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  1. added 2020-06-10
    Letter of October 24, 1851 “Las Clases Discutidoras”.M. Blake Wilson - 2019 - Philosophical Journal of Conflict and Violence 3 (2):96-104.
    This is the first complete English translation and publication of Donoso’s carta de 24 de octubre, 1851, a letter encapsulating many of his views on revolution and decision. This remarkable letter, sent as a diplomatic missive while he was serving the Spanish crown in Paris, describes how Napoleon III––stuck between the 1848 constitution’s prohibition against his election and his impending coup that will crown him emperor––must gain the support of the liberal bourgeoise middle class if he is to maintain his (...)
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  2. added 2020-06-10
    Kilka uwag wprowadzających do badań nad współczesną rolą władzy tradycyjnej w państwach Afryki Subsaharyjskiej.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2017 - In A. Żukowski (ed.), Tradycja i nowoczesność w Afryce Społeczeństwo - polityka - gospodarka. Olsztyn: pp. 11-30.
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  3. added 2020-06-07
    E Ripepe, I conti col marxismo. [REVIEW]Sergio Volodia Marcello Cremaschi - 1988 - Il Progetto 8 (48):108.
    This is a collection of essays that all appeared in various Italian academic journals in the late seventies, aimed at tackling what we then used to call the " Crisis of Marxism". The reason of interest of these essays is the attitude taken by the author, who does not want to be neither that of the refugees from Marxism, who talk about something else, neither that of those who continue "to call themselves Marxists while ignoring the thousand reasons for doubt".
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  4. added 2020-05-14
    Ograniczanie konfliktów w Nigerii i Indonezji. Hybrydowy model power-sharing.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2019 - Warszawa: Elipsa.
    Monografia ta traktuje o ograniczaniu konfliktów w relacjach między segmentami społecznymi (takimi jak grupy etniczne, wspólnoty religijne), w których członkostwo opiera się na podstawach askryptywnych i kulturowych, a także między nimi a władzą centralną w Nigerii i Indonezji. Państwa te mają burzliwą historię niepodległego bytu, ogromne wieloetniczne i wieloreligijne populacje, duże gospodarki oraz zasoby surowców energetycznych. Jak wskazują liczne raporty, będą wkrótce należeć do najważniejszych w świecie. W Nigerii i Indonezji funkcjonują systemy polityczne oparte na tzw. power-sharing (współrządzeniu), tj. takie, (...)
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  5. added 2020-05-06
    »Political Correctness« Als Sklavenmoral? Zur Politischen Theorie der Privilegienkritik.Karsten Schubert - 2020 - Leviathan 48 (1):29-51.
    (English below) Rechte Intellektuelle berufen sich oft auf Nietzsches Konzept der Sklavenmoral, um damit ihre Kritik an ‚political correctness‘ zu untermauern. Diese Verschaltung von Nietzsches Sklavenmoral und ‚PC‘-Kritik ist zutreffend, wie die systematische Analyse ihrer gemeinsamen Elemente zeigt, die zu einer Neubeschreibung von ‚PC‘-Kritik als Privilegienverteidigung führt. Im Gegensatz zur rechtsnietzscheanischen ‚PC‘-Kritik zeigt der linksnietzscheanische Begriff des privilegienkritischen ‚politischen Urteilens‘, dass Politik ein Kampf um Macht und Ansprüche ist, wobei der politische Raum und seine Diskurse immer verregelt und ein Verteilungssystem (...)
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  6. added 2020-05-04
    Istota i główne modele power-sharing w kontekście wieloetniczności. Zarys problematyki.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2016 - Przegląd Politologiczny 3:27-39.
