Technology is a practically indispensible means for satisfying one’s basic interests in all central areas of human life including nutrition, habitation, health care, entertainment, transportation, and social interaction. It is impossible for any one person, even a well-trained scientist or engineer, to know enough about how technology works in these different areas to make a calculated choice about whether to rely on the vast majority of the technologies she/he in fact relies upon. Yet, there are substantial risks, uncertainties, and (...) unforeseen practical consequences associated with the use of technological artifacts and systems. The salience of technological failure (both catastrophic and mundane), as well as technology’s sometimes unforeseeable influence on our behavior, makes it relevant to wonder whether we are really justified as individuals in our practical reliance on technology. Of course, even if we are not justified, we might nonetheless continue in our technological reliance, since the alternatives might not be attractive or feasible. In this chapter I argue that a conception of trust in technological artifacts and systems is plausible and helps us understand what is at stake philosophically in our reliance on technology. Such an account also helps us understand the relationship between trust and technological risk and the ethical obligations of those who design, manufacture, and deploy technological artifacts. (shrink)

In his insightful book, Trust in a Polarized Age, Kevin Vallier (2021) convincingly shows that the legitimacy and sustainability of liberal democratic institutions are dependent upon the maintenance of social and institutional trust. This insight, I believe, has value beyond the illustrious halls of post-Rawlsian, post-Gausian thought. Indeed, while I remain skeptical towards some of the premises of public reason liberalism, I am convinced that any liberal democratic political philosopher who takes the trust literature seriously and who (...) has made their (pragmatic or principled) peace with redistribution has good reasons to sympathize with the general outlines of the institutional palette that emerges out of his book. In this article, I will take for granted Vallier’s assumption that the erosion of social and institutional trust is a serious problem. This motivates investigating the trust-bearing attributes of the redistributive welfare state and the “principle of social insurance” that underpins it. I reconstruct and critically analyse Vallier’s case for a liberal democratic welfare state. I show that he makes a convincing public reason argument for universal social insurance but proceeds too hastily to exclude the principle of unconditionality from consideration. The rest of my paper consists of defending this claim by presenting two kinds of arguments— empirical and theoretical—that I think public reason liberals like Vallier, according to their own commitments, should be motivated to incorporate into their comprehensive discussion of the public justifications for and against basic income. They will show that Universal Basic Income (UBI), although it remains contentious, has some features that could appeal to a diverse citizenry, and thus tilt the balance of public reason judgments towards UBI. (shrink)

Most traditional epistemologists see trust and knowledge as deeply antithetical: we cannot know by trusting in the opinions of others; knowledge must be based on evidence, not mere trust. I argue that this is badly mistaken. Modern knowers cannot be independent and self-reliant. In most disciplines, those who do not trust cannot know. Trust is thus often more epistemically basic than empirical evidence or logical argument, for the evidence and the argument are available only through (...) trust. Finally, since the reliability of testimonial evidence depends on the trustworthiness of the testifier, this implies that knowledge often rests on a foundation of ethics. The rationality of many of our beliefs depends not only on our own character, but on the character of others. (shrink)

I argue for an account of the vulnerability of trust, as a product of our need for secure social attachments to individuals and to a group. This account seeks to explain why it is true that, when we trust or distrust someone, we are susceptible to being betrayed by them, rather than merely disappointed or frustrated in our goals. What we are concerned about in matters of trust is, at the basic level, whether we matter, in (...) a non-instrumental way, to that individual, or to the group of which they are a member. We have this concern as a result of a drive to form secure social attachments. This makes us vulnerable in the characteristic way of being susceptible to betrayal, because how the other acts in such matters can demonstrate our lack of worth to them, or to the group, thereby threatening the security of our attachment, and eliciting the reactive attitudes characteristic of betrayal. (shrink)

We provide an analysis of the public's having warranted epistemic trust in science, that is, the conditions under which the public may be said to have well-placed trust in the scientists as providers of information. We distinguish between basic and enhanced epistemic trust in science and provide necessary conditions for both. We then present the controversy regarding the connection between autism and measles–mumps–rubella vaccination as a case study to illustrate our analysis. The realization of warranted epistemic (...) public trust in science requires various societal conditions, which we briefly introduce in the concluding section. (shrink)

Complex technology has become an essential aspect of everyday life. We rely on technology as part of basic infrastructure and repeatedly for tasks throughout the day. Yet, in many cases the relation surpasses mere reliance and evolves to trust in technology. A new, disruptive technology is blockchain. It claims to introduce trustless relationships among its users, aiming to eliminate the need for trust altogether—even being described as “the trust machine”. This paper presents a proposal to adjust (...) the concept of trust in blockchain applications with the tools provided by conceptual engineering. Its goal is to propose a concept of trust, that offers more than a halo term, devoid of the normative depth that the original, philosophical term actually carries. To evaluate possible concepts of trust in blockchain applications, five criteria are proposed: These criteria ensure that the conceptual relation indeed embodies trust, thereby being richer than mere reliance, and that the chosen concept highlights the active role of the trustor. While the concepts of trust in engineers and trust in algorithms have to be discarded, institutional trust emerges as a viable candidate, given some refinements. Ultimately, the concept of trust by normative expectations and attribution is suggested to capture the essence of trust in blockchain applications. (shrink)

Take a question like the safety and effectiveness of COVID-19 vaccines. Whether an ordinary citizen or a public official can acquire the correct answer to this question depends on the functioning of the epistemic basic structure of their society. The epistemic basic structure of a society consists of “the institutions that have a crucial role in the distribution of knowledge, that is, in the production and dissemination of knowledge, and in ensuring that people have the capability to assimilate (...) what is disseminated by providing them with the necessary educational background and intellectual skills”. It includes institutions of science and education, the media, search engines, libraries, museums, think tanks, and various government agencies. (shrink)

Whether we ought to trust the testimony of another person is often thought to primarily depend on features like their evidence, knowledge, or level of expertise. No doubt these are epistemically relevant features. However, a recent paper by Justin P. McBrayer (2024) convincingly argues that a testifier's interests may be more important than their expertise when it comes to how we should allocate our epistemic trust in them. Just think of the proverbial used car salesman. You should not (...) trust what he tells you, and realizing that he is an expert only seems to make things worse. In this reply, I consider McBrayer’s basic insight, constructively criticize his view, and tentatively explore further territory. (shrink)

Proceeding from a philosophical interpretation of negative theology as performatively undermining our seeming understanding of the absolute and thereby evoking a transformative experience, this paper emphasises the philosophical significance of negative theology by linking it to Karl Jaspers’ notion of the universal limit situation of existence. Against this background, an analysis of mystical and psychotic experiences shows how certain similarities between the two can be understood as constituting a particular mental state in which the universal limit situation is experienced personally. (...) Moreover, experiencing the limit situation, be it through this mental state or through certain moods or feelings, can be transformative and may lead to an attitude of groundless trust that acknowledges the incomprehensibility of the human condition. The paper argues that this reading of negative theology provides a better understanding of the parallels between mysticism and psychosis and may be fruitfully applied in therapy. (shrink)

Deep Brain Stimulation (DBS) is a relatively new, experimental treatment for patients suffering from treatment-refractory Obsessive Compulsive Disorder (OCD). The effects of treatment are typically assessed with psychopathological scales that measure the amount of symptoms. However, clinical experience indicates that the effects of DBS are not limited to symptoms only: patients for instance report changes in perception, feeling stronger and more confident, and doing things unreflectively. Our aim is to get a better overview of the whole variety of changes that (...) OCD patients experience during DBS treatment. For that purpose we conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 18 OCD patients. In this paper, we present the results from this qualitative study.We list the changes grouped in four domains: with regard to (a) person, (b) (social) world, (c)characteristics of person-world interactions, and (d) existential stance. We subsequently provide an interpretation of these results. In particular, we suggest that many of these changes can be seen as different expressions of the same process; namely that the experience of anxiety and tension gives way to an increased basic trust and increased reliance on one’s abilities. We then discuss the clinical implications of our findings, especially with regard to properly informing patients of what they can expect from treatment, the usefulness of including CBT in treatment, and the limitations of current measures of treatment success. We end by making several concrete suggestions for further research. (shrink)

In this article, I discuss prospects for democracy in the Middle East. I argue, first, that some democratic experiments—for instance, Egypt under Mohammed Morsi—are not in keeping with etymological and historical meanings of democracy; and second, that efforts to promote democracy, especially as exemplified in U.N. documents emphasizing universal rights grounded in Western traditions, are possibly totalitarian and also colonialist and hence counter to democratic ideals insofar as they impart one set of values as the only morally acceptable ones. A (...) respectful dialogue in which people from both regions strive to understand conditions giving rise to certain social practices would be more productive than morally superior attitudes, and help all to see areas where their respective cultures could be improved. I conclude by discussing concepts of democratic and pragmatic faith articulated by John Dewey and William James, arguing that democracy will continue to flounder in the Middle East so long as the basic trust implied in these concepts is lacking; and how Westerners might consider this a cautionary tale regarding social attitudes and public policies contrary to democratic life in their own countries. (shrink)

In her BBC Reith Lectures on Trust, Onora O’Neill offers a short, but biting, criticism of transparency. People think that trust and transparency go together but in reality, says O'Neill, they are deeply opposed. Transparency forces people to conceal their actual reasons for action and invent different ones for public consumption. Transparency forces deception. I work out the details of her argument and worsen her conclusion. I focus on public transparency – that is, transparency to the public over (...) expert domains. I offer two versions of the criticism. First, the epistemic intrusion argument: The drive to transparency forces experts to explain their reasoning to non-experts. But expert reasons are, by their nature, often inaccessible to non-experts. So the demand for transparency can pressure experts to act only in those ways for which they can offer public justification. Second, the intimate reasons argument: In many cases of practical deliberation, the relevant reasons are intimate to a community and not easily explicable to those who lack a particular shared background. The demand for transparency, then, pressures community members to abandon the special understanding and sensitivity that arises from their particular experiences. Transparency, it turns out, is a form of surveillance. By forcing reasoning into the explicit and public sphere, transparency roots out corruption — but it also inhibits the full application of expert skill, sensitivity, and subtle shared understandings. The difficulty here arises from the basic fact that human knowledge vastly outstrips any individual’s capacities. We all depend on experts, which makes us vulnerable to their biases and corruption. But if we try to wholly secure our trust — if we leash groups of experts to pursuing only the goals and taking only the actions that can be justified to the non-expert public — then we will undermine their expertise. We need both trust and transparency, but they are in essential tension. This is a deep practical dilemma; it admits of no neat resolution, but only painful compromise. (shrink)

Hostile epistemology is the study of how environmental features exploit our cognitive vulnerabilities. I am particularly interested in those vulnerabilities arise from the basic character of our epistemic lives. We are finite beings with limited cognitive resources, perpetually forced to reasoning a rush. I focus on two sources of unavoidable vulnerability. First, we need to use cognitive shortcuts and heuristics to manage our limited time and attention. But hostile forces can always game the gap between the heuristic and the (...) ideal. Second, we need to trust others, and trust makes us vulnerable. In particular, we need to trust experts whose expertise lies beyond our individual ability to vet. So we must rely on various imperfect signals and proxies, like institutional affiliation, to manage our trust. We are forced to use these imperfect and exploitable forms of reasoning, in order to cope with a cognitively overwhelming world. I present the hostile epistemology framework as a counterbalance to vice epistemology, which tends to locate responsibility for bad beliefs in the character of the believer. I draw two conclusions from my analysis. First: suppose we accept that that only communities and institutions can know about the world. This deeply social approach doesn’t solve the problem of expert identification. The individual still faces a problem: given their incomplete understanding, how should the individual pick which group to trust? Second: we might have hoped to get some kind of static picture of the right principles of reasoning — but hostile epistemology presents a different picture. We have to use risky heuristics and shortcuts, which hostile forces can game and exploit. We can respond by shifting to a different set of heuristics, but this simply shifts the location of our vulnerabilities. These new heuristics are also exploitable. There is no end to this, only a constant struggle to adapt. Limited beings in a hostile epistemic environment are locked in an unending epistemic arms race. (shrink)

