف لهذه الأبحاث عن الثورة السورية؛ على العكس من ذلك تماماً، تهدف هذه الدراسة إلى حثِّ قارئها على العودة إلى قراءة هذه الأبحاث، من خلال التأكيد على أهميتها وقيمتها الكبيرة. (shrink)

The paper is devoted to demonstrating the systematic value of the “Two Treatises of Government”. Even though their genesis is rooted in the political circumstances of Locke’s life-time, the “Treatises” are not simply a pamphlet designed to support the Whig cause, as Locke’s political ideas are derived from his theoretical philosophy and from his concept of natural law.

Od końca XX wieku w Europie rozwija się instytucja ponadpaństwowego obywatelstwa europejskiego, które obecnie pozostaje komplementarne wobec członkostwa jednostki w strukturze państwa. Obywatelstwo związane jest głównie z państwem, zarówno genetycznie, jak i funkcjonalnie, zaś proces kształtowania się idei obywatelstwa i jej prawnego urzeczywistniania leży w cywilizacji europejskiej głęboko u początków państwowości. Podkreślić należy przy tym, iż to wydarzenia końca XVIII wieku we Francji bezsprzecznie dodały rozwojowi idei obywatelstwa nowej dynamiki, prowadząc do jej nowożytnej instytucjonalizacji. Przez stulecia porządek prawny panujący w (...) państwach europejskich determinował bowiem posiadanie przez jednostkę praw, które wynikały z jej przynależności do danej grupy społecznej (kręgu wolno urodzonych, grona zamożnych, czy danego stanu). Dopiero akty prawne doby Rewolucji Francuskiej wprowadziły kategorię praw podmiotowych jednostki. Słusznie przyjęło się uważać, iż Rewolucja Francuska stworzyła „nowego człowieka” − obywatela. Nieczęsto jednak zwraca się uwagę na fakt, iż burzliwe wydarzenia końca XVIII wieku we Francji doprowadziły do powstania różnych wzorców obywatela, zaś wszystkie one razem stały się podstawą dla prawnego urzeczywistnienia obywatelstwa państwowego w Europie. Podstawy ideologiczne gruntownych przemian dawała twórczość wielkich myślicieli Oświecenia, zwłaszcza zaś poglądy wyrażane przez Monteskiusza i Jana Jakuba Rousseau. Nie bez znaczenia pozostawały również społeczno-polityczne oraz gospodarcze koncepcje przedstawicieli szkoły fizjokratów i encyklopedystów (czy nawet utopijnych komunistów). Intelektualiści epoki proponowali kierunki zmian często zasadniczo od siebie odmienne, ale zawsze – teoretycznie przynajmniej – lepsze od stanu rzeczywistego. Przelewane na papier wizje uznanych pisarzy podsycały ogólny klimat niezadowolenia i przyspieszały dojrzewanie rozwiązań radykalnych. Intelektualna krytyka istniejącego status quo prowadziła wprost do przełomu, który miał uzbroić człowieka w więcej praw, poszerzyć horyzonty jego wolności i przekształcić poddanego w obywatela. (shrink)

This is a collection of essays that all appeared in various Italian academic journals in the late seventies, aimed at tackling what we then used to call the " Crisis of Marxism". The reason of interest of these essays is the attitude taken by the author, who does not want to be neither that of the refugees from Marxism, who talk about something else, neither that of those who continue "to call themselves Marxists while ignoring the thousand reasons for doubt".

The “Treatise on Nomadology: The War Machine" is one of the most important and innovative chapters in Gilles Deleuze and Felix Guattari's book, A Thousand Plateaus. It is a highly original text in political philosophy whose implications have yet to be fully mined—or even partially mined, for that matter. This short text analyzes the "noumenal" status that Deleuze assigns to the nomadic war machine, and analyzes the fundamental role that the nomadology plays in Deleuze and Guattari's political philosophy.