    Artykuł traktuje w zarysie o istocie i głównych modelach power-sharing. Choć powersharing może być pojmowane w sposób bardzo szeroki, tematyka tego artykułu dotyczy jego wąskiego rozumienia. Odnosi się ono do fenomenu dzielenia się władzą państwową przez różne segmenty (np. grupy etniczne lub wspólnoty religijne) społeczeństw pluralnych (podzielonych, sfragmentaryzowanych), w tym zwłaszcza wieloetnicznych i/lub wieloreligijnych. Głównym celem artykułu jest wyjaśnienie treści power-sharing we wskazanym wąskim rozumieniu i wytłumaczenie w zarysie jego głównych modeli (konfesjonalizm, model Lewisa, konsocjonalizm, centrypetalizm).
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  7. added 2020-04-15
    Social Depoliticization, Authoritarian Power, and Lack of Development in African States.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2009 - Hemispheres 24:133-142.
    Claude Ake was interested in how the depoliticization of African societies has led to their existing in a state of permanent crisis, and, in particular, to the impossibility of their development. He understood depoliticization as a situation where the right to possess a political sphere of life is withheld from most members of the state and, at the same time, politics is monopolized by those in power. He showed the error of seeing the African crisis primarily as an economic crisis (...)
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  8. added 2020-04-13
    Legitimacy and Importance of the Traditional Authority in Africa: K.A. Appiah's Approach and Its Critique.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2010 - Africana Bulletin 58:47-74.
    In many African states, numerous different pre-colonial systems of power – such as kingships, sultanates or chieftaincies – which have a traditional legitimacy often confirmed in colonial and post-colonial times, have survived till our day. Their role in the contemporary republican state has been studied by many African intellectuals, and the views of Kwame Anthony Appiah, a thinker originating from Ghana, are of particular interest. He believes that in order to understand the significance of traditional authority and the phenomenon of (...)
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  9. added 2020-04-12
    Hybrid Power Sharing: On How to Stabilize the Political Situation in Multi-Segmental Societies.Krzysztof Trzcinski - 2018 - Politeja 56 (5):86-107.
    There are various ways of reducing conflicts and of stabilizing the political situation in states where society is made up of many different ethnic groups and religious communities, and where relations between these segments – or between them and the central government – are tense. A particularly important way is the establishment in those states of a political system based on power-sharing (PS), which allows members of various ethnic and religious segments to take part in the exercise of power. The (...)
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  10. added 2020-04-12
    A Reversal of Perspective: The Subject as Citizen Under Absolute Monarchy, or the Ambiguity of Notions.Krzysztof Trzciński - 2007 - In K. Trzcinski (ed.), The State and Development in Africa and Other Regions: Studies and Essays in Honour of Professor Jan J. Milewski. Warsaw: pp. 319-332.
    Europe has never had a single definition for the term ‘citizen.’ Indeed, over the centuries the significance of this term has undergone far-reaching evolution. In different historical periods, different states, and different European languages, this term has had diverse meanings and has been used in varying contexts. The concept of ‘citizen’ has repeatedly been defined anew depending upon specific political, social, and economic conditions. At various periods, the term ‘citizen’ has related to a wider or narrower portion of a given (...)
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  11. added 2019-12-08
    Violence and the Materiality of Power.Torsten Menge - forthcoming - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:1-26.
    The issue of political violence is mostly absent from current debates about power. Many conceptions of power treat violence as wholly distinct from or even antithetical to power, or see it as a mere instrument whose effects are obvious and not in need of political analysis. In this paper, I explore what kind of ontology of power is necessary to properly take account of the various roles that violence can play in creating and maintaining power structures. I pursue this question (...)
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  12. added 2019-12-06
    Political Power and Depoliticised Acquiescence: Spinoza and Aristocracy.Sandra Leonie Field - 2020 - Constellations 27 (1).
    According to a recent interpretive orthodoxy, Spinoza is a profoundly democratic theorist of state authority. I reject this orthodoxy. To be sure, for Spinoza, a political order succeeds in proportion as it harnesses the power of the people within it. However, Spinoza shows that political inclusion is only one possible strategy to this end; equally if not more useful is political exclusion, so long as it maintains what I call the depoliticised acquiescence of those excluded.
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  13. added 2019-06-13
    Дональд Трамп: фашизм у добу метамодерну.Vlad Levytskyi - 2018 - NaUKMA Research Papers. History and Theory of Culture 1:42-45.