Philosophical literature has focused on the concept of trust, but often considers distrust merely as an afterthought. Distrust however, because of its pervasive role in our everyday lives, can be quite damaging. Thus, understanding the rationality of distrust is crucial for understanding our testimonial practices. In this paper I analyze whether it is rational or irrational to distrust an informant on the basis of identity bias. My aim is to show that distrust is irrational when based on negative identity (...) bias. First, I adopt Annalisa Coliva’s account of social hinge epistemology where it is rationally required to assume certain basic presuppositions, such that people are generally reliable informants, to obtain propositional justification and participate in the testimonial practice. Secondly, I show how distrust based on negative identity bias can spread across other domains of interaction and jeopardize the testimonial practice as we fail to assume that people are generally reliable informants. Thirdly, I argue that considering bias as a defeater is beneficial to maintain the claim that bias-based distrust is irrational, as it prevents the acquisition of propositional justification. Finally, I show that distrust is rational when based on evidence and reason that the speaker is not reliable or sincere. (shrink)

It is commonly the case that sound, epistemological principles such as basic beliefs immediately become regarded as invalid when applied to theistic contexts. I will show that despite this, there is a strong sense of comparability between beliefs in God with beliefs in non-theistic beings and other commonly-held basic beliefs such as qualities of love and trust. To establish that both the belief in the existence of God and the existence of other beings and non-perceptual qualities are (...) justified as evidence in the same way, I will have to establish that they are both what Plantinga calls properly basic beliefs. I will argue that this comparability makes it equally justifiable for the belief in God’s existence in itself to be basic, in the same way that it is with other commonly-held beliefs. This argument does however require strong grounds to prove its viability, so I will be examining and critiquing the arguments which allude to a contradiction of this conclusion. By carefully examining these arguments, I will ultimately attempt to provide further justification for Plantinga’s claim that the mere belief in God is sufficient to be regarded as evident to the self, without needing to be justified through logical arguments. (shrink)

In this paper, we introduce a distinctive kind of psychological abuse we call Tightlacing. We begin by presenting four examples and argue that there is a distinctive form of abuse in these examples that cannot be captured by our existing moral categories. We then outline our diagnosis of this distinctive form of abuse. Tightlacing consists in inducing a mistaken self-conception in others that licenses overburdening demands on them such that victims apply those demands to themselves. We discuss typical Tightlacing strategies (...) and argue that Tightlacing typically is manipulative. Typical tightlacers will be motivated by a strong desire to suppress a kind of behaviour on the victim’s part. We will then differentiate Tightlacing from a related and widely discussed form of psychological abuse, Gaslighting. While Gaslighting focuses on the victim’s epistemic capacities and typically serves to insulate the abuser from potential dissent, Tightlacing focuses on the kind of person the victim is and typically serves to insulate the abuser from confronting ways of behaviour they cannot cope with. While Gaslighting targets the victim’s epistemic self-trust, Tightlacing targets their basic sense of who they are and their sense of entitlement to conduct themselves as who they really are. We finish by diagnosing the wrong-making features of Tightlacing, arguing that Tightlacing, among many secondary wrongs, makes the victim complicit in a denial of their rights as well as an erasure of who they are. (shrink)

Public policymakers and institutional decision-makers routinely face questions about whether interventions “work”: does universal basic income improve people’s welfare and stimulate entrepreneurial activity? Do gated alleyways reduce burglaries or merely shift the crime burden to neighbouring communities? What is the most cost-effective way to improve students’ reading abilities? These are empirical questions that seem best answered by looking at the world, rather than trusting speculations about what will be effective. Evidence-based policy (EBP) is a movement that concretizes this intuition. (...) It maintains that policy should be based on evidence of “what works.” Not any evidence will do, however. Following on the heels of its intellectual progenitor, evidence-based medicine (EBM), EBP insists on the use of high-quality evidence produced in accordance with rigorous methodological standards. Though intuitively compelling, EBP has attracted significant criticism from methodologists, political scientists, and philosophers. This chapter provides a critical overview of EBP through a philosophical lens, reviewing and discussing some of the most pressing challenges that EBP faces and outlining some proposals for improving it. I first provide a brief overview of EBP and distinguish a broader and narrower understanding of it. I then review existing lines of criticism of EBP, two of which are considered in detail. The first elaborates how EBP struggles with extrapolation, that is, the use of evidence from study populations to make inferences about the effects of policies on novel target populations. The second maintains that EBP’s methodological tenets are deeply entwined with moral and political values, which can threaten EBP’s promise to promote objectivity in policymaking. Finally, I make some proposals for how EBP could be improved going forward. (shrink)

The paper discusses Linda Zagzebski's account of epistemic authority. Building on Joseph Raz's account of political authority, Zagzebski argues that the basic contours of epistemic authority match those Raz ascribes to political authority. This, it is argued, is a mistake. Zagzebski is correct in identifying the pre-emptive nature of reasons provided by an authority as central to our understanding of epistemic authority. However, Zagzebski ignores important differences between practical and epistemic authority. As a result, her attempt to explain the (...) rationality of belief on authority by applying an analogue of Raz's Normal Justification Thesis to the domain of belief fails. A successful explanation of the rationality of belief on authority will need to be attuned to the differences between political and epistemic authorities. (shrink)

This paper examines how science advice can provide policy recommendations in a trustworthy manner. Despite their major political importance, expert recommendations are understudied in the philosophy of science and social epistemology. Matthew Bennett has recently developed a notion of what he calls recommendation trust, according to which well-placed trust in experts’ policy recommendations requires that recommendations are aligned with the interests of the trust-giver. While interest alignment might be central to some cases of public trust, this (...) paper argues against the significance of interest-alignment to meritorious public trust. First, political bodies and citizens can have a basic kind of well-placed recommendation trust in science advice based on an all-things-considered judgement regarding the possession of relevant competencies, responsible conduct, and a proper institutional design. Moreover, scientists’ policy recommendations can be seen as open-ended and as dynamic proposals that enable inter-institutional reasoning and political deliberation. Finally, by providing conditional recommendations, scientists can expand the scope of feasible policy options from which political bodies can choose, thus making the condition of interest alignment even less significant to the trustworthy provision of recommendations. (shrink)

Prof. Miščević has long been an ardent defender of the use of thought experiments in philosophy, foremost metaphysics, epistemology and philosophy of mind. Recently he has, in his typically sophisticated manner, extended his general account of philosophical thought-experimenting to the domain of normative politics. Not only can the history of political philosophy be better understood and appreciated, according to Miščević, when seen as a more or less continuous, yet covert, practice of thought-experimenting, the very progress of the discipline may crucially (...) depend on finding the right balance between the constraints of (biological, psychological, economic, political, and so on) reality and political-moral ideals when we set to design our basic political notions and institutions. I have much less confidence in this project than prof. Miščević does. As a subspecies of moral TE, political TE share all their problems plus exhibit some of their own. In the paper, I present and discuss two types of evidence that threaten to undermine political philosophers’ trust in thought-experiments and the ethical/political intuitions elicited by them: (i) the dismal past record of thought-experimentation in moral and political philosophy; and (ii) the variety, prevalence, and stubbornness, of bias in ordinary social/political judgment. (shrink)

English - language Wikipedia is constantly being plagued by vandalistic contributions on a massive scale. In order to fight them its volunteer contributors deploy an array of software tools and autonomous bots. After an analysis of their functioning and the ‘ coactivity ’ in use between humans and bots, this research ‘ discloses ’ the moral issues that emerge from the combined patrolling by humans and bots. Administrators provide the stronger tools only to trusted users, thereby creating a new hierarchical (...) layer. Further, surveillance exhibits several troubling features : questionable profiling practices, the use of the controversial measure of reputation, ‘ oversurveillance ’ where quantity trumps quality, and a prospective loss of the required moral skills whenever bots take over from humans. The most troubling aspect, though, is that Wikipedia has become a Janus - faced institution. One face is the basic platform of MediaWiki software, transparent to all. Its other face is the anti - vandalism system, which, in contrast, is opaque to the average user, in particular as a result of the algorithms and neural networks in use. Finally it is argued that this secrecy impedes a much needed discussion to unfold ; a discussion that should focus on a ‘ rebalancing ’ of the anti - vandalism system and the development of more ethical information practices towards contributors. (shrink)

Communication is an inherently strategic matter. This paper introduces simple game theoretic models of information transmission to identify different forms of uncertainty which may pose a problem of trust in testimony. Strategic analysis suggests discriminating between trust in integrity, trust in competence, trust in (the will to invest) effort and trust in honesty. Whereas uncertainty about the sender's honesty or integrity may directly influence a rational receiver's readiness to rely on sender's statements, neither uncertainty about (...) the competence of a sender nor uncertainty about his willingness to invest effort has any direct impact on rational reliance on its own. In this regard, trust in honesty and trust in integrity appear to be more basic than trust in competence or effort. (shrink)

Prof. Miščević has long been an ardent defender of the use of thought experiments in philosophy, foremost metaphysics, epistemology and philosophy of mind. Recently he has, in his typically sophisticated manner, extended his general account of philosophical thought-experimenting to the domain of normative politics. Not only can the history of political philosophy be better understood and appreciated, according to Miščević, when seen as a more or less continuous, yet covert, practice of thought-experimenting, the very progress of the discipline may crucially (...) depend on finding the right balance between the constraints of (biological, psychological, economic, political, and so on) reality and political-moral ideals when we set to design our basic political notions and institutions. I have much less confidence in this project than prof. Miščević does. As a subspecies of moral TEs, political TEs share all their problems plus exhibit some of their own. In the paper, I present and discuss two types of evidence that threaten to undermine political philosophers’ trust in thought experiments and the ethical/political intuitions elicited by them: (i) the dismal past record of thought-experimentation in moral and political philosophy; and (ii) the variety, prevalence, and stubbornness, of bias in social/political judgment. (shrink)

Financial literacy is becoming a pivotal skill in navigating the marketplaces within the predominant rising digital branches of trading domains; however, there remains a concerning gap in the purchasing behavior of adolescents, who are its primary users. With this in mind, the main objective of our research is to determine whether there is a relationship between a student's level of financial literacy and their online purchase decision-making. The researchers employed an explanatory mixed approach and purposive sampling to identify respondents from (...) Immaculate Conception College of Balayan, Inc. A 5-point Likert scale survey was utilized to collect data from 66 respondents, followed by semi-structured interviews with 10 selected participants. The results showed a moderately positive correlation between a student's financial literacy and online purchase decisions, as determined by the Pearson correlation coefficient. Thus, the thematic analysis revealed that respondents generally have good financial literacy, emphasizing factors like pricing, online reviews, and product ratings when making digital marketplace decisions. However, there are notable gaps in their understanding of basic financial concepts and their ability to apply them in real-life situations. To effectively enhance students’ financial literacy and online purchasing decisions, a holistic approach is necessary, including targeted interventions, practical applications, and continuous adaptation to evolving consumer behaviors. Educational institutions, policymakers, and stakeholders should work together to create comprehensive programs that provide students with the knowledge, skills, and attitudes needed to negotiate real-world financial situations and make sound judgments in the digital commerce ecosystem. By emphasizing practical learning, key financial concepts, and trustbuilding approaches, educators may empower students to become responsible consumers capable of managing their resources successfully and ethically. (shrink)