    Статтю присвячено чинному президенту Сполучених Штатів Америки Дональду Трампу. Здійснено спробу показати елементи тоталітарного дискурсу у його публічній політичній діяльності і проаналізувати правомірність прямих порівнянь із вождями тоталітарних режимів XX ст., зокрема з Гітлером. Показано тло політичної та культурної історії Америки, на якому стала можливою перемога Дональда Трампа, відзначено ключові моменти, найбільш важливі для розуміння поточної ситуації. Приділено увагу основній виборчій базі та соціальним медіа, а також запропоновано перспективу для боротьби проти тоталітарних тенденцій.
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  14. added 2019-06-07
    Collective Action, Constituent Power, and Democracy: On Representation in Lindahl’s Philosophy of Law.Thomas Fossen - 2019 - Etica and Politica / Ethics and Politics 21 (3):383-390.
    This contribution develops two objections to Hans Lindahl’s legal philosophy, as exhibited in his Authority and the Globalization of Inclusion and Exclusion. First, his conception of constituent power overstates the necessity of violence in initiating collective action. Second, his rejection of the distinction between participatory and representative democracy on the grounds that participation is representation is misleading, and compromises our ability to differentiate qualitatively among various forms of (purportedly) democratic involvement. Both problems stem from the same root. They result from (...)
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  15. added 2019-05-16
    Citizenship, Structural Inequality and the Political Elite.Michael Merry - 2018 - On Education 1 (1):1-6.
    Whatever the merits idealized liberal accounts of citizenship education may have in the seminar room, in this essay I argue that they are both unpersuasive and ineffectual. This is the case, because they are insufficiently attentive to the empirical realities, first (a) with respect to how real – versus imaginary – school systems function; and second, (b) with respect to the broader political context in which citizenship education policies are implemented. Because so much is already known about the former, I (...)
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  16. added 2019-03-26
    Tying Legitimacy to Political Power: Graded Legitimacy Standards for International Institutions.Antoinette Scherz - forthcoming - European Journal of Political Theory:147488511983813.
    International institutions have become increasingly important not only in the relations between states, but also for individuals. When are these institutions legitimate? The legitimacy standards for international institutions are predominantly either minimal or democratic and cannot capture the large variety of international institutions. This article develops an autonomy-based conception of legitimacy based on the justification of political power that is applicable to both international and domestic institutions. Political power as rule-setting is a particular normative threat to the personal and political (...)
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  17. added 2019-03-21
    Poder legítimo e formas de dominação weberianas.Emanuel Isaque Cordeiro da Silva - manuscript
    As formas de exercício do poder podem ser legítimas ou não. Segundo Max Weber, elas são legítimas quando a influência exercida é aceita por aqueles que se submetem à vontade do outro, como no caso dos moradores de uma cidade ante as decisões da prefeitura. E não são legítimas quando pressupõem apenas o uso da força para imposição da vontade, como no caso das ditaduras. O exercício legítimo do poder é chamado por Weber de dominação. Quando o poder é exercido (...)
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  18. added 2019-03-12
    The UN Security Council, Normative Legitimacy and the Challenge of Specificity.Antoinette Scherz & Alain Zysset - 2020 - Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy:371-391.
    This paper discusses how the general and abstract concept of legitimacy applies to international institutions, using the United Nations Security Council as an example. We argue that the evaluation of the Security Council’s legitimacy requires considering three significant and interrelated aspects: its purpose, competences, and procedural standards. We consider two possible interpretations of the Security Council’s purpose: on the one hand, maintaining peace and security, and, on the other, ensuring broader respect for human rights. Both of these purposes are minimally (...)
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  19. added 2018-02-23
    A Broad Definition of Agential Power.Pablo Gilabert - 2018 - Journal of Political Power 11 (1):79-92.