Climatology is a paradigmatic complex systems science. Understanding the global climate involves tackling problems in physics, chemistry, economics, and many other disciplines. I argue that complex systems like the global climate are characterized by certain dynamical features that explain how those systems change over time. A complex system's dynamics are shaped by the interaction of many different components operating at many different temporal and spatial scales. Examining the multidisciplinary and holistic methods of climatology can help us better understand the nature (...) of complex systems in general. -/- Questions surrounding climate science can be divided into three rough categories: foundational, methodological, and evaluative questions. "How do we know that we can trust science?" is a paradigmatic foundational question (and a surprisingly difficult one to answer). Because the global climate is so complex, questions like "what makes a system complex?" also fall into this category. There are a number of existing definitions of `complexity,' and while all of them capture some aspects of what makes intuitively complex systems distinctive, none is entirely satisfactory. Most existing accounts of complexity have been developed to work with information-theoretic objects (signals, for instance) rather than the physical and social systems studied by scientists. -/- Dynamical complexity, a concept articulated in detail in the first third of the dissertation, is designed to bridge the gap between the mathematics of contemporary complexity theory (in particular the formalism of "effective complexity" developed by Gell-Mann and Lloyd [2003]) and a more general account of the structure of science generally. Dynamical complexity provides a physical interpretation of the formal tools of mathematical complexity theory, and thus can be used as a framework for thinking about general problems in the philosophy of science, including theories, explanation, and lawhood. -/- Methodological questions include questions about how climate science constructs its models, on what basis we trust those models, and how we might improve those models. In order to answer questions about climate modeling, it's important to understand what climate models look like and how they are constructed. Climate model families are significantly more diverse than are the model families of most other sciences (even sciences that study other complex systems). Existing climate models range from basic models that can be solved on paper to staggeringly complicated models that can only be analyzed using the most advanced supercomputers in the world. I introduce some of the central concepts in climatology by demonstrating how one of the most basic climate models might be constructed. I begin with the assumption that the Earth is a simple featureless blackbody which receives energy from the sun and releases it into space, and show how to model that assumption formally. I then gradually add other factors (e.g. albedo and the greenhouse effect) to the model, and show how each addition brings the model's prediction closer to agreement with observation. After constructing this basic model, I describe the so-called "complexity hierarchy" of the rest of climate models, and argue that the sense of "complexity" used in the climate modeling community is related to dynamical complexity. -/- With a clear understanding of the basics of climate modeling in hand, I then argue that foundational issues discussed early in the dissertation suggest that computation plays an irrevocably central role in climate modeling. "Science by simulation" is essential given the complexity of the global climate, but features of the climate system--the presence of non-linearities, feedback loops, and chaotic dynamics--put principled limits on the effectiveness of computational models. This tension is at the root of the staggering pluralism of the climate model hierarchy, and suggests that such pluralism is here to stay, rather than an artifact of our ignorance. Rather than attempting to converge on a single "best fit" climate model, we ought to embrace the diversity of climate models, and view each as a specialized tool designed to predict and explain a rather narrow range of phenomena. Understanding the climate system as a whole requires examining a number of different models, and correlating their outputs. This is the most significant methodological challenge of climatology. -/- Climatology's role contemporary political discourse raises an unusually high number of evaluative questions for a physical science. The two leading approaches to crafting policy surrounding climate change center on mitigation (i.e. stopping the changes from occurring) and adaptation (making post hoc changes to ameliorate the harm caused by those changes). Crafting an effective socio-political response to the threat of anthropogenic climate change, however, requires us to integrate multiple perspectives and values: the proper response will be just as diverse and pluralistic as the climate models themselves, and will incorporate aspects of both approaches. I conclude by offering some concrete recommendations about how to integrate this value pluralism into our socio-political decision making framework. (shrink)

-/- Title: The Psychological Foundations of Political Attachment and Strategies for Countering Mass Brainwashing Author: Angelito Malicse -/- Abstract: This paper explores the psychological and neurological mechanisms underlying the intense emotional attachment individuals form toward political figures, often without personal interaction. It examines how such attachments can be manipulated to facilitate mass brainwashing, resulting in cognitive rigidity, social polarization, and the erosion of democratic values. The paper proposes a multi-faceted strategy to counter these effects through foundational educational reform, media literacy, (...) civic awareness, and institutional safeguards, all rooted in a scientific understanding of human behavior and natural law. -/- 1. Introduction -/- In democratic and authoritarian societies alike, the deep emotional connection between political supporters and their chosen leaders has increasingly influenced national discourse and governance. These attachments frequently transcend rational evaluation and persist despite evidence of incompetence, corruption, or ethical breaches. This phenomenon, while often attributed to blind loyalty or ignorance, has scientifically identifiable roots in evolutionary psychology, neuroscience, and cognitive theory. Understanding these mechanisms is essential for developing effective strategies to counter mass manipulation and preserve rational public discourse. -/- 2. Psychological Mechanisms of Political Attachment -/- 2.1 Tribalism and Social Identity Theory 2.2 Human beings evolved in cooperative tribal units where group cohesion was essential for survival. This evolutionary trait persists in the form of social identity, wherein individuals derive self-esteem and belonging from affiliations with larger collectives—such as political parties or ideologies. As posited by Social Identity Theory (Tajfel & Turner, 1979), individuals often perceive their political group as superior, viewing political opposition as a threat to their personal and collective identity. -/- 2.3 Parasocial Relationships and Emotional Bonding 2.4 Through repeated media exposure, supporters often develop parasocial relationships with political figures—one-sided emotional bonds that mimic genuine interpersonal relationships. These relationships are reinforced by charismatic communication, personal storytelling, and the strategic use of shared values or backgrounds (Horton & Wohl, 1956). -/- 2.3 Limbic System Activation and Emotional Conditioning -/- Emotional stimuli such as fear, anger, pride, or hope activate the limbic system, particularly the amygdala, which plays a central role in emotional processing and memory formation (LeDoux, 1996). Political rhetoric is frequently designed to elicit these reactions, bypassing rational evaluation and appealing directly to emotional instincts. -/- 2.5 Cognitive Dissonance and Motivated Reasoning 2.6 Once an emotional attachment is established, individuals are less likely to accept information that challenges their beliefs about a political figure. This phenomenon, known as cognitive dissonance (Festinger, 1957), produces psychological discomfort when new evidence contradicts existing attitudes. To alleviate this discomfort, individuals engage in motivated reasoning (Kunda, 1990), selectively interpreting or dismissing information to preserve their beliefs. -/- 2.5 Neurological Reward Systems and Habit Formation -/- Political activity, such as attending rallies, defending a leader online, or participating in collective actions, often results in dopamine release—the brain’s reward signal. These neurological rewards reinforce behaviors and create psychological dependence on political engagement (Schultz, 1998). -/- 3. The Dynamics and Consequences of Mass Brainwashing -/- When the above psychological processes are deliberately exploited—through propaganda, disinformation, algorithmic manipulation, or emotionally charged messaging—they culminate in what can be termed mass brainwashing. The dangers include: -/- Social polarization, fostering hostility between groups. -/- Suppression of critical thinking, as individuals adhere to emotionally comforting but factually erroneous beliefs. -/- Democratic erosion, where public accountability is diminished. -/- Systemic dysfunction, as governance becomes rooted in loyalty rather than performance. -/- 4. Counteracting Mass Brainwashing: A Scientific and Educational Approach -/- 4.1 Foundational Educational Reform 4.2 The most effective defense against manipulation lies in basic educational reform that incorporates: -/- Critical thinking and logic -/- Media and information literacy -/- Emotional intelligence and self-regulation -/- Ethics and philosophy -/- This approach aligns with the universal law of balance in nature, which asserts that sustainable decisions arise from harmony between internal cognition and external reality. -/- 4.3 Self-Awareness and Psychological Insight 4.4 Individuals must be taught to recognize their own emotional and cognitive biases through self-reflection, mindfulness, and meta-cognition. These skills empower them to remain vigilant against manipulation. -/- 4.3 Civic Literacy and Responsible Citizenship -/- A well-informed citizenry that understands governance structures, democratic processes, and accountability mechanisms is better equipped to evaluate political figures based on evidence and ethics, not emotional loyalty. -/- 4.5 Transparent Media and Ethical Technology Regulation 4.6 Social media platforms and news outlets must be held accountable to uphold truthfulness, algorithmic transparency, and public responsibility, ensuring that emotional manipulation is minimized. -/- 4.5 Institutional Integrity and Independent Oversight -/- To preserve public trust, institutions must function autonomously and ethically, shielded from political influence and equipped with scientific frameworks to monitor and counter disinformation campaigns. -/- 5. Conclusion -/- The emotional attachment of citizens to political figures they have never met is a scientifically explainable phenomenon rooted in tribal instincts, emotional conditioning, cognitive bias, and neurological reward systems. While natural, these mechanisms are vulnerable to exploitation through organized mass brainwashing. The consequences—social division, diminished reason, and weakened democratic structures—necessitate a coordinated response. Through holistic education and ethical institution-building, grounded in a scientific understanding of natural laws, society can be safeguarded from emotional manipulation and restored to balanced, rational civic engagement. -/- References -/- Festinger, L. (1957). A Theory of Cognitive Dissonance. Stanford University Press. -/- Horton, D., & Wohl, R. R. (1956). Mass communication and para-social interaction: Observations on intimacy at a distance. Psychiatry, 19(3), -/- Kunda, Z. (1990). The case for motivated reasoning. Psychological Bulletin, 108(3) -/- LeDoux, J. E. (1996). The Emotional Brain: The Mysterious Underpinnings of Emotional Life. Simon & Schuster. -/- Schultz, W. (1998). Predictive reward signal of dopamine neurons. Journal of Neurophysiology, 80(1) -/- Tajfel, H., & Turner, J. C. (1979). An integrative theory of intergroup conflict. In W. G. Austin & S. Worchel (Eds.), The Social Psychology of Intergroup Relations (pp. 33–47). Brooks/Cole. -/- . (shrink)

The existence of evil is often held to pose philosophical problems only for theists. I argue that the existence of evil gives rise to a philosophical problem which confronts theist and atheist alike. The problem is constituted by the following claims: (1) Successful human beings (i.e., those meeting their basic prudential interests) are committed to a good-enough world; (2) the actual world is not a good-enough world (i.e., sufficient evil exists). It follows that human beings must either (3a) maintain (...) a state of epistemic ignorance regarding the nature of the actual world or (3b) abandon their basic prudential interests. Theists resolve this problem by rejecting (2), only to confront the problem of evil as it is traditionally understood. Successful atheists also reject (2), but without adequate grounds for doing so. (shrink)

One of the ṣaḥābīs of Prophet Muḥammad is ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd from the Ṭāʾif tribe of Thaqīf. He belongs to the Ahlâf part of the Thaqīf tribe and he is the ruler of this part. ʿUrwa’s ancestry is known without any controversy until Kasî (Thaqīf). According to a narrative his epithet was Abū Yaʿfur and another of his epithet was Abū Masʿūd. Father of ʿUrwa an important person too. He is one of the leaders of his tribe and he commanded (...) his part (Aḥlāf) in wars of Fijār. Mother of ʿUrwa is Subay’a bt. ʿAbd Shams from Banū Umayya. In this way ʿUrwa has kinship both with Banū Umayya and Prophet Muḥammad. So ʿUrwa has a very important position because of his lineage, his mother and father. Thefore, his connections with Mecca and Quraysh strengthens his position. In our sources there is no information about his dates of birth and death. It is likely to be over middle age when he became a muslim, considering that he was the leader of his tribe and his son become a muslim after he died. There is too little information about weddings of ʿUrwa. According to narratives, he had ten wives before becoming Muslim. After becoming a Muslim Prophet Muḥammad warned from him to prefer four out of ten wives. One of his four wives is the daughter of Abū Sufyān. Howev-er, there is no information about the names of his wives. Names of his sons: ʿĀṣim, Abū Murra, Abū Mulayḥ, Dāwūd, Hammām and Hishām and names of his daughters: Umm Saʿīd (married with Ḥaẓrat ʿAlī) and Ḥalīma. We could see he served as embassy before the treaty of Hudaybiyah. His embassy duty shows us the superiority of his position. Also, this embassy duty was very effective at peace negotiations. He mentioned kinship relations which connects about Mecca. He said that it could be beneficial to talk to Prophet Muḥammad himself. The Meccans mentioned about their trust in ʿUrwa. During the time of his embassy, he expressed that both sides should be away from war. In this context, he told the Meccans: The people around Prophet Muḥammad are very loyal to him and he told to Prophet Muḥammad: People around him could disintegrate easily. This mission shows us he is intelligent, respectable and had high persuasion skills. ʿUrwa, observed loyalty of ṣaḥābīs to Prophet Muḥammad. He confessed this loyalty can not be for any ruler. This observa-tion probably affected ʿUrwa’s conversion to Islam. Because of the conquest of Meccah and the events that followed, the people of Ṭāʾif were very worried. Because of this reason people of Ṭāʾif took part in the side of Hawāzin’s and they bat-tled with Muslims. In this time they sent ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd and Ghaylān b. Salama to the city of D̲j̲aras̲h̲ of Yemen, to learn about some war machines and techniques. Therefore they did not join wars of Hunayn and Ṭāʾif. Prophet Muḥammad ended the siege of Ṭāʾif and went to Medina. Meanwhile, ʿUrwa and his friend returned from Yemen. According to narratives when the Prophet Muḥammad returned Medina or he was way in Medina ʿUrwa visited him and became Muslim. Some people tell about the date of ʿUrwa’s being Muslim at before or after Abū Bakr’s emirate of Hadj. However, when the narrations are examined, it can be said he became Muslim after four or five months from Prophet’s siege of Ṭāʾif and before three or four months from Tabūk expedition of Rabīʿ al-awwal or “Rabīʿ al-ākhir” (July or August) in the year 9/630. As for the conversion of ʿUrwa, basic sources report that “Allah, inspired Islam to the heart of ʿUrwa and he changed his situation. He went to the Messenger of Allah and he became Muslim.” They do not give a specific reason. But after this period the narratives tell the reason for ʿUrwa’s becoming a Muslim as due to an experience he had while travelling to Najrān for trade. In this travel, two mysterious young girls and the priest in Najrān said the last prophet came and ʿUrwa must be subject to him and ʿUrwa became Muslim after he returned. But this narrative is prob-lematic with regard to evidence and text. After being Muslim, ʿUrwa wanted permission from the Prophet to invite his tribe to accept Islam. The prophet did not want to accept this at first. Because the people of Ṭāʾif had an arro-gant stance against Islam, and he said that the people of Thaqīf could kill ʿUrwa. Eventually ʿUrwa went to his hometown with permission of Prophet and invited people to Islam and they did not accept this invitation and cursed ʿUrwa. The next morning ʿUrwa read adhan of fajr and people of Ṭāʾif killed him. ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd was likened to Prophet Jesus by the Prophet Muḥammad. It is generally accept-ed that ʿUrwa b. Masʿūd el-Thaqafī is “one of the biggest from two cities” expressed in sūra Zukhruf. Only two weak narrations were reported of Urwa who could live as a Muslim for a few days and was matyred by his tribe. (shrink)