    Can we develop a definition of power that is satisfactorily determinate but also enables rather than foreclose important substantive debates about how power relations proceed and should proceed in social and political life? I present a broad definition of agential power that meets these desiderata. On this account, agents have power with respect to a certain outcome (including, inter alia, the shaping of certain social relations) to the extent that they can voluntarily determine whether that outcome occurs. This simple definition (...)
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  20. added 2018-02-14
    Noumenal Power, Reasons, and Justification: A Critique of Forst.Sameer Bajaj & Enzo Rossi - forthcoming - In Ester Herlin-Karnell & Matthias Klatt (eds.), Constitutionalism Justified. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
    In this essay we criticise Rainer Forst's attempt to draw a connection between power and justification, and thus ground his normative theory of a right to justification. Forst draws this connection primarily conceptually, though we will also consider whether a normative connection may be drawn within his framework. Forst's key insight is that if we understand power as operating by furnishing those subjected to it with reasons, then we create a space for the normative contestation of any exercise of power. (...)
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  21. added 2018-01-16
    Nudges and Other Moral Technologies in the Context of Power: Assigning and Accepting Responsibility.Mark Alfano & Philip Robichaud - forthcoming - In David Boonin (ed.), Handbook of Philosophy and Public Policy. Palgrave.
    Strawson argues that we should understand moral responsibility in terms of our practices of holding responsible and taking responsibility. The former covers what is commonly referred to as backward-looking responsibility , while the latter covers what is commonly referred to as forward-looking responsibility . We consider new technologies and interventions that facilitate assignment of responsibility. Assigning responsibility is best understood as the second- or third-personal analogue of taking responsibility. It establishes forward-looking responsibility. But unlike taking responsibility, it establishes forward-looking responsibility (...)
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  22. added 2017-11-28
    Notes on Appropriation.Loretta Todd - 1990 - Parallelogramme 16 (1):24-33.
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  23. added 2017-10-10
    Nietzschean Will to Power and the Politics of Personalities in Public Diplomacy.Nicholas Anakwue - 2017 - Socialscientia Journal of Social Science and Humanities 2 (3):1-17.
    The task of understanding and perfecting international and diplomatic relations is becoming more crucial, given the frequency of political disputes and intimidation via public diplomacy. At the root of this trend is the dominance of political personalities in international relations, dictating the direction and progress of conflict control on the international scene. With increasing technological, biological, chemical and nuclear weaponry, ignorance of and any mistaken decision on the diplomatic terrain can come at a huge cost of war and anarchy. At (...)
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  24. added 2017-09-21
    Good Governance.Thaddeus Metz, Johannes Hirata, Ritu Verma & Eric Zencey - 2017 - In Centre for Bhutan Studies (ed.), Happiness: Transforming the Development Landscape. Centre for Bhutan Studies and GNH. pp. 329-346.
    An analysis of the nature of good governance as it figures into the Royal Government of Bhutan's policy of Gross National Happiness.
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  25. added 2017-08-15
    Civil Disobedience in a Distorted Public Sphere.Martin Blaakman - 2012 - Krisis: Journal for Contemporary Philosophy (3):27-36.
    Rawls’s notion of civil disobedience, which still dominates the literature on this subject, comprises at least these three characteristics: it involves breaking the law, is non-violent and public. But implicit in this notion is a certain tension: it shows pessisimism about the proper functioning of the public sphere as earlier normal appeals have failed, but it also displays a certain optimism about its proper functioning as it assumes that civil disobedience may be effective. In my paper I argue that Rawls (...)
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  26. added 2017-08-10
    International Relations, Hegemony and the ICC.Orrù Elisa - 2012 - IUSE (Istituto Universitario di Studi Europei) Working Papers 1 (4-DSE):1-12.
    The relationship between power, law and consent is a key feature of the Western debate on criminal law. On the one side, defining the legitimate ways of exercising the punitive power has been a critical question since the Enlightenment thought onwards and especially as to the rule of law doctrine. On the other side, the role played by public punishment in shaping consent and its communicative potential have been crucial questions for critical, as well as non-critical approaches to criminal law (...)
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  27. added 2017-08-05
    GEOGRAPHY, ASSIMILATION, AND DIALOGUE: Universalism and Particularism in Central-European Thought.H. G. Callaway - manuscript
    There are many advantages and disadvantages to central locations. These have shown themselves in the long course of European history. In times of peace, there are important economic and cultural advantages (to illustrate: the present area of the Czech Republic was the richest country in Europe between the two World Wars). There are cross-currents of trade and culture in central Europe of great advantage. For, cultural cross-currents represent a potential benefit in comprehension and cultural growth. But under threat of large-scale (...)
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  28. added 2017-07-30
    “When Having Too Much Power is Harmful? - Spinoza on Political Luck”.Yitzhak Melamed - 2018 - In Yitzhak Melamed & Hasana Sharp (eds.), Spinoza's Political Treatise: A Critical Guide. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 161-174.
    Spinoza’s celebrated doctrine of the conatus asserts that “each thing, as far as it can by its own power, strives to persevere in its being” (E3p6). Shortly thereafter Spinoza makes the further claim that the (human) mind strives to increase its power of acting (E3p12). This latter claim is commonly interpreted as asserting that human beings (and their associations) not only strive to persevere in their existence, but also always strive to increase their power. Spinoza’s justification for E3p12 relies (among (...)
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  29. added 2016-10-27
    Moralities of Self-Renunciation and Obedience: The Later Foucault and Disciplinary Power Relations.Cory Wimberly - 2011 - Philosophy Today 55 (1):37-49.
    This essay develops a new account of the work the self must perform on itself in disciplinary relations through the cultivation of resources from Foucault’s later work. By tracing the ethical self-relation from Greco-Roman antiquity to the Benedictine monastery, I am able to provide insight into the relationship of self-renunciation that underlies disciplinary docility and obedience. This self-renunciation undermines individuals’ ability to lead themselves and makes them reliant on another who has mastery of the truth through which the subject must (...)
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  30. added 2016-07-13
    Michael Mann: Le fonti del potere sociale.Eleonora Piromalli - 2016 - Milano-Udine: Mimesis.
    La teoria del potere di Michael Mann è una delle prospettive più influenti nell’ambito della ricerca sul potere contemporanea. La sua grande carica innovativa è data dal modello teorico che Mann elabora nella sua opera più ampia e conosciuta, The Sources of Social Power: le relazioni di potere succedutesi nella storia umana possono essere ripercorse e spiegate sulla base delle quattro categorie costituite dal potere ideologico, economico, militare e politico. Grazie a questa chiave analitica Mann offre risposte empiricamente documentate e (...)
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  31. added 2016-06-27
    La problemática del cuerpo en Michel Foucault.Gonzalo Montenegro - 2008 - Alcances. Revista de Estudiantes de Filosofía (ISSN 0718–316X) (No 2).
    The Foucault’s conception of power, so as those instructions that lead to think the body as a surface or exteriority, enable to suppose that body transcends the restrictive context with the one usually associated with. For that, it’s necessary to inquire into the Foucault’s form to think about the exteriority; principally the one that persists between visibility and enunciation. This subject will be analyzed starting from the multiples forms with which they appear in the foucaultian’s proposition, especially about the clinic (...)
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  32. added 2016-03-18
    Indiscriminate Mass Surveillance and the Public Sphere.Titus Stahl - 2016 - Ethics and Information Technology 18 (1):33-39.
    Recent disclosures suggest that many governments apply indiscriminate mass surveillance technologies that allow them to capture and store a massive amount of communications data belonging to citizens and non-citizens alike. This article argues that traditional liberal critiques of government surveillance that center on an individual right to privacy cannot completely capture the harm that is caused by such surveillance because they ignore its distinctive political dimension. As a complement to standard liberal approaches to privacy, the article develops a critique of (...)
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  33. added 2014-12-14
    Sobre el reclutamiento de los individuos como sujetos en la ideología.Pedro Karczmarczyk - 2010 - Actas de Las VI Jornadas de Sociología de la UNLP.