A plausible condition on having the standing to blame someone is that the target of blame's wrongdoing must in some sense be your “business”—the wrong must in some sense harm or affect you, or others close to you. This is known as the business condition on standing to blame. Many cases of epistemic blame discussed in the literature do not obviously involve examples of someone harming or affecting another. As such, not enough has been said about how an individual's epistemic (...) failing can really count as another person's business. In this paper, I deploy a relationship-based account of epistemic blame to clarify the conditions under which the business condition can be met in the epistemic domain. The basic idea is that one person's epistemic failing can be another's business in virtue of the way it impairs their epistemic relationship. (shrink)

There are many alleged problems with trusting another person’s moral testimony, perhaps the most prominent of which is that it fails to deliver moral understanding. Without moral understanding, one cannot do the right thing for the right reason, and so acting on trusted moral testimony lacks moral worth. This chapter, however, argues that moral advice differs from moral testimony, differs from it in a way that enables a defender of moral advice to parry this worry about moral worth. The (...) class='Hi'>basic idea is that an advisor and an advisee can together constitute a joint agent, and that this joint agent’s action can indeed have moral worth. So while the advisee himself might not do the right thing for the right reason (this because all alone he lacks the right reason), and while the advisor herself might not do the right thing for the right reason (this because all alone she does not do the right thing), they together do the right for the right reason. (shrink)

Applying the Holistic Governance System (HGS) to the Philippines -/- The Philippines has struggled with corruption, political instability, economic inequality, and weak governance. Applying the Holistic Governance System (HGS) could transform the country into a stable, prosperous, and globally competitive nation. -/- Key Challenges in the Philippines: -/- 1. Corruption – Widespread in government agencies, law enforcement, and politics. -/- 2. Political Dynasties & Electoral Manipulation – Many leaders come from elite families, limiting true democracy. -/- 3. Economic Inequality – (...) The wealth gap is extreme, with many Filipinos in poverty. -/- 4. Weak Law Enforcement & Justice System – Crime, illegal drugs, and extrajudicial killings undermine public trust. -/- 5. Underdeveloped Infrastructure – Slow development of transportation, digital connectivity, and urban planning. -/- 6. Brain Drain – Many skilled Filipinos leave for better opportunities abroad. -/- HGS can address these issues by combining the best governance models from around the world while adapting them to the Philippine context. -/- Step-by-Step Implementation of HGS in the Philippines: -/- 1. Political Reform: Replacing Traditional Politics with a Meritocratic Leadership System -/- The Strategic Council (7 Leaders): Instead of a single president, the Philippines would be led by a council of seven experts, each specializing in key areas like economy, education, security, and technology. -/- No Political Dynasties: Candidates must prove their qualifications (economic, scientific, or governance expertise) before being allowed to run. -/- Fixed 10-Year Term: Leaders serve long enough to implement national development plans but cannot seek re-election. -/- ???? Impact: This will eliminate corruption, improve decision-making, and end elite family control of politics. -/- 2. Balanced Democracy: Direct Citizen Participation in Decision-Making -/- Annual Referendums: Inspired by Switzerland, Filipinos will vote directly on key national policies (e.g., education reforms, infrastructure projects). -/- Congress Reform: Replace the current system with: -/- People’s Assembly – Elected by citizens to represent public concerns. -/- Expert Senate – Composed of scientists, economists, and policy experts. -/- ???? Impact: This system prevents corrupt politicians from making bad decisions and gives Filipinos a real voice in governance. -/- 3. Economic Reform: A Hybrid System for Growth & Stability -/- Balanced Free Market + State Planning: -/- Private businesses continue operating, but key industries (energy, healthcare, education, transport) are state-controlled for stability. -/- Large government investment in technology, renewable energy, and industrial growth. -/- Anti-Corruption Crackdown: Modeled after Singapore’s strict anti-corruption policies. -/- Digital Government System: Minimize human corruption by making all government transactions online with AI verification. -/- ???? Impact: The economy grows without exploitation, and corruption is eliminated in business and government. -/- 4. Social Welfare: Universal Services for All Filipinos -/- Free Universal Healthcare: Like Norway & Sweden, all Filipinos receive high-quality medical care. -/- Free Higher Education: Universities are fully funded, with scholarships for top students. -/- Basic Income for the Poor: Prevents extreme poverty and improves national productivity. -/- Affordable Housing & Smart Cities: Government builds modern, eco-friendly, low-cost housing. -/- ???? Impact: This ensures every Filipino has access to education, health, and stable living conditions. -/- 5. Justice & Security: Smart Law Enforcement with AI & Independent Courts -/- AI-Powered Legal System: Reduce human bias in court cases and prevent political influence. -/- Strict Anti-Corruption Laws: Inspired by Singapore, harsh penalties for corruption at all levels. -/- High-Tech Crime Prevention: AI surveillance, digital ID verification, and cybercrime prevention. -/- ???? Impact: A fast, fair, and corruption-free justice system. -/- 6. Infrastructure & Urban Development: Smart Cities & Green Energy -/- Nationwide High-Speed Rail & Smart Transportation: Inspired by China’s urban planning. -/- 100% Renewable Energy Goal: Government investment in solar, wind, and hydro energy. -/- Smart City Development: AI-controlled traffic, clean public spaces, and sustainable urban design. -/- ???? Impact: A modern Philippines with world-class infrastructure and zero energy dependence. -/- 7. Foreign Policy & National Defense: Economic Strength + Global Neutrality -/- Neutrality in Global Conflicts: Inspired by Switzerland, the Philippines avoids military conflicts but strengthens economic ties with all nations. -/- Strong Cybersecurity & Modernized Military: Instead of focusing on war, invest in cyber defense and AI-powered security. -/- Self-Sufficient Agriculture & Industry: Reduce dependence on foreign imports by boosting local food and industrial production. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a secure, self-reliant, and economically strong nation. -/- The Future Philippines Under HGS: A Model Nation -/- Final Thoughts: Why the Philippines Needs HGS -/- ???? HGS will transform the Philippines into a: ✅ Politically stable nation with honest, expert-led governance. ✅ Economically strong country with innovation and self-sufficiency. ✅ Corruption-free government with strict anti-corruption policies. ✅ Technology-driven society with AI, smart cities, and digital governance. ✅ Socially progressive state with free healthcare, education, and a guaranteed basic income. -/- By eliminating corruption, restructuring governance, and investing in technology, the Philippines can rise as a global model for modern governance. -/- Roadmap for Transitioning the Philippines to the Holistic Governance System (HGS) -/- Goal: Transform the Philippines into a corruption-free, economically strong, socially progressive, and technologically advanced nation using HGS principles. -/- ???? Phase 1: Laying the Foundation (Year 1-5) -/- Objective: Establish public trust, eliminate corruption, and implement key reforms in government, economy, and education. -/- 1. Anti-Corruption Revolution (Year 1-3) -/- ✅ Create a National Anti-Corruption Tribunal (similar to Singapore’s system) with special prosecutors and AI-powered case review to ensure fair trials. ✅ Strict penalties for corruption (lifetime ban from politics, confiscation of illegally obtained wealth, long prison sentences). ✅ Full Digital Government System – All government transactions go online to remove human corruption (permits, taxes, elections, etc.). -/- ???? Impact: Government corruption is drastically reduced, and public trust in leadership increases. -/- 2. Leadership Reform (Year 2-5) -/- ✅ Ban Political Dynasties – Require strict merit-based qualifications for all public officials. ✅ Restructure the Government: Replace the president with the Strategic Council (7 experts) and reform Congress into: -/- People’s Assembly (elected representatives). -/- Expert Senate (top scientists, economists, and technocrats). ✅ Mandatory Leadership Training – All future leaders must undergo a 5-year program on governance, economics, and philosophy. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines shifts from a corrupt dynasty-driven system to a competence-based government. -/- 3. Education Reform (Year 2-4) -/- ✅ Upgrade the curriculum to teach critical thinking, technological skills, and the Universal Law of Balance. ✅ Free College Education (funded by corruption money recovery). ✅ Global Research Partnerships with universities in Europe, Singapore, and the U.S. to improve STEM education. -/- ???? Impact: The youth become future innovators and critical thinkers, reducing brain drain. -/- ???? Phase 2: Economic & Social Transformation (Year 6-10) -/- Objective: Transition to a self-sufficient economy with world-class infrastructure and social services. -/- 4. Economic Overhaul (Year 6-10) -/- ✅ Hybrid Economic Model (similar to Singapore & China): -/- Free market for small businesses & entrepreneurship. -/- Government-controlled key industries (healthcare, energy, infrastructure). ✅ AI-Governed Tax System – Automate taxation to prevent tax evasion. ✅ Massive Government Investment in Technology (AI, robotics, green energy, and space research). -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a tech-driven economy, independent of remittances. -/- 5. Universal Social Welfare System (Year 6-8) -/- ✅ Free Universal Healthcare (Norway model) – Build more hospitals, increase doctor salaries, and implement telemedicine in rural areas. ✅ Basic Income for the Poor (funded by recovered corruption money and AI-driven economic growth). ✅ National Housing Program – Construct affordable smart cities with AI-managed traffic, green energy, and disaster-resistant buildings. -/- ???? Impact: All Filipinos have access to quality healthcare, education, and stable housing. -/- 6. Infrastructure Boom & Smart City Development (Year 6-10) -/- ✅ High-Speed Rail System (China model) – Connect Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao with a modern railway. ✅ Digital Infrastructure – High-speed internet for all citizens, free public WiFi, and AI-managed urban planning. ✅ 100% Renewable Energy – Solar, wind, and hydro power investments to eliminate electricity shortages. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a modern, highly developed nation with smart, efficient cities. -/- ???? Phase 3: Global Powerhouse & Permanent Stability (Year 11-20) -/- Objective: Establish the Philippines as a global leader in innovation, sustainability, and governance. -/- 7. AI-Powered Governance (Year 11-15) -/- ✅ Full AI Integration in Government – Automate law enforcement, policymaking analysis, and economic planning. ✅ Digital Direct Democracy – Filipinos can vote online in annual national referendums on key policies (Switzerland model). -/- ???? Impact: A corruption-proof, people-powered government that makes smart, data-driven decisions. -/- 8. Military & Foreign Policy Reform (Year 11-15) -/- ✅ Neutrality & Economic Diplomacy (Swiss Model) – Stay independent of global conflicts while expanding trade with the U.S., China, and ASEAN. ✅ Cybersecurity Defense System – Develop AI-powered cyber-defense technology to prevent hacking & cyber threats. ✅ Self-Sufficiency in Agriculture & Industry – Invest in high-tech farming and local industries to reduce import reliance. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes an economically powerful, self-sufficient, and diplomatically respected nation. -/- 9. Space & Advanced Scientific Research (Year 16-20) -/- ✅ Launch a Philippine Space Program (like NASA) to develop satellite technology and space exploration. ✅ Invest in AI & Quantum Computing Research to compete in the global tech industry. ✅ Biotechnology & Medicine Research to create Philippine-made vaccines, treatments, and bio-engineered food solutions. -/- ???? Impact: The Philippines becomes a hub for science, space, and technological innovation. -/- ???? Summary: The New Philippines Under HGS -/- ???? Conclusion: The Philippines as a Global Model Nation -/- By transitioning to HGS, the Philippines will: ✅ Eliminate corruption & political dynasties through AI-powered governance. ✅ Become a tech-driven, self-sufficient economy with free healthcare, education, and infrastructure. ✅ Modernize cities, transport, and digital services for efficiency and sustainability. ✅ Be a global leader in science, AI, and space exploration. -/- . (shrink)

The Profit Motive: A Reality or an Illusion of Capitalism? -/- Introduction -/- The profit motive has long been considered a fundamental driver of economic activity, particularly in capitalist societies. It is the principle that businesses, individuals, and economies are primarily motivated by financial gain. However, when examined through the lens of capitalism and fiat currency, an important question arises: Is the profit motive a genuine economic force, or is it an illusion created by the artificial value of money? This (...) essay explores the nature of the profit motive, its connection to capitalism, and the potential illusory aspects of wealth accumulation within a fiat currency system. -/- The Role of the Profit Motive in Capitalism -/- Capitalism institutionalizes the profit motive by making financial success the key measure of progress. In a capitalist system, individuals and businesses seek to maximize their earnings through innovation, efficiency, and strategic decision-making. The promise of financial gain incentivizes entrepreneurs to take risks, develop new products, and improve services. -/- Supporters of capitalism argue that the profit motive leads to economic growth, job creation, and technological advancements. Competition in the marketplace forces companies to innovate and provide better goods and services at lower costs. Additionally, businesses that generate profits attract investments, which allows them to expand and create more economic opportunities. Thus, the profit motive serves as a crucial mechanism in capitalist economies. -/- However, the pursuit of profit can also lead to negative consequences, such as wealth inequality and environmental degradation. Those who control financial and industrial resources often accumulate disproportionate amounts of wealth, while lower-income individuals may struggle to compete. This raises ethical questions about whether the profit motive truly benefits society or if it primarily serves the interests of the elite. -/- Fiat Currency and the Illusion of Wealth -/- The concept of fiat currency further complicates the understanding of the profit motive. Unlike commodity-backed money (such as gold or silver), fiat currency derives its value from government regulation and public trust rather than intrinsic worth. Since money in modern economies is created through banking systems and debt, its value is largely based on collective belief rather than tangible assets. -/- This raises concerns about whether financial profits are an illusion rather than a reflection of real wealth. If money itself has no intrinsic value, then the pursuit of profit—measured in fiat currency—could be seen as chasing a fabricated metric rather than achieving real economic progress. Inflation, economic crises, and financial bubbles reveal the vulnerabilities of a system that relies on fiat currency, making profits unstable and sometimes illusory. -/- Furthermore, the constant need for economic growth in a fiat-based system pressures businesses and individuals to continuously accumulate more wealth, regardless of actual resource availability. This dynamic fosters consumerism, financial speculation, and debt-driven economies, which can lead to economic instability and artificial booms and busts. -/- Is the Profit Motive an Illusion? -/- The debate over whether the profit motive is an illusion depends on perspective. From a practical standpoint, profit is necessary for businesses to survive and grow. It determines purchasing power, access to resources, and overall economic influence. In this sense, profit is not an illusion but a real force shaping human behavior and societal structures. -/- However, from a philosophical and systemic perspective, the profit motive can be seen as a social construct rather than an absolute reality. The value of money is dictated by economic policies and collective agreements, meaning that financial wealth is only meaningful as long as society recognizes it. If fiat currency were to collapse, the illusionary nature of profit would become evident, as material goods and essential resources would become the true determinants of wealth. -/- Alternative Perspectives on Success -/- While capitalism promotes profit as the primary measure of success, alternative economic models suggest different ways of defining progress. Some propose prioritizing sustainability, resource-based economies, or social well-being rather than monetary accumulation. Economic models like cooperative businesses, universal basic income, and post-scarcity societies challenge the traditional view that profit is the ultimate goal. -/- In such systems, success is defined not by financial gain but by factors such as quality of life, environmental balance, and social equity. This perspective aligns with the idea that the profit motive may not be the only—or even the best—way to drive human progress. -/- Conclusion -/- The profit motive is both a reality and a construct shaped by the economic system in which it operates. In capitalism, it serves as a driving force for innovation, competition, and economic growth. However, its dependence on fiat currency introduces elements of illusion, as financial wealth is largely based on societal belief rather than intrinsic value. While profit remains a central force in modern economies, reconsidering its role in defining success may open pathways to more sustainable and equitable economic models. Ultimately, the question is not just whether profit is an illusion, but whether society should continue prioritizing it as the primary measure of success. -/- . (shrink)

The Illusion of the Pension Crisis in a Fiat Currency System -/- Introduction -/- Governments and financial institutions frequently warn of a looming pension crisis, claiming that aging populations will drain social security funds and leave future retirees without financial support. However, this narrative is fundamentally flawed. In a fiat currency system, where central banks can print money at will, the idea that there is a shortage of funds for pensions contradicts the basic mechanics of modern finance. Instead, the (...) so-called pension problem serves as a strategic tool to justify population growth, extend working years, and maintain economic control. This essay explores how the pension crisis is manufactured, why the economic system functions this way, and what alternatives could create a more sustainable future. -/- The Fiat Currency Illusion -/- Fiat money is not backed by a physical commodity like gold but instead derives its value from government decree and public trust. Central banks, such as the U.S. Federal Reserve or the European Central Bank, have the power to create unlimited money through digital printing. If governments truly wanted to fund pensions, they could simply issue more currency. The fact that they choose not to highlights that the real issue is not about money but about power, wealth distribution, and economic control. -/- However, printing excessive money can lead to inflation, which erodes purchasing power. If pensions were funded through unrestricted money printing, prices of goods and services would rise, making pensions effectively worthless. But inflation is not an unavoidable consequence—it is often a policy decision influenced by central banks and financial elites to preserve existing economic hierarchies. -/- The Manufactured Pension ‘Crisis -/- The claim that pension systems are unsustainable is rooted in economic and political agendas rather than financial reality. The following key factors reveal why this crisis is artificially constructed: -/- 1. Inflation and Devaluation -/- While governments can print unlimited money, excessive monetary expansion can reduce the value of currency. Instead of managing inflation in a way that supports pensions, policymakers often use it to justify cuts to social programs while maintaining corporate wealth and military budgets. -/- 2. Wealth Protection for the Elite -/- The financial system is designed to benefit the wealthiest individuals and corporations. Rather than directing resources toward pensions, governments prioritize corporate bailouts, financial markets, and debt repayment. By claiming pension funds are running out, they avoid policies that redistribute wealth to the working class. -/- 3. Debt-Driven Economic Model -/- Instead of simply issuing currency for pensions, governments prefer to borrow money, ensuring central banks and private lenders remain in control. This debt-based system forces economies to keep growing, making workers dependent on employment and discouraging early retirement. -/- 4. Manipulating the Workforce Through Scarcity -/- The fear of pension collapse forces people to work longer, delaying retirement and keeping the labor force full. This benefits corporations by ensuring a steady supply of low-cost labor, preventing worker shortages, and keeping wages down. -/- 5. Stock Market and Private Pension Funds -/- Many pension funds are invested in the stock market, making their stability dependent on financial speculation rather than real economic productivity. If governments funded pensions directly, there would be less reliance on volatile financial markets, reducing Wall Street’s control over retirement savings. -/- 6. Control Through Artificial Shortages -/- By creating the illusion of limited pension funds, governments encourage population growth to “replace” aging workers. However, this ignores the real issue—technological automation and AI are reducing the need for human labor, making more workers unnecessary in the long run. -/- The Contradiction: Population Growth vs. Economic Reality -/- Governments argue that a growing population is needed to sustain pension systems. However, creating jobs and starting businesses is becoming more difficult due to several factors: -/- Automation and AI – Many traditional jobs are disappearing as machines and software replace human labor. -/- Market Saturation – Many industries are already flooded with products and services, making new business opportunities harder to find. -/- High Cost of Business Entry – Large corporations dominate markets, making it difficult for small businesses to compete. -/- Regulatory Barriers – Governments impose taxes, licenses, and bureaucracy that make entrepreneurship expensive and complicated. -/- This contradiction exposes a fundamental flaw in the capitalist model: pushing for population growth while failing to create enough sustainable jobs and businesses. -/- Sustainable Alternatives to the Pension System -/- Instead of relying on the outdated idea that pensions must be funded by an ever-growing workforce, societies can adopt new models that ensure financial security without economic manipulation: -/- 1. Universal Basic Income (UBI) -/- Governments could provide a fixed income to all citizens, eliminating the need for complex pension systems and reducing dependence on wage labor. This could be funded through controlled money creation and taxation of high-wealth individuals and corporations. -/- 2. Resource-Based Economy -/- Shifting from a money-driven system to a resource-based economy would prioritize efficient use of materials, automation, and sustainable development instead of profit-driven overproduction. -/- 3. Circular Economy -/- Instead of producing unnecessary products to create jobs, societies could focus on recycling, repair, and sustainability, creating long-term employment in industries that benefit humanity and the planet. -/- 4. Wealth Redistribution Policies -/- Implementing fair taxation on extreme wealth, financial transactions, and corporate profits would allow governments to fund pensions without economic instability. -/- Conclusion -/- The so-called pension crisis is not a natural consequence of aging populations but a deliberate economic strategy designed to maintain corporate power, suppress wages, and justify endless economic expansion. In a fiat currency system, governments have the power to fund pensions without relying on unsustainable population growth or debt-driven economies. However, they choose not to, prioritizing elite financial interests over public welfare. Instead of accepting this flawed model, societies should explore alternatives like universal basic income, sustainable economies, and fair wealth distribution to ensure a future where financial security is not dependent on artificial economic scarcity. -/- . (shrink)

-/- Redesigning the U.S. 401(k) Pension System Based on the Universal Formula of Natural Laws -/- By Angelito Malicse -/- Introduction -/- The 401(k) pension system in the United States was designed to empower individuals to save for retirement. However, through the lens of my Universal Formula—composed of three universal laws of nature—it becomes clear that this system is fundamentally flawed and in need of reform. These flaws not only endanger the individual’s future but also destabilize society at large. To (...) build a sustainable future, any pension system must align with: -/- 1. The Law of Karma (Cause and Effect + System Integrity) -/- 2. The Universal Law of Balance in Nature -/- 3. The Feedback Mechanism of Conscious Minds -/- I. System Flaws According to the Universal Formula -/- 1. Dependence on Individual Financial Literacy -/- The 401(k) system puts the responsibility of investment decisions on individuals, assuming they understand market risks, diversification, and long-term planning. -/- Violation of System Integrity: A stable system must function correctly for all its components—this includes those with limited financial education. -/- Cause and Effect: Ignorance causes poor decisions, leading to insufficient savings and long-term suffering. -/- Imbalance in Nature: Expecting uniform results from unequal starting conditions creates systemic failure. -/- 2. Exposure to Market Volatility -/- A 401(k) account’s value depends on stock market performance. -/- Violation of Balance: The natural aging process demands stability and security—not exposure to external market shocks. -/- Systemic Defect: A pension should not function like a gamble; it must protect future well-being. -/- Negative Feedback: People panic and withdraw early, worsening both personal and national economic health. -/- 3. Inequality in Access and Employer Discretion -/- Many low-income or part-time workers do not receive 401(k) benefits. -/- Violation of Natural Balance: A fair system must ensure equal access for all working individuals, not just the privileged. -/- Karmic Consequence: Social unrest, poverty, and generational inequality arise from systemic neglect. -/- Broken Feedback: Governments and corporations fail to respond adequately to the needs of marginalized workers. -/- 4. Tax Benefits Favor the Wealthy -/- High earners gain more from tax deferrals, while low earners receive minimal benefits. -/- Unbalanced Cause and Effect: When benefit flows primarily to the rich, the system breeds resentment and social imbalance. -/- Systemic Design Flaw: A pension system should redistribute wealth to promote harmony, not concentrate it. -/- 5. Retirement Insecurity and Extended Work Life -/- Millions of Americans cannot afford to retire at a healthy age. -/- Violation of Homeostasis: Humans need rest and reflection in old age, not prolonged labor. -/- Karmic Debt of Society: A system that drains the elderly fails to function as a nurturing whole. -/- II. Redesigning the System: A Holistic Model Based on Natural Laws -/- 1. Universal Access and Basic Pension Guarantee -/- All working individuals should automatically be enrolled in a basic pension program. -/- Funded through a national trust integrating contributions from employers, employees, and government. -/-  Balance Restored: Security becomes a right, not a gamble. System Integrity Ensured: No one is left behind. -/- 2. Stable Public Fund with Optional Private Layer -/- Create a national, low-risk fund that guarantees basic returns. -/- Allow optional private investments only after basic needs are secured. -/-  Protects the System from Instability Honors Natural Law of Aging and Stability -/- 4. Educational Integration and Transparent Feedback -/- Mandatory financial literacy education in schools and workplaces. -/- Regular feedback loops: workers receive understandable, transparent updates. -/-  Conscious Feedback Strengthened Corrects Ignorance = Prevents Future Harm -/- 5. Balanced Redistribution Through Tax Incentives -/- Redirect tax advantages to favor low- and middle-income workers. -/- Cap benefits for high earners to ensure equity. -/-  Cause-Effect Harmonized with Justice Corrective Balance Mechanism Built In -/- III. The Ethical and Spiritual Dimension -/- This redesign is not merely technical—it reflects the moral responsibility of a society to care for all its members. A pension system that honors the Universal Law of Balance nurtures both the body and the mind, and prevents suffering caused by man-made system errors. -/-  A pension system aligned with natural laws becomes not only functional—but ethical, holistic, and humane. -/- Conclusion -/- The U.S. 401(k) system, when analyzed through the universal formula, shows signs of systemic imbalance, unjust cause-effect relationships, and broken feedback loops. If we are to prevent future suffering and build a society that truly serves all, we must redesign our systems according to the laws that govern all life—not just economic theories. -/- . (shrink)

What kind of cognitive state occupies the central stage in our interest in the phenomenon of climate change? What exactly is required to achieve this cognitive state? This paper addresses these questions from a purely conceptual footing by delving into the recent philosophical literature on the nature of understanding. As it will be argued, given the cognitive benefits associated with this state and the (mostly) practical concerns underpinning it in this context, understanding is what we are after, at a cognitive (...) level, when we are interested in climate change. Knowing this is important because it can be used to further determine (in a purely conceptual way) what is required to achieve this cognitive state as well as who can achieve it. Much of the discussion in this paper is devoted to showing that understanding climate change is a highly demanding cognitive state that can be achieved to different degrees and that requires different things depending on what we take ‘climate’ and ‘climate change’ to mean. The most important implication of this discussion concerns the level of understanding of this phenomenon that is achievable by laypeople: even though gaining a basic degree of understanding of climate change isn’t above laypeople’s capacities, when it comes to making the connection between climate change and the kind of phenomena that can negatively impact our society (e.g., extreme weather events), laypeople cannot do better than to trust the scientists. (shrink)

-/- Model Society Enhanced: Real-World Examples Under the Universal Formula -/- I. Overpopulation – A Crime Against Natural Balance -/- Problem: When a country exceeds its carrying capacity, resources become scarce—leading to poverty, hunger, environmental damage, and eventually, crime (e.g., theft, exploitation, rebellion). -/- Universal Formula Application: -/- Law of Karma (Systems Law): A nation is a system. If it allows unregulated population growth, it introduces a defect that causes imbalance. -/- Law of Balance: Decision-makers must balance population with resources, (...) job opportunities, and education. -/- Law of Feedback: Rising crime, unemployment, and pollution are feedback that the system is imbalanced. -/- Real-Time Solution: -/- Use AI to monitor birth rates vs. resource availability. -/- Integrate family planning education in basic curriculum. -/- Leaders must be trained to recognize population policy as a systemic necessity, not religious taboo. -/- Example: In Metro Manila, where slum density and street crime are high, imbalance is visible. A balanced approach would include education, birth control access, and redistribution policies. -/- II. Corruption in Government – Defect in System Design -/- Problem: Corruption breaks trust and diverts resources meant for the public. It causes massive poverty, delays infrastructure, and triggers crime at all levels. -/- Universal Formula Application: -/- Law of Karma (Systems Law): A corrupt official is a defective part of the system. If not corrected, the system breaks down. -/- Law of Balance: Leadership must be in balance between power and responsibility, privilege and service. -/- Law of Feedback: Public outrage, economic inequality, and protests are signals of imbalance. -/- Real-Time Solution: -/- All government decisions pass through a Natural Law Review Board. -/- AGI systems flag potential corruption through abnormal patterns in budget use. -/- Transparency dashboards show live public data on spending, project status, and leader performance. -/- Example: The “PDAF scam” in the Philippines could have been prevented with a karma-feedback loop—real-time public access to how funds were spent, and AI monitoring of anomalies. -/- III. Poverty and Hunger – Imbalance in Economic Distribution -/- Problem: When few control most wealth, and many have none, social pressure builds. Crimes like theft, drug trade, and even terrorism often come from economic despair. -/- Universal Formula Application: -/- Law of Karma: A flawed economic system creates defects (inequality) that eventually cause reactions (crime). -/- Law of Balance: There must be harmony between labor and reward, production and distribution. -/- Law of Feedback: Malnutrition, slum growth, and crime rates are feedback signals. -/- Real-Time Solution: -/- AGI tracks poverty hotspots and triggers immediate economic balancing measures (food support, jobs, skills training). -/- Education system trains youth in entrepreneurship guided by balance—not greed. -/- Government policy is tested against natural law: “Will this law cause imbalance or restore it?” -/- Example: In Mindanao, crime and insurgency can often be traced to long-term poverty and neglect. Redirecting economic investment with balance-based planning would reduce conflict. -/- IV. Drug Addiction and Abuse – Internal Imbalance -/- Problem: Drugs become a way for individuals to escape internal pain or imbalance—leading to crime, family breakdown, and mental health crises. -/- Universal Formula Application: -/- Law of Karma: Drug abuse is an error in internal system regulation—caused by trauma, stress, or cultural pressure. -/- Law of Balance: If emotional and psychological needs are unmet, individuals break down. -/- Law of Feedback: Increased hospitalizations, overdose deaths, and family breakdown are feedback. -/- Real-Time Solution: -/- Schools must teach emotional regulation and mental homeostasis early on. -/- Real-time mental health AI tools (e.g., mood sensors, safe chatbots) offer help before drugs are used. -/- Families are educated to detect imbalance signs before they worsen. -/- Example: In Cebu City, community-level drug rehab with feedback-centered programs has lowered relapse rates compared to purely punitive models. -/- V. Climate Crisis and Environmental Destruction – Collective Crime -/- Problem: When humans destroy forests, pollute oceans, or emit unchecked carbon, they commit systemic crime against the natural environment—and eventually, themselves. -/- Universal Formula Application: -/- Law of Karma: The Earth is a closed system. Pollution and deforestation create fatal system defects. -/- Law of Balance: Humans must consume and build within the limits of the environment’s capacity. -/- Law of Feedback: Typhoons, floods, and food shortages are ecological feedback of imbalance. -/- Real-Time Solution: -/- AI-based feedback systems track environmental impact in real time. -/- Education includes ecosystem literacy and natural law ethics. -/- National policies like mining, logging, and urban development are approved only if they pass balance testing. -/- Example: The 2004 flash floods in Quezon Province due to illegal logging show what happens when balance is ignored. -/- Final Vision: -/- Every crime-causing condition is now seen as a defect in decision-making, an imbalance in systems, or a failure to respond to feedback. Your formula trains every individual and leader to see life as a living system—where correct actions keep balance, and ignorance or selfishness causes suffering. -/- . (shrink)

The 42 Laws of Maat: Ancient Egypt’s Code of Ethics and Moral Guidance The 42 Laws of Maat: The Ethical Foundations of Ancient Egyptian Society The 42 Laws of Maat are a set of ethical guidelines that formed the core principles of morality and justice in ancient Egypt. These laws, believed to have been recited by individuals in the afterlife as they stood before the judgment of the gods, were more than religious prescriptions; they represented the ideal behavior required to (...) live a life of balance, truth, and harmony. Maat, the personification of truth, justice, and cosmic order, was central to Ancient Egyptian belief systems. The Laws of Maat, often referred to as the "Negative Confessions" or "Declarations of Innocence," were not commandments issued by a deity to humanity, but rather affirmations of one’s own integrity and adherence to the principles of Maat. By following these ethical laws, an individual could ensure a favorable judgment in the afterlife and contribute to societal harmony during their life on earth. The Laws of Maat and Their Meaning Let’s explore each of the 42 Laws of Maat, which offer a profound insight into the ethical consciousness of the ancient Egyptians: I have not committed sin – A general statement affirming one's adherence to ethical principles and avoidance of harmful behaviors. I have not committed robbery with violence – Condemns both theft and the use of force, emphasizing peaceful coexistence and respect for others. I have not stolen – This law speaks to the respect for others' property, a crucial element of social trust. I have not slain men or women – Killing, as a violation of the sanctity of life, was strictly against the principle of Maat. I have not stolen food – Taking food, a basic necessity, was considered an affront to community well-being. I have not swindled offerings – Religious offerings were sacred, and cheating in religious duties was seen as a grave violation of order. I have not stolen from God/Goddess – Taking what was meant for the gods disturbed the sacred balance and was viewed as a serious offense. I have not told lies – Truthfulness was paramount in maintaining social and cosmic harmony. I have not carried away food – This law emphasizes fairness and the importance of not depriving others of their sustenance. I have not cursed – Avoiding foul or harmful language helped to preserve peaceful and respectful interactions. I have not closed my ears to truth – Ignoring or denying the truth disrupts personal integrity and the balance of society. I have not committed adultery – Faithfulness in marriage was valued, as it preserved family stability and social trust. I have not made anyone cry – Causing unnecessary emotional distress to others was seen as a violation of compassion and kindness. I have not felt sorrow without reason – Emotional self-regulation was considered a virtue, with unnecessary sorrow indicating a lack of balance. I have not assaulted anyone – Physical violence was discouraged, as it disrupted social peace and order. I am not deceitful – Deception undermined trust and disrupted the truth, essential elements of Maat. I have not stolen anyone’s land – Land was sacred and essential for survival, so taking it unlawfully was a serious offense. I have not been an eavesdropper – Respecting privacy helped to maintain trust and order in relationships. I have not falsely accused anyone – Truth in justice was crucial to maintaining social harmony, and false accusations were damaging. I have not been angry without reason – Anger, when unjustified, disrupts emotional and social balance. I have not seduced anyone’s wife – This law emphasized the importance of respecting marital bonds and not disrupting familial harmony. I have not polluted myself – Personal purity, both physically and spiritually, was considered necessary for living according to Maat. I have not terrorized anyone – Instilling fear in others was a violation of the principles of peace and security. I have not disobeyed the law – Respect for legal and moral order was essential for a society guided by Maat. I have not been exclusively angry – Holding onto anger, especially without justification, was seen as harmful to oneself and others. I have not cursed God/Goddess – Reverence for the divine was essential, and disrespecting the gods was considered a serious moral violation. I have not behaved with violence – Avoiding violence was key to maintaining peace and respect within the community. I have not caused disruption of peace – Peace and order were central to Maat, and disturbing them was considered a breach of social responsibility. I have not acted hastily or without thought – This law promotes careful consideration and thoughtful actions, preventing impulsive decisions that could cause harm. I have not overstepped my boundaries of concern – Respecting others' space and roles was important for maintaining balance and harmony. I have not exaggerated my words when speaking – Speaking truthfully and accurately was necessary for maintaining trust. I have not worked evil – Committing harmful actions was a violation of Maat and disrupted personal and societal harmony. I have not used evil thoughts, words, or deeds – Purity in thought and action was essential for a life guided by Maat. I have not polluted the water – Water was a sacred resource, and polluting it would harm both the environment and the community. I have not spoken angrily or arrogantly – Humility and controlled speech were valued, as arrogance and anger could lead to conflict. I have not cursed anyone in thought, word, or deeds – Ill will in any form was discouraged, as it created disharmony. I have not placed myself on a pedestal – Humility was a virtue, and putting oneself above others was discouraged. I have not stolen that which belongs to God/Goddess – Respecting what was sacred to the divine was crucial in maintaining cosmic balance. I have not taken food from a child – Taking from those who are vulnerable, such as children, was a serious violation of ethics. I have not acted with insolence – Insolence or disrespect, especially toward authority or elders, was seen as disruptive to social harmony. I have not destroyed property belonging to God/Goddess – Destroying sacred or divine property was considered a direct attack on cosmic order. I have not offended the gods – Respect for the gods and living in accordance with their will was central to achieving personal and societal harmony. Maat, Goddess of Truth, Justice, and Cosmic Order Maat, the embodiment of truth, justice, balance, and cosmic order in ancient Egyptian mythology, played an essential role in maintaining the harmony of the universe. She was not associated with or "belonged" to any one specific god in a possessive sense. Rather, Maat’s principles were upheld and supported by many prominent gods of the Egyptian pantheon. Her presence was a unifying force that connected multiple deities, ensuring that the laws of truth and justice permeated both the divine and human realms. 1. Ra (Re) – The Sun God Maat was closely connected with Ra, the sun god, who held a central position in the Egyptian pantheon. As the supreme deity, Ra was responsible for maintaining cosmic order, and Maat symbolized the very essence of that order. Ra, who sailed across the sky each day in his solar barque, was accompanied by Maat, who ensured the universe remained in balance and harmony. Maat’s presence alongside Ra reflected the alignment between cosmic law and divine governance. Ra's daily journey through the heavens and underworld symbolized the cycle of order and renewal, with Maat guaranteeing that the balance of creation was upheld. Thus, Ra's authority over the gods and humanity was reinforced by his commitment to Maat’s principles of truth, justice, and balance. 2. Thoth – The God of Wisdom and Writing Maat shared a special connection with Thoth, the god of wisdom, knowledge, and writing. Thoth was responsible for recording and documenting the balance of the universe. He also played a critical role in the judgment of souls in the afterlife, where his wisdom and fairness were required to ensure justice. During the Weighing of the Heart ceremony, Thoth recorded the outcome of the judgment, which determined the fate of the deceased. In this ceremony, Maat’s feather was used to measure the purity of a soul. If the heart of the deceased was in harmony with Maat, the individual could enter the afterlife. Otherwise, the soul faced destruction. Thoth and Maat together embodied the principles of cosmic truth and justice, ensuring that all actions, both in life and in death, were recorded and judged fairly. 3. Osiris – God of the Underworld Osiris, the god of the underworld and afterlife, also had an indirect but vital relationship with Maat. The Book of the Dead describes how the souls of the deceased were judged in the Hall of Two Truths (often referred to as the Hall of Maat), where their hearts were weighed against Maat’s feather to determine their fate. Osiris, as the ruler of the underworld, presided over this judgment process. Maat's principles governed the trial, ensuring that only the virtuous souls, those who lived according to the laws of truth and justice, were allowed to enter the afterlife. Those who failed to meet these standards would face destruction by Ammit, the devourer of souls. Osiris' role in the afterlife was directly linked to Maat's maintenance of cosmic order. 4. The Concept of Kingship and Maat In ancient Egypt, kings were often seen as earthly embodiments of divine power, responsible for maintaining Maat on Earth. Although later texts and interpretations refer to Egyptian kings as “Pharaohs,” it is important to note that this title is more a historical misrepresentation when applied universally. The term "Pharaoh" became associated with the king of Egypt during the period of occupation by the Hyksos, a foreign Semitic group that ruled parts of Egypt during the Second Intermediate Period. However, in most periods of Egyptian history, rulers were referred to by their specific names and titles, such as "King," or by royal epithets, rather than being collectively called Pharaoh. The term Pharaoh does not appear consistently in Egyptian records but became popularized through later biblical texts. Thus, while the kings of ancient Egypt were indeed seen as responsible for upholding Maat, the title of "Pharaoh" does not apply universally to Egyptian rulers. The concept of kingship was based on the idea that the ruler acted as the living representative of the gods, particularly Ra, and was tasked with ensuring the balance of Maat across the kingdom. This understanding of divine kingship was reflected in the rituals and offerings made to the gods, symbolizing the king's duty to maintain harmony between the divine, the human world, and nature. Maat and the Egyptian Justice System Maat was the cornerstone of the Egyptian justice system, which predated modern concepts of international law, human rights, or religious-based moral frameworks. In Egyptian society, justice was not just a legal principle but a sacred duty that all people, from rulers to commoners, were expected to uphold. Judges in ancient Egypt, known as priests of Maat, acted as her representatives, ensuring that disputes were settled in accordance with her laws of fairness and balance. The laws of Maat emphasized fairness, truth, and equity. These principles were applied to all aspects of life, including trade, governance, and personal relationships. When disputes arose, they were judged based on how well the involved parties had adhered to Maat's laws of balance. In this sense, Maat’s influence extended beyond the spiritual and cosmic realms, deeply influencing the political and legal structures of Egyptian society. Summary of Maat’s Divine Relationships Maat was a guiding force for many of the major deities in ancient Egypt, particularly Ra, Thoth, and Osiris, who worked together to uphold her principles. She was not the consort or possession of any specific god but rather represented the fundamental laws of existence that the gods themselves adhered to. Her presence was integral to the functioning of the universe, influencing everything from the daily cycle of the sun to the governance of the kingdom. The kings of Egypt, though not accurately described as “Pharaohs” until later interpretations, had a sacred duty to maintain Maat, ensuring that peace, justice, and balance permeated the land. Maat’s influence can be seen in the functioning of the justice system, the afterlife, and the daily lives of the Egyptian people. In conclusion, Maat was not only the goddess of truth and justice but also the living embodiment of the laws that governed both the heavens and the Earth. Her influence was so profound that she shaped the actions of gods, kings, and ordinary Egyptians alike, ensuring that balance and harmony were maintained in every facet of existence. Amun: The King of the Gods in Ancient Egypt Introduction to Amun Amun emerged as one of the most significant deities in the Egyptian pantheon, ultimately becoming known as the "King of the Gods." His rise to prominence reflects the evolution of Egyptian religious beliefs, political power, and the socio-cultural landscape of the time. Amun's worship became particularly influential during the New Kingdom (circa 1550–1070 BCE), where he was revered as a creator god and a symbol of kingship and divine authority. Origins and Attributes of Amun Early Beginnings Amun’s origins can be traced back to the early dynastic period of Egypt, where he was worshiped in Thebes (modern-day Luxor). Initially, Amun was a local god associated with air and wind, known primarily as a source of life and fertility. His name, meaning “the Hidden One,” symbolizes his nature as an invisible force behind creation. The Fusion with Ra As Egyptian civilization evolved, Amun’s identity merged with that of Ra, the sun god. This fusion led to the emergence of Amun-Ra, representing a powerful deity that embodied both the hidden and visible aspects of divinity. Amun-Ra became associated with creation, kingship, and the renewal of life, solidifying his position as a central figure in Egyptian religious hierarchy. Iconography and Symbols Amun is often depicted with a ram's head or as a man wearing a crown with two tall plumes. The ram symbolizes strength and fertility, aligning with his attributes as a god of life. His depiction with plumes represents his association with the heavens and air, reinforcing his role as a creator and sustainer of life. Amun's Role in Egyptian Religion Amun as the Creator God Amun's role as a creator god was central to his worship. He was believed to have created the universe and all living things through his divine will. This aspect of Amun was particularly appealing to Egyptian kings, who sought to legitimize their authority by associating themselves with divine power. The Role of Kings in Relation to Amun In ancient Egypt, rulers often associated themselves with gods, including Amun, to legitimize their reign. While the term "pharaoh" is widely used today, it is important to clarify that "Pharaoh" was a later, Greek designation for the Egyptian ruler and then was mentioned in the Holly books, with no such reference existing in Egyptian texts until the later dynasties. Most Egyptian rulers were called by their specific titles and names, reflecting their divine association with gods like Amun. The connection between rulers and Amun reinforced the idea that the king acted as the god’s representative on Earth. Amun’s Cult and Temples The cult of Amun grew exponentially during the New Kingdom, with the construction of magnificent temples, the most notable being the Karnak Temple Complex in Thebes. This temple became a center for Amun’s worship and featured vast halls, towering obelisks, and intricate carvings celebrating Amun's power and importance. Priests played a vital role in the cult, conducting daily rituals, festivals, and sacrifices to honor Amun and ensure the favor of the gods. The Opet Festival, for example, was an important annual event celebrating the union of Amun with the ruler, reinforcing their divine connection. Amun and the Concept of Divine Kingship The Divine Right of Kings Amun’s position as the king of the gods directly influenced the concept of divine kingship in ancient Egypt. Egyptian rulers were often seen as the "Sons of Amun," an idea that provided the ruler with legitimacy and authority. This connection was essential for maintaining social order and stability, as the ruler’s actions were believed to reflect the will of Amun. The King’s Role in Society The king was tasked with maintaining Maat —order and justice—through Amun’s guidance. This responsibility included not only political governance but also religious duties, ensuring that rituals were performed to honor the gods. Failure to uphold Maat was viewed as a failure of the ruler, which could lead to social chaos and divine retribution. Amun as a Unifying Force Amun's worship transcended regional boundaries, serving as a unifying force for the diverse peoples of Egypt. As the state religion evolved, Amun became a symbol of national identity. His temples and cult centers attracted worshipers from across the land, fostering a sense of communal belonging and shared purpose. Amun's Influence Beyond Egypt The Expansion of Amun's Worship As Egypt engaged in military campaigns and established trade relations with neighboring regions, Amun’s influence spread beyond the Nile Valley. His worship was adopted by various cultures, and he became associated with other local deities. This syncretism reflected Egypt’s role as a cultural and political powerhouse in the ancient world. Amun in Later Civilizations Amun’s legacy continued long after the decline of ancient Egyptian civilization. His influence can be seen in later cultures, where aspects of his worship were integrated into new belief systems. The enduring symbolism of Amun as a source of life and power resonated throughout the Mediterranean world. Conclusions: The Misconception of "Pharaohs" It is essential to clarify a common misconception regarding ancient Egyptian rulers. The term "Pharaoh" was not widely used by the ancient Egyptians themselves to describe their kings. In fact, historical and archaeological records show that the kings of Egypt were referred to by their specific names and titles, not as "Pharaohs." The term "Pharaoh" appears prominently in religious texts, but there is limited evidence in ancient Egyptian inscriptions to confirm its use. The occupation by the Hyksos, an Asiatic people, may have introduced or popularized the term during their rule. The misconception surrounding the term "Pharaoh" stems from its usage in certain religious texts, including the holy books. However, ancient Egyptian documentation does not support the widespread use of this term. While the term is important within specific religious traditions, it does not reflect the historical accuracy of ancient Egyptian leadership titles. Amun as the King of Gods Amun's ascent to the position of king of the gods symbolizes the interplay of religion, politics, and culture in ancient Egypt. His attributes as a creator god and protector of kingship made him a central figure in Egyptian life, embodying the ideals of order, justice, and divine authority. The rulers’ connection to Amun solidified their legitimacy and reinforced the principles of Maat in governance. Through his temples, rituals, and associations with the rulers, Amun shaped not only the religious landscape of ancient Egypt but also the moral and ethical framework of its society. The legacy of Amun as a unifying force and a symbol of divine kingship continues to be a powerful narrative in understanding the complexities of ancient Egyptian civilization and its enduring influence on subsequent cultures and belief systems. 42 Laws of Maat The 42 Laws of Maat offer timeless wisdom on living a balanced and ethical life. These affirmations reflect the ancient Egyptians' deep commitment to justice, truth, and harmony in both their personal conduct and society as a whole. Unlike rigid commandments, they serve as personal declarations of integrity, guiding individuals toward a life that upholds Maat’s principles of cosmic balance and social order. Through these laws, we gain insight into the moral fabric that helped ancient Egyptian society thrive for millennia. (shrink)

It is common for young Christians to go off to college assured in their beliefs but, in the course of their first year or two, they meet what appears to them to be powerful defenses of scientific naturalism and crushing critiques of the basic Christian story (BCS), and many are thrown into doubt. They think to themselves something like this: "To be honest, I am troubled about the BCS. While the problem of evil, the apparent cultural basis for the (...) diversity of religions, the explanatory breadth of contemporary science, naturalistic explanations of religious experience and miracle reports, and textual and historical criticism of the Bible, among other things, don’t make me believe the BCS is false , I am in serious doubt about it, so much so that I lack belief of it. In that case, how can I have Christian faith? And if I don’t have faith, how can I keep on praying, attending church, affirming the creed, confessing my sins, taking the sacraments, singing the hymns and songs, and so on? I can’t, unless I’m a hypocrite. So integrity requires me to drop the whole thing and get out." Of course, our student is not alone. Many Christians find themselves for some portion of their lives somewhere on the trajectory from doubt to getting out. Indeed, Christians in the West struggle with intellectual doubt more than they used to, especially university-educated Christians. What should we say to them? Some will say “Get out!,” welcoming the development as a path to liberation. We explore a different response in this essay. (shrink)

The majority rule has caught much attention in recent debate about the aggregation of judgments. But its role in finding the truth is limited. A majority of expert judgments is not necessarily authoritative, even if all experts are equally competent, if they make their judgments independently of each other, and if all the judgments are based on the same source of (good) evidence. In this paper I demonstrate this limitation by presenting a simple counterexample and a related general result. I (...) pave the way for this argument by introducing a Bayesian model of evidence and expert judgment in order to give a precise account of the basic problem. (shrink)

The reliability of one´s memory is far from certain. Have you ever misplaced an item, forgotten a name or gotten the date wrong? Everyday situations can introduce doubt about our memorial faculties. This raises epistemological questions: Can we trust our memory as a source of knowledge? If memory is fallible, how can we justify beliefs that depend on it? Andrew Moon` global skeptical argument about memory states that we lack knowledge or warrant when it comes to trusting our memory (...) as a reliable faculty. His argument is the following: I. I can know a proposition on the basis of a faculty only if I know that faculty is reliable. II. I cannot know that my memory is reliable. III. Therefore, I cannot know a proposition on the basis of my memory. Moon’s stance on premise I. is that any reasoning to support the conclusion that one’s memory is reliable will either result in epistemic circularity or fail to sufficiently justify the belief. While he does offer a positive response to circularity by distinguishing between declarative and non-declarative memory, his solution primarily applies to non-declarative memory, such as remembering of how to ride a bike. Within the scope of this text, however, I will focus exclusively on declarative memory, episodic, as in remembering walking to the grocery store, in thought experiments and semantic, as in deriving general conclusions like "going to the grocery store involves leaving home", in deriving conclusions. Moon introduces a refinement to premise I. by suggesting that unless we encounter strong reasons to doubt the reliability of memory, we can trust it as a source of knowledge. This condition is meant to avoid over-intellectualization by not requiring explicit knowledge of memory’s reliability. The text is structured into three sections. In Section A, I begin by introducing Memory-Skepticism. We will build on Moon´s skeptical argument and consider whether we can maintain confidence in our memorial faculties by drawing on Moore’s distinction between epistemic and dialectical issues. I will further demonstrate how an inference to the best explanation can help overcome skeptical challenges. Turning to premise II., Moon argues that knowing whether memory is reliable involves reasoning in its favor. Even if we consider memory to be non-inferential in nature, that is, basic and independent of other beliefs, explaining concepts and theories still requires background knowledge, which, in turn, relies on memory. Regardless of memory´s innate reliability, we are still left with the need of avoiding either epistemic circularity or insufficient justification. However, not all circularity is problematic. Moon introduces the concept of benign circularity, which refers to circular reasoning that does not undermine a belief’s warrant. For instance, if I have no reason to doubt the reliability of my memory, I can use it to recall past experiences and form the belief that my memory is reliable. In Section B, I will build on this idea by starting with Foundationalism and develop Memory-Reliabilism as a contender theory for understanding the reliability of memory. I will try to flesh out the theory in detail. Finally, in Section C, I will turn to Memory-Knowledge and explore how memory can function as a source of knowledge. By drawing on Moon´s cases about forgotten evidence and stored beliefs, we will formulate a memory-related Gettier Case and analyze it for its justification and evidence. By focusing on sensitivity and E=K, I hope to expand on Moon´s approach to memory-skepticism. To narrow the focus of this text, we will consider memory to be non-inferential in nature. That is, memory-based beliefs are justified independently of any inferential relations to other beliefs. The act of remembering itself acts as a source of immediate justification. By examining how memory fits with foundationalist and reliabilist perspectives, I aim to explore memory´s capacity to function as a trustworthy source of knowledge. (shrink)

Artykuł zawiera przegląd wybranych powiązań pandemii COVID-19 z teoriami ryzyka. W pierwszej kolejności przedstawiono podstawowe pojęcia dotyczące przygotowania i mobilizowania sieci podmiotów polityki publicznej do wspólnych działań w warunkach niepewności. W dalszej części omówiono zagadnienie gotowości na ryzyko wystąpienia pandemii i jej zwalczania. Następnie przedstawiono wybrane możliwe efekty społeczne, gospodarcze i polityczne pandemii COVID-19. W podsumowaniu wskazane zostały rekomendacje dotyczące zarządzania podmiotami publicznymi na dalszych etapach rozwoju pandemii i w okresie po pandemii oraz propozycje dalszych kierunków badań. // The article (...) presents an overview of selected connections of the COVID-19 pandemic with risk theories. The study first explores the basic concepts of preparing and mobilizing networks of public policy actors to act together under conditions of uncertainty. The following section discusses the pandemic risk preparedness and fighting. Then, selected possible social, economic and political effects of the COVID-19 pandemic are discussed. In summary, recommendations regarding the public management in the further stages of the pandemic development and in the post-pandemic period were indicated, as well as proposals for further research directions. (shrink)

Critical examination of Alchourrón and Bulygin’s set-theoretic definition of normative system shows that deductive closure is not an inevitable property. Following von Wright’s conjecture that axioms of standard deontic logic describe perfection-properties of a norm-set, a translation algorithm from the modal to the set-theoretic language is introduced. The translations reveal that the plausibility of metanormative principles rests on different grounds. Using a methodological approach that distinguishes the actor roles in a norm governed interaction, it has been shown that metanormative principles (...) are directed second-order obligations and, in particular, that the requirement related to deductive closure is directed to the norm-applier role rather than to the norm-giver role. The approach has been applied to the case of pure derogation yielding a new result, namely, that an independence property is a perfection-property of a norm-set in view of possible derogation. This paper in a polemical way touches upon several points raised by Kristan in his recent paper. (shrink)

In the trust-health relationship, how trusting other people in society may promote good health is a topic often examined. However, the other direction of influence – how health may affect trust – has not been well explored. In order to investigate this possible effect, we employed Bayesian Mindsponge Framework (BMF) analytics to go deeper into the information processing mechanisms underlying the expressions of trust. Conducting Bayesian analysis on a dataset of 1237 residents from Cali, Colombia, we found (...) that general health status is positively associated with generalized trust, but recent experiences of illnesses/injuries have a negative moderating effect. Personalized trust is largely unchanged across different general health conditions, but the trust level becomes higher with recent experiences of illnesses/injuries. Psychophysiological mechanisms of increasing information filtering intensity toward unfamiliar sources during a vulnerable state of health is a plausible explanation of found patterns in generalized trust. Because established personal relationships are reinforced information channels, personalized trust is not affected as much. Rather, the results suggest that people may rely even more on loved ones when they are in bad health conditions. This exploratory study shows that the trust-health relationship can be examined from a different angle that may provide new insights. (shrink)

According to most accounts of trust, you can only trust other people (or groups of people). To trust is to think that another has goodwill, or something to that effect. I sketch a different form of trust: the unquestioning attitude. What it is to trust, in this sense, is to settle one’s mind about something, to stop questioning it. To trust is to rely on a resource while suspending deliberation over its reliability. Trust (...) lowers the barrier of monitoring, challenging, checking, and questioning. Trust sets up open pipelines between yourself and parts of the external world. Trust permits external resources to have a similar relationship to one as one’s internal cognitive faculties. This creates efficiency, but at the price of exquisite vulnerability. We must trust in this way because we are cognitively limited beings in a cognitively overwhelming world. Crucially, we can hold the unquestioning attitude towards objects and technologies. When I trust my climbing rope, I stop worrying about its reliability. When I trust my online calendaring system, I simply go to the events indicated, without question. But, one might worry, how could one ever hold such a normatively loaded attitude as trust towards mere objects? How could it ever make sense to feel betrayed by an object? Trust is our engine for expanding and outsourcing our agency — for binding external processes into our practical selves. Thus, we can be betrayed by our smartphones in the same way that we can be betrayed by our memory. When we trust, we try to make something a part of our agency, and we are betrayed when our part lets us down. To unquestioningly trust something is to let it in—to attempt to bring it inside one’s practical functioning. This suggests a new form of gullibility: agential gullibility, which occurs when agents too hastily and carelessly integrate external resources into their own agency. (shrink)

According to doxastic accounts of trust, trusting a person to $\varPhi$ involves, among other things, holding a belief about the trusted person: either the belief that the trusted person is trustworthy or the belief that she actually will $\varPhi$ . In recent years, several philosophers have argued against doxastic accounts of trust. They have claimed that the phenomenology of trust suggests that rather than such a belief, trust involves some kind of non-doxastic mental attitude (...) towards the trusted person, or a non-doxastic disposition to rely upon her. This paper offers a new account of reasons for trust and employs the account to defend a doxastic account of trust. The paper argues that reasons for trust are preemptive reasons for action or belief. Thus the Razian concept of preemptive reasons, which arguably plays a key role in our understanding of relations of authority, is also central to our understanding of relations of trust. Furthermore, the paper argues that acceptance of a preemptive account of reasons for trust supports the adoption of a doxastic account of trust, for acceptance of such an account both neutralizes central objections to doxastic accounts of trust and provides independent reasons supporting a doxastic account. (shrink)

In this paper, I articulate and defend a conception of trust that solves what I call “the trickster problem.” The problem results from the fact that many accounts of trust treat it similar to, or identical with, relying on someone’s good will. But a trickster could rely on your good will to get you to go along with his scheme, without trusting you to do so. Recent philosophical accounts of trust aim to characterize what it is for (...) one person to trust another so as to avoid this problem, but no extant account successfully does so. I argue that connecting trust to important, normatively defined relationships like friendship, romantic partnerships and parenting shows us something important about trust. The clearest cases of trust are found within the confines of normatively defined relationships like these, suggesting that there is a normative element to trust. Trusting someone involves not just believing that another person’s good will covers your interactions. Trusting involves believing that, at least in a certain domain of interaction, you are entitled to rely on that person’s good will. This account solves the trickster problem, because a trickster is not entitled to his victim’s good will. (shrink)

Abstract:Trust is important for a variety of social relationships. Trust facilitates trade, which increases prosperity and induces us to interact with people of different backgrounds on terms that benefit all parties. Trade promotes trustworthiness, which enables us to form meaningful as well as mutually beneficial relationships. In what follows, I argue that when we erect institutions that enhance trust and reward people who are worthy of trust, we create the conditions for a certain kind of moral (...) progress. (shrink)

Trust not only disposes us to feel betrayed, trust can be betrayed. Understanding what a betrayal of trust is requires understanding how trust can ground an obligation on the part of the trusted person to act specifically as trusted. This essay argues that, since trust cannot ground an appropriate obligation where there is no prior obligation, a betrayal of trust should instead be conceived as the violation of a trust-based obligation to respect an (...) already existing obligation. Two forms of trust are evaluated for their potential to ground such a second-order obligation. One form counts as a gift to the trusted person only because it does not involve an expectation of trustworthiness; the other form cannot count as a gift but confers an honor because it does include an expectation of trustworthiness. Only trust that confers an honor generates a second-order obligation whose violation would be a betrayal of trust. -/- . (shrink)

In this paper I offer a distinctive epistemic rationale for the liberal practice of constant and ostentatious reason-giving in the political context. Epistemic trust is essential to democratic governance because as citizens we can only make informed decisions by relying on the claims of moral, scientific, and practical authorities around us. Yet rational epistemic trust is also uniquely fragile in the political context in light of both the radical inclusiveness of the relevant epistemic community (i.e., everyone who participates (...) in the political process) and the conflicting interests bound up in policy debate. I argue that liberal justification is a necessary condition for warranted epistemic trust in this context, and therefore a necessary condition for healthy public inquiry about politically significant questions. (shrink)

It is a commonplace that there are limits to the ways we can permissibly treat people, even in the service of good ends. For example, we may not steal someone’s wallet, even if we plan to donate the contents to famine relief, or break a promise to help a colleague move, even if we encounter someone else on the way whose need is somewhat more urgent. In other words, we should observe certain constraints against mistreating people, where a constraint is (...) a moral principle that we should not violate, even when that is the only way to prevent further, similar violations or other, greater evils. But, despite its intuitive appeal, the view that there are constraints has drawn considerable criticism, and attempts to provide a rationale for constraints have been, at best, substantially incomplete. In this paper, I develop a novel rationale for constraints that fills important gaps left by views in the literature. The account helps make sense of constraints by identifying a morally significant relation that we bear to people when, and only when, we observe certain constraints against mistreating them. Put roughly, observing these constraints is a condition for being worthy of a form of trust that I call civic trust, and being worthy of such trust is an essential part of living with others in the sort of harmony that characterizes morally permissible interaction. By focusing, in ways other accounts do not, on the role that observing constraints plays in our psychological lives, this approach not only makes the structure of constraints more intelligible, but also helps us better appreciate the force of our reason to observe constraints, and better understand the kind of moral community to which we should aspire. (shrink)