    En el presente trabajo examinaremos la tesis de Althusser que sostiene que la categoría de sujeto es un elemento constituyente de toda ideología. Debido a ello, la terna “ideología-interpelación-sujeto” poseería carácter omnihistórico. Sin embargo, algunos intérpretes encuentran un inconveniente en esta tesis, debido a la asociación del término ‘sujeto’ con la ideología burguesa. Para intervenir en este entramado de problemas nos proponemos tomar algunas indicaciones sobre la “evidencia del significado” y sus vínculos con la “evidencia del sujeto” que han sido (...)
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  34. added 2014-11-11
    Crítica, Ideología y Aufklärung Según Michel Foucault.Pedro Karczmarczyk & Norma Rodríguez - 2011 - Cadernos de Pesquisa Interdisciplinar En Ciências Humanas (100):3-20.
    En el presente trabajo reflexionamos en torno a una serie de textos en los que Michel Foucault se pregunta por estatuto de la crítica. La cuestión nos parece volverse reflexivamente sobre el propio Foucualt y por ello intentaremos evaluar de qué manera, con sus propios recursos conceptuales, se puede determinar el estatuto de su propio discurso. Para ello recorreremos dos caminos: (i) su rechazo de la noción de ideología que lo pone en tensión con algunas de las tradiciones mayores del (...)
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  35. added 2014-04-02
    Hobbes and the Question of Power.Sandra Field - 2014 - Journal of the History of Philosophy 52 (1):61-85.
    Thomas Hobbes has been hailed as the philosopher of power par excellence; however, I demonstrate that Hobbes’s conceptualization of political power is not stable across his texts. Once the distinction is made between the authorized and the effective power of the sovereign, it is no longer sufficient simply to defend a doctrine of the authorized power of the sovereign; such a doctrine must be robustly complemented by an account of how the effective power commensurate to this authority might be achieved. (...)
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  36. added 2014-03-20
    Human Rights, Human Dignity, and Power.Pablo Gilabert - 2015 - In Rowan Cruft, Matthew Liao & Massimo Renzo (eds.), Philosophical Foundations of Human Rights. Oxford University Press. pp. 196-213.
    This paper explores the connections between human rights, human dignity, and power. The idea of human dignity is omnipresent in human rights discourse, but its meaning and point is not always clear. It is standardly used in two ways, to refer to a normative status of persons that makes their treatment in terms of human rights a proper response, and a social condition of persons in which their human rights are fulfilled. This paper pursues three tasks. First, it provides an (...)
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  37. added 2013-06-03
    Reflections on Human Rights and Power.Pablo Gilabert - 2018 - In Adam Etinson (ed.), Human Rights: Moral or Political? Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 375-399.
    Human rights are particularly relevant in contexts in which there are significant asymmetries of power, but where these asymmetries exist the human rights project turns out to be especially difficult to realize. The stronger can use their disproportionate power both to threaten others’ human rights and to frustrate attempts to secure their fulfillment. They may even monopolize the international discussion as to what human rights are and how they should be implemented. This paper explores this tension between the normative ideal (...)
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  38. added 2011-07-08
    Hannah Arendt on Power.Garrath Williams - 2011 - In Keith Dowding (ed.), Encyclopedia of Power. Thousand Oaks: Sage. pp. 26-28.
    Hannah Arendt’s (1906-1975) conception of power is entirely distinctive. It is rooted in a political philosophy that celebrates the public realm of freedom that emerges when people act with others as citizens or political equals. For Arendt, power is actualized where people act together to sustain or to change the world they share with one another. Her fundamental claim is this: ‘Power corresponds to the human ability not just to act but to act in concert. Power is never the property (...)
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  39. added 2011-03-09
    Institutional Power, Collective Acceptance, and Recognition.Titus Stahl - 2011 - In Heikki Ikäheimo & Arto Laitinen (eds.), Recognition and Social Ontology. Brill. pp. 349--372.
    The article defines the boundaries of social and institutional power clearly; it argues that all institutional power rests finally on the acceptance of sanctioning authority and thus on mutual recognition.